Shebbeare was with me, and we worked like a couple of

"navvies," passing the two days and one night on the banks

of the river, without shelter, and almost without food, for

we had nothing but a couple of "chupatties," each, and a

small tin of soup and a little tea, which I fortunately took

with me. Poor Shebbeare would soon lose the graceful rotund

of his figure if he were long on such short commons, but I

do not think any amount of starvation could reduce my

horizontal dimensions.

All's well that ends well, however, and I succeeded in

getting every boat safe into camp last night. I missed the

skirmish of the 30th by being at Bhagput. The 61st have

arrived, rich in twenty officers. We are getting more

supplies now, and I have set myself up with plates and

dishes for the small charge of one rupee. Colonel Seaton's

traps and servants will be here to-day, and then we shall be

comfortable, for hitherto a very limited allowance for one

has been but small accommodation for two. For my new

regiment two complete troops are on their way from Lahore

and will be here on the 8th, and another troop from Jugraon

should be here in a week. Two more troops are preparing at

Lahore.

Montgomery takes the most kind interest in my new Corps, and

I am rejoiced and comforted to find that he cordially

approves of my having accepted the Guides. I have as much

confidence in his judgment as in his kindness. ---- has been

shelved, and allowed to get "sick" to save him from

supersession. I do not like euphuisms. In these days men and

things should be called by their right names, that we might

know how far either should be trusted.

Sir E. Campbell arrived here to-day by mail-cart, and will

be a valuable addition to the 60th, or he will belie his

descent from the Bourbons and Fitzgeralds. He is a man you

can always trust, which is saying something in these hard

times.

_July 3d._--Whatever I may have sacrificed of pride and

personal feeling to a sense of duty, I shall be fully

rewarded by entering Delhi at the head of the Guides. Here

at least there is but one opinion on the subject. My poor

gallant Guides! they have suffered severely for their

fidelity to our cause, above a fourth of the whole having

been killed or wounded, including some of our best men. Koor

Singh, the little Goorkha Subadar who won the Order of Merit

in that stiff affair at Boree in '53, is gone, and others

whom we could ill afford to lose, now that so much depends

on the fidelity of the native officers,--the Guides more

than all. Surely, then, I am right, knowing and feeling that

my influence with them is so great, to sink every personal

consideration before the one great end of public safety,

which implies that of ourselves and those dear to us. If we

fail here at Delhi, not a soul in the Punjaub or Upper

Provinces would be safe for a day.

_July 5th._--It was impossible for me to write by

yesterday's dak, for the rebels got into our rear during the

night of the 3d, and attacked Alipoor, the first stage from

hence on the Kurnal road. I was out reconnoitring, and saw

them moving out some five miles on our right. I reported

their position at 7 P. M. on the 3d, but not until 3 A. M.

of the 4th were any measures taken, by which time, of

course, they had attained their end, and were in full march

back to Delhi. At daybreak yesterday I pointed out their

exact whereabouts to Coke, (who commanded the party sent to

attack them,) and I did not get back to camp till 8 P. M.; a

hard day's work, especially as I had no breakfast, nor

indeed food of any kind, and hunger makes the heat tell.

We beat 5,000 of the rebels in the morning, and were twice

attacked by upwards of 3,000 in the course of the day. I

took the Guides in pursuit (as soon as our guns had driven

the enemy from their position), and drove them into a

village. Unfortunately we did not do half as well as we

ought, for though Coke is a good commandant of a regiment,

and a good man for the frontiers, he is no general, and did

not manage well, or we should have cut up numbers of the

enemy and taken their guns.

Our loss was about thirty or forty Europeans, and three of

my native officers temporarily disabled. Both men and horses

were terribly knocked up towards the end of the day, and

could hardly crawl back to camp, and no wonder. I was

mercifully preserved, though I am sorry to say my gallant

"Feroza" was badly wounded twice with sabre cuts, and part

of his bridle cut through, and a piece of my glove shaved

off, so it was rather close work. My men, who were most

engaged of all, escaped with the loss of one killed and six

wounded, and six horses put _hors de combat_. I am

dissatisfied with the day's work, inasmuch as more might

have been done, and what was done is only satisfactory as a

proof of the ease with which Anglo-Saxons can thrash

Asiatics at any odds. Yesterday they were at least from ten

to fifteen to one against us. To-day General Barnard has

been attacked with cholera, I grieve to say; and Colonel

Welchman is very ill indeed. The doctors dread erysipelas,

which at his age would be serious; beyond this, the wounded

are generally doing well.

_July 6th._--Poor General Barnard died last night, and was

buried this morning. He sank rapidly, for anxiety, worry,

over-exertion, and heat had prepared his system, and it was

impossible for him to bear up against the virulence of

cholera. Personally, I am much grieved, for no kinder or

more considerate or more gentlemanly man ever lived. I am so

sorry for his son, a fine brave fellow, whose attention to

his father won the love of us all. It was quite beautiful to

see them together.

I have just seen a copy of a very strong minute anent the

Bhagput affair, which shows the General was not disposed to

pass it over lightly. The civil authorities, however, are

determined to support ----, though in camp there is but one

opinion of his conduct. The present state of things is

terrible, enough to fret one to death,--no head, no brains,

no decision. Neville Chamberlain, though of decided

excellence as a man of action, is, I begin to fear, but a

poor man of business. Prompt decision in council is what we

want; there is no lack of vigorous action. There are plenty

to obey; but we want some one to command. We have seen

nothing of the enemy outside the walls since the 4th. I am

worked off my legs all the same, and the day is not half

long enough for what I have to do. To make matters worse,

too, poor Macdowell is down with fever: a sad loss just now

to "Hodson's Horse," as they call my growing corps. I am

sadly off for clothes, as we of course are only too glad to

help the poor refugees who come into camp with none.

_July 8th._--We left camp at 2 A. M. with a considerable

force, and marched to a bridge some ten miles off, which we

blew up to prevent the enemy annoying us, and then marched

back again. I tried hard to induce Chamberlain, who

commanded, to march back by another road, which I had

reconnoitred, and which would have brought us close along

the rear and flank of the enemy, but he would not do so,

though admitting that I was right. We have had eleven hours

in the saddle and in the sun, merely for this trifling gain.

My face is like "General Gascoigne's," and my hands

perfectly skinless. I must get some dogskin gloves, for it

is as much as I can do to hold a sword, much less a pen.

There has been no fighting since the 4th, and my

news-writers from the city speak of much disheartenment, and

symptoms of a break-up; but I doubt this latter being more

than a report, while the enemy are so well provided both

with "_materiel_" and "_personnel_."

I have just returned from a long chase after a party of the

enemy's horse, safe and unhurt, but drenched to the skin by

a cataract of rain. There has been some hard fighting

to-day. The 8th Irregulars from Bareilly came into our camp,

thanks to the defection of a party of the 9th Irregular

Cavalry, who were on picket duty. The rascals consequently

were enabled to get into our very lines, and cut down one

officer at his guns. There was a tremendous row and

confusion for a short time, but we soon put it to rights. I

had warned the authorities repeatedly, that the Irregulars

were not to be trusted, but they were too fainthearted or

"merciful" (Heaven forgive me for using such a word about

such villains) to disarm them, and both the regiments, about

which I reported, have since gone wrong.

_July 10th._--We are nearly flooded out of camp by the rain,

and everything is wet and wretched but ourselves. I have no

respite from work, however, and have only time to say that

the ladies in the hills could not employ themselves better

or in a greater work of charity than in making flannel

shirts for the soldiers, for our stores are either in the

enemy's hands or not come-at-able. The soldiers bear up like

men, but the constant state of wet is no small addition to

what they have to endure from heat, hard work, and hard

fighting. I know by experience what a comfort a dry flannel

shirt is.

There is a sad joke against me in camp, and I cannot help

joining in the laugh against myself, though enraged at

having been the victim of such a sell. Fancy my riding up to

a party of horse, and asking who they were, being told they

were our own men, 9th Irregulars, and then marching parallel

to them for three miles, and not three quarters of a mile

apart, when, had I known who they were, I could have

destroyed every man.[32] Mr. Saunders arrived in camp

to-day, looking as fat and well as possible, though he and

his pretty wife had a narrow escape and hard day's riding

from Moradabad.

_July 11th._--Pen-work again all day, as the enemy seem to

prefer keeping under cover from the rain.

Mr. ----'s story is so far true, that I did earnestly urge

the construction of a bridge with the boats I brought down

from Bhagput, but without success. There are difficulties, I

admit, and great ones, but I humbly think they might be

overcome now, as they certainly could three weeks ago, when

our plan of assault was suggested, and adopted by General

Barnard. There is a sad outcry in camp against Chamberlain

for having used his influence to prevent the disarming of

what remains of the 9th Irregulars. Numbers of them had

deserted, and one native officer, and those who were on

picket duty, actually admitted a party of the enemy into

our camp; and yet, forsooth, because they were Chamberlain's

regiment once on a time, the order to disarm them, which the

General had actually issued, was cancelled. I confess I

expected better things than this weakness, when our very

lives depend on firmness and decision. Light has just come

in off duty, so begrimed with smoke and powder as scarcely

to be distinguished even by his own men. He is admitted to

be one of the best of our officers, and certainly one of the

hardest working. Tombs always distinguishes himself.

_July 12th._--300 of my new regiment have just arrived. 100

more left Lahore on the 7th, and 100 will be here very soon

from the Sutlej. Mr. Montgomery has done me most essential

service, as I could never by myself (with another regiment

to command, and so much pen-work to do) have got so many men

together; and everything he does is so complete. He sends

figured statements giving all details regarding men and

horses, (these last are very difficult to get,) which will

save me much time and labor hereafter. He has been really

most kind, and has, moreover, during this troublous time,

evinced an energy, decision, and vigor for which I believe

the world hardly gave him credit. For officers, I hope to

have permanently, Macdowell, Shebbeare, (now acting as my 2d

in command of the Guides, and a most excellent officer,) and

Hugh Gough of the 3d Cavalry. Saunders made ----'s removal a

"sine qua non" before he would take charge of the district.

He came to me to recommend a good officer to command the

Jheend troops. I named that merry grig, George Hall, who is,

I believe, available, and a really good soldier. I have got

a very nice lad "pro tem." in the Guides, young Craigie,

who promises very well indeed. I have seven officers

attached to the Guides, but two are wounded, and Chalmers is

very ill. Young Ellis of the 1st Fusileers is down with

cholera, poor boy; and Colonel Welchman dangerously ill and

in great agony. I grieve deeply for the brave old man, for I

fear we shall lose him.

_July 13th._--We have had news from Agra to-day up to the

7th. The Neemuch rebels and others approached Agra from the

south. The 3d Europeans and D'Oyley's Battery went out to

meet them with the Kotah Contingent. The Contingent turned

against us as soon as they came in sight of the enemy. A

fight ensued, in which the mutineers got well beaten,

despite the treachery and great disparity of numbers; two of

their guns were taken. On our side we lost one gun, the

tumbrels having been blown up and the horses killed. All our

men's ammunition was expended, and they had to retire in

good order into the fort. D'Oyley was killed and two

officers wounded. Thirty casualties in all. The mutineers

then rushed into cantonments, which they burnt and pillaged;

then broke open the great jail and released the prisoners.

They did not venture near the fort, but marched off towards

Muttra, and will, I suppose, come here. The delay here is

sickening; if it continues much longer, we shall be too

weak-handed to attempt to take the place until fresh

regiments arrive.

I inspected my three new troops this morning; very

fine-looking fellows, most of them. I am getting quite a

little army under me, what with the Guides and my own men.

Would to Heaven they would give us something more to do than

this desultory warfare, which destroys our best men, and

brings us no whit nearer Delhi, and removes the end of the

campaign to an indefinite period.

_July 14th._--Only time[33] to say I am again mercifully

preserved, safe and unhurt, after one of the sharpest

encounters we have yet had. Shebbeare got wounded early in

the fight, so I led the Guide Infantry myself in the

skirmish of the villages and suburbs. I charged the guns

with some eight horsemen, a party of the Guide Infantry and

1st Fusileers. We got within thirty yards, but the enemy's

grape was too much for our small party. Three of my

officers, Shebbeare, Hawes, and De Brett, slightly wounded,

and several men; but though well to the front, my party

suffered proportionably least.

Of the Fusileers, who were with us, some sixty men were

wounded; Daniell's arm broken by a shot, Jacob's horse shot

dead under him, Chamberlain shot through the arm, little

Roberts wounded, and several more.

Everybody wonders I was not hit; none more than myself. God

has been very merciful to me. Colonel Welchman better; Brown

also. More particulars hereafter.

_July 15th._--I could only write a few words last night on

my return from the fight, worn out as I was with a severe

day's work. It is pretty much the same now, and while I

write I am obliged to have two men to keep the candle alight

with their hands, for the breeze gets up at night, and we

have all the "Kanats" of the tents down to enable us to

breathe; and having no shades to the candlesticks, it is

rather difficult to write even that I am safe.

_July 16th._--I have just bade good-bye to Colonel Welchman.

The poor old man is better, but sadly pulled down and aged.

The doctors now think his arm may be saved, that it may

remain on, but it will never be of the slightest use to him

again, the elbow-joint is so much injured. He and Captain

Brown start to-morrow night, with a convoy of sick and

wounded men and officers, for Umbala and the hills. Of

these, the 1st Fusileers form a sad proportion. With one or

two exceptions, nothing could be better or more gallant than

the conduct of this regiment. Jacob, Greville, Wriford, all

admirable in the field, and the younger officers beyond all

praise; Butler, F. Brown, Owen, and Warner, markedly so. In

all the worst of the awful heat, dust, fatigue, work, and

privation,--and all have been beyond description,--our

plucky fellows have not only kept up their own spirits, but

been an example and pattern to the camp. If any one was down

in his luck, he had only to go to the Fusileers' mess and be

jolly.

The story in the papers about the boot was essentially

correct for once, though how they should have got hold of it

I do not know, for I never mentioned it even to you, since

it certainly could not be called a wound, though a very

narrow escape from one. A rascally Pandy made a thrust at my

horse, which I parried, when he seized his "tulwar" in both

hands, bringing it down like a sledge-hammer; it caught on

the iron of my antigropelos legging, which it broke into the

skin, cut through the stirrup-leather, and took a slice off

my boot and stocking; and yet, wonderful to say, the sword

did not penetrate the skin. Both my horse and myself were

staggered by the force of the blow, but I recovered myself

quickly, and I don't think that Pandy will ever raise his

"tulwar" again. I should not have entered into all these

details about self but for those tiresome papers having made

so much of it. The fight on that day (the 14th) was the old

story. An attack in force on the right of our position; the

enemy were allowed to blaze away, expending powder, and

doing us no harm, until 4 P. M., when a column was sent down

to turn them out of the gardens and villages they had

occupied, and drive them back to the city. I had just

returned from a long day's work with the cavalry, miles away

in the rear, and had come back as far as Light's advanced

battery. I was chatting with him for a few minutes _en

passant_, when I saw the column pass down. I joined it, and

sent for a few horsemen to accompany me, and when we got

under fire, I found the Guide Infantry, under Shebbeare, had

been sent to join in the attack. I accompanied them, and

while the Fusileers and Coke's men were driving the mass of

the enemy helter-skelter through the gardens to our right, I

went, with the Guides, Goorkhas, and part of the Fusileers,

along the Grand Trunk Road leading right into the gates of

Delhi. We were exposed to a heavy fire of grape from the

walls, and musketry from behind trees and rocks; but pushing

on, we drove them right up to the very walls, killing

uncounted numbers, and then were ordered to retire. This was

done too quickly by the artillery, and some confusion

ensued, the troops hurrying back too fast. The consequence

was, the enemy rallied, bringing up infantry, then a large

body of cavalry, and behind them again two guns to bear on

us. There were very few of our men, but I managed to get

eight horsemen to the front. Shebbeare, though wounded,

aided me in rallying some Guide Infantry, and Greville and

Jacob (whose horse had just been shot) coming up, brought a

few scattered Fusileers forward. I called on the men to

fire, assuring them that the body of cavalry coming down

would never stand. I got a few men to open fire; my gallant

Guides stood their ground like men; Shebbeare, Jacob,

Greville, and little Butler, came to the front, and the mass

of the enemy's cavalry, just as I said, stopped, reeled,

turned, and fled in confusion; the guns behind them were for

the moment deserted, and I tried hard to get up a charge to

capture them; we were within thirty paces; twenty-five

resolute men would have been enough; but the soldiers were

blown, and could not push on in the face of such odds,

unsupported as we were, for the whole of the rest of the

troops had retired. My eight horsemen stood their ground,

and the little knot of officers used every exertion to aid

us, when suddenly two rascals rushed forward with lighted

port-fires in their hands, fired the guns, loaded with

grape, in our faces, and when the smoke cleared away, we

found, to our infinite disgust and chagrin, that they had

limbered up the guns and were off at a gallop. We had then

to effect our retreat to rejoin the column, under a heavy

fire of grape and musketry, and many men and officers were

hit in doing it. I managed to get the Guides to retire

quietly, fighting as they went, and fairly checking the

enemy, on which I galloped back and brought up two guns,

when we soon stopped all opposition, and drove the last

living rebel into his Pandemonium. My Guides stood firm,

and, as well as my new men, behaved admirably; not so all

who were engaged, and it was in consequence of that poor

Chamberlain got wounded; for seeing a hesitation among the

troops he led, who did not like the look of a wall lined

with Pandies, and stopped short instead of going up to it,

he leaped his horse clean over the wall into the midst of

them, and dared the men to follow, which they did, but he

got a ball in the shoulder. There is not a braver heart or

cooler head in camp; his fault is too great hardihood and

exposure in the field and a sometimes too injudicious

indifference to his own life, or that of his men. We are in

a nice fix here; General Reed is so ill he is ordered away

at once; Chamberlain is on his back for six weeks at least;

Norman, however, is safe and doing admirably; were he to be

hit, the "head-quarters" would break down altogether. There

will be no assault on Delhi yet; our rulers will now less

than ever decide on a bold course; and truth to tell, the

numbers of the enemy have so rapidly increased, and ours

have been so little replenished in proportion, and our

losses, for a small army, have been so severe, that it

becomes a question, whether now we have numbers sufficient

to risk an assault. Would to Heaven it had been tried when I

first pressed it. How many brave hearts have been sacrificed

in consequence. Coke's men suffered severely on the 14th

from getting too close, yet not close enough, to the city

walls.

_July 17th._--But little private writing for me to-day, as I

have only just come back from Brigadier Hope Grant's tent,

whither I went on business, and I have been fully occupied

with news-writers _cum multis aliis_. I begin to think of

giving up this Quartermaster-General's work, now that times

are so changed. I began with poor General Anson, "under his

Excellency's personal orders;" I continued this work under

General Barnard at his request, and now for these last days

under General Reed; but he too is incapacitated by sickness,

age, and anxiety, and goes off to the hills to-night.

Colonel Curzon left for Simla yesterday. Colonel Congreve

also goes, so the head-quarters of the army are finally

breaking up. The Adjutant-General (Chamberlain) is badly

wounded, the Quartermaster-General (Colonel Becher) ditto,

though he does work a little in-doors, if one may use such

an expression of a tent, but he ought not to do even that

much, so badly hurt as he is. Colonel Young, Norman, and

myself are therefore the only representatives of the

head-quarter staff, except the doctors and commissaries. The

head-quarters of the army are now at Calcutta, General Pat

Grant's arrival having been announced, and this army has

dropped into merely a field force, commanded by Brigadier

Wilson as senior, with the rank of Brigadier-General. I can

hardly reconcile myself to throw up the Intelligence

Department now that I have had the trouble of getting it

into working order; but for my own sake I must do so, for it

is a terrible drag on me, and ties me down too much. I am

wonderfully well, thank God! and able to get through as much

work as any man; but commanding two regiments, and being

eyes and ears of the army too, is really too much! Shebbeare

and Macdowell are appointed to my regiment in general

orders--the former as second in command, but to continue for

the present with the Guides; the latter as adjutant, but to

act as second in command also, for the present. I hope to

have another officer or two in a few days, as more now

devolves on poor Mac than his fragile frame can well stand.

I wish his bodily strength was equal to his will and

courage. It is hot, oh, how hot! and we can have nothing but

a hand punkah occasionally; if our servants were to make

off, we should indeed be in a pretty predicament, but

hitherto they have been faithful and unmurmuring.

_July 19th._--I was quite unable to write yesterday, as I

went out long before daylight; so with the exception of a

few minutes at 8 A. M. I was in the saddle until dark! We

had a smart engagement in the afternoon. I was sent for to

take the Guide cavalry down into the suburbs to support some

guns, and assist in driving the enemy back into the city. We

were commanded by a fine old gentleman, who might sit for a

portrait of Falstaff, so fat and jolly is he: Colonel Jones,

of the 60th Rifles. We got down to our point, close to the

walls of Delhi, easily enough, the rascally enemy being

ready enough to turn and fly for shelter; but to return was

the difficulty; the instant we began to draw off, they

followed us, their immense numbers giving them a great power

of annoyance at very slight cost to themselves. The brave

old colonel was going to retire "all of a heap," infantry,

guns, and all in a helpless mass, and we should have

suffered cruel loss in those narrow roads, with walls and

buildings on both sides. I rode up to him and pointed this

out, and in reply received _carte blanche_ to act as I saw

best. This was soon done, with the assistance of Henry

Vicars (Adjutant 61st) and Coghill, (Adjutant 2d Bengal

European Fusileers,) both cool soldiers under fire, though

so young, and we got off in good order and with trifling

loss, drawing the men back slowly and in regular order,

covered by Dixon's and Money's guns. My own men, whose duty

was the difficult one of enduring a very hot fire without

acting, behaved admirably, and I had the satisfaction of

losing only one killed and two wounded, besides a few

horses, who generally come off second best where bullets are

flying about. My poor "Feroza" was hit by one, but not

dangerously, and I was again most mercifully preserved

unharmed. I was out again early this morning reconnoitring,

and have only just returned in time to write even so much,

too much of myself as usual for my own feeling, but you will

have it so[34].

_July 20th._--I had a very fatiguing, because sunshiny, ride

yesterday, and a troublesome species of _reconnaissance_, to

prevent the enemy getting into our rear. Their name is

indeed "legion" compared with us. I should say, from all I

can ascertain by the news-letters, that there cannot be less

than 36,000[35] fighting men in Delhi, while we are barely a

fifth of that number, including cavalry and all! Our

position, however, is much strengthened, and we now beat

them with half the trouble we had at first, their appetite

for fighting being considerably lessened by having been so

repeatedly driven back; but alas! we only drive them back,

while we do not advance an inch. The odds have, moreover,

fearfully increased against us by their continued

accessions, and I confess I now see less and less hope of

success in an assault; when I first urged it, the enemy had

not more than 7,000 Sepoys in the city, while we had 2,000

infantry alone. Now, as I said before, the case is very

different; for even were we to undertake an assault with a

reasonable prospect of success, if they should, in despair,

determine to defend the city inch by inch, or street by

street, we should not have men enough to secure our hold

upon it. In that case, the city people (all of whom are

armed) would join in the fray, and, considering what the

consequences of failure would be, and further, that to do

this much we should be obliged to use up every man

available, leaving no one, or next to none, to protect our

camp, sick, and wounded, from any attempt of the enemy, or

of our questionable friends, the country people, it becomes

a matter of serious and painful consideration. A want of

success, moreover, would now be productive of infinite

mischief. From hence to Allahabad, the fort of Agra and the

Residency of Lucknow are the only spots where the British

flag still flies. We are more to be considered now as an

isolated band, fighting for our very name and existence in

the midst of an enemy's country, than as an avenging army

about to punish a rebel force. Sir H. Lawrence is holding

out at Lucknow, but Cawnpore has fallen into the hands of

the rebels. Sir Hugh Wheeler, after three weeks' contest,

with, we hear, only 150 Europeans, in an evil hour

capitulated, on condition of being provided with boats and a

free passage to Allahabad; as soon as they were on board the

boats, the whole were massacred! What became of the women

and children we know not; it is hoped they might have been

sent away earlier and escaped; otherwise it is horrible to

think of what may have been their fate. Troops are

collecting fast at Allahabad, and I hope moving on towards

Cawnpore; some think we shall be forced to await their

arrival at or near Delhi, before we can do anything

effective. I trust earnestly that the city will not hold out

so long. The people within it are immensely disheartened,

and dissensions are rife among them. A split between the

Hindoos and fanatic Mahommedans is almost inevitable, and,

above all, money is getting scarce. Meantime, this "waiting

race" is very wearying to heart and body.

... I have determined on giving up the Assistant

Quartermaster-Generalship. It gives me more work than I

really can manage in such weather, in addition to the

command of two regiments. Macdowell promises admirably, and

I trust there is every hope of our having a nice body of

officers with "Hodson's Horse." Nothing further from Agra,

beyond the assurance that all was well there.

_July 21st._--Just returned from a long _reconnaissance_,

and the post going out, so I have time but for little. Do

not believe what the idle gossips say, of my "doing the work

of two or three men." I strive to do my duty, but I cannot

consider I do more. I do not run wanton risks, but I cannot

stand by and see what ought to be done, without risking

something to do it. Had I not attempted what I did on the

14th, even with the insufficient means at my command, we

should have been exposed to a disastrous loss of life, and

to the discredit of a reverse. That we cannot afford. It is

not only the possession of India which is at stake, not only

our name and fame as Englishmen, but the safety, life, and

honor of those nearest and dearest to us; were we to fail

here, the horrible scenes of Meerut, Delhi, Rohilcund,

Jhansee, and others, would be repeated in the Punjaub and

hill stations. Who, then, as husband, brother, father, son,

would hesitate to face any danger, any risk, which tended to

secure victory? I saw that our men were retiring (by order)

in great confusion, that five minutes more and the whole

party would be destroyed, and the fate of the column sealed,

for the enemy's cavalry and guns were opening on us at

speed. It was a natural impulse to rush forward, and nobly

was I aided by Jacob and Greville, and my handful of gallant

Guides; the tide was turned by the suddenness of the act;

the enemy were driven back, and our men had time to breathe.

This was not much to do, but it was a great deal to gain.

_July 22d._--Again but a few lines, for I have been

regularly hunted all day. I told you that Sir H. Wheeler had

capitulated, and been treacherously destroyed with his

party; we have since heard that a force from Allahabad had

reached Cawnpore under Colonel Neill of the Madras

Fusileers, that Sir H. Lawrence has been succored, and that,

in point of fact, our power up to Agra had been

reestablished. God grant this be true. Agra is safe, and all

well; the troops which attacked it are afraid to come on

here, and have halted at Muttra. The force in Delhi is much

disheartened, and fights with gradually decaying energy.

Already we have beaten them back in twenty-three fights,

besides a few such affairs on my own private account, and

though with considerable loss to us, yet with comparative

ease, when you consider their overwhelming numbers. We had

an engagement on the evening of the 20th, in which Colonel

Seaton commanded our column, the 1st Fusileers, 61st Foot,

and Guides as usual. I had command of the Guide infantry,

and led the advance as well as covered the retreat; and

though we pushed close up to Delhi, we never had a shot

fired from the walls until we had set out on our return to

camp some way. They then came howling after us like jackals,

but the Guides were mindful of their old leader's voice, and

steadily kept them in check during the whole distance, so

completely, that not a European soldier was under fire, and

I only lost four men slightly wounded, while the enemy

returned in utter discomfiture. Poor Light has been very

ill, and Thompson has a bullet through his leg. Bishop also

is wounded; he retains the same calm composure of manner

under the hottest fire and hardest work, as he habitually

exhibited on the Mall. These are excellent officers, but

Tombs and Light are really splendid. I hope Chamberlain's

arm will be saved; he is a noble fellow, but of course has

his weaknesses.

_July 24th._--I was quite unable to write yesterday. Pandy

chose an unusually inconvenient hour for his attack, and

kept us out until the afternoon, and then I was busied in

attending to our poor friend Colonel Seaton, who, I grieve

to say, was badly wounded, a musket-ball having entered his

left breast and come out at his back, providentially passing

outside the ribs instead of through his body; his lungs are,

however, slightly injured, either by a broken rib or the

concussion, and until it is ascertained to what extent this

has gone, he is considered in danger. I do not myself think

there is danger, as no unfavorable symptom has yet appeared,

except a slight spitting of blood; but he is so patient and

quiet that all is in his favor. I am deeply sorry for him,

dear fellow! and fervently pray that he may be spared to us.

There was little actual fighting; the rascals ran, the

instant they came in contact with our men; the only firing

being behind banks and garden-walls. Colonel Drought, late

60th Native Infantry, was wounded; Captain Money of the

Artillery got a bad knock on the knee-joint, and Law of the

10th Native Infantry killed; two killed and five wounded in

the 1st Fusileers, who, as usual, bore the brunt. After many

discussions pro and con, it has been arranged that I retain

the Intelligence Department and give up the Guides. My own

men require great attention, as they are now in considerable

numbers; so the General has begged me to relinquish the

Guides instead of the Assistant Quartermaster-Generalship;

the command of two regiments being an anomaly. I am very

ready to do this, though I regret the separation from the

men, and should have liked to have led my old corps into

Delhi; but it is best as it is. You at least will rejoice

that it greatly diminishes the risk to life and limb, which,

I confess, lately has been excessive in my case. The General

was very complimentary on my doings while commanding the

Guides, and "trusted to receive equally invaluable services

from my new regiment." I have little doubt of this, if I am

spared. I find General Barnard reported no less than four

times on my doings in the highest terms; and the last public

letter he ever wrote was a special despatch to Government in

my favor. It was, in fact, the only letter of the kind he

ever wrote, for death intervened just as he was setting to

work to bring those who had done well to the notice of

Government.

They tell me I shall get pay for the Assistant

Quarter-master-General's Department,[36] as well as my

command allowance. For the Guides, of course I shall get

nothing; but, I must say, I work, not like a "nigger,"

considering their work usually amounts to _nil_, but like a

slave, in the Intelligence Department. I have been deeply

shocked to hear that poor Christian, his young wife, and

babes were among the murdered in Oudh. Also Colonel

Goldney.... All is well at Agra; there are about 6,000

individuals in the fort, with provisions for six months;

they are probably relieved by now, for we hear that six

English regiments were at Cawnpore on the 11th instant. This

cheers up the men, and makes them think that Government has

some thought for the gallant fellows here and elsewhere. I

sent by Martin, of the 75th, a parcel for Mrs. Hallifax,

containing, with other things, the old pistol her poor

husband gave me. I should have liked to have kept it as a

memorial of him, but as she wished for it, of course I

resign it; the other arms, except the revolver, which Dr.

Stewart says he lost, were packed up and sent to Umbala with

other things.

_July 25th._--Well, yes, I did offer to go down the Doab

towards Agra and Cawnpore, to open the communication, and

ascertain exactly where the reinforcements were, and assist

them with cavalry in coming up towards Delhi. It would have

been of real use, and not so dangerous as this eternal

potting work here. I proposed to take 600 of my Horse, 250

infantry of the Guides, and four guns; could I not have made

my way with these? I humbly opine I could. I do not mean to

say it was not a bold stroke, but in Indian warfare I have

always found "toujours l'audace" not a bad motto. I can

never forget how much we have at stake, that we have a

continent in arms against us; and I do think (and certainly

shall always act so) that every man should do not only his

duty but his utmost in a crisis like the present.

_July 26th._--A parcel with flannel shirts, &c., arrived

last night. Those for the men I sent off to the hospital at

once, to the doctors' great delight. Macdowell declares that

the cap, his "jumpers," and the "baccy" Lord W. Hay was to

send, must be in the box, and demands them imperiously. He

is doing admirably, and promises to be a first-rate officer

of light horse. He rides well, which is one good thing, and

is brave as a lion's whelp, which is another. I only fear

whether he has physical strength for such work in such

weather. The whole country is a steaming bog. I keep my

health wonderfully, thank God! in spite of heat, hard work,

and exposure; and the men bear up like Britons. We all feel

that Government ought to allow every officer and man before

Delhi to count every month spent here as a year of service

in India. There is much that is disappointing and disgusting

to a man who feels that more might have been done, but I

comfort myself with the thought, that history (if Russell,

not Macaulay, writes it) will do justice to the constancy

and fortitude of the handful of Englishmen who have for so

many weeks--months, I may say--of desperate weather, amid

the greatest toil and hardship, resisted and finally

defeated the worst and most strenuous exertions of an entire

army and a whole nation in arms,--an army trained by

ourselves, and supplied with all but exhaustless munitions

of war, laid up by ourselves for the maintenance of our

Empire. I venture to aver that no other nation in the world

would have remained here, or have avoided defeat had they

attempted to do so. The delay as yet has been both morally

and politically bad in many ways, and the results are

already beginning to be manifest, but in the end it will

increase our prestige and the moral effects of our power. A

nation which could conquer a country like the Punjaub so

recently with an Hindostanee army, and then turn the

energies of the conquered Sikhs to subdue the very army by

which they were tamed; which could fight out a position like

Peshawur for years in the very teeth of the Affghan tribes;

and then, when suddenly deprived of the regiments which

effected this, could unhesitatingly employ those very tribes

to disarm and quell those regiments when in mutiny,--a

nation which could do this is destined indeed to rule the

world; and the races of Asia must succumb. This is a proud

feeling, and nerves one's arm in many a time of difficulty

and danger, as much almost as the conviction that we must

conquer, or worse than death awaits us. The intelligence of

Sir H. Wheeler's destruction came to us from too true a

source to be doubted,--it was in dear Sir Henry Lawrence's

own handwriting; and has been confirmed, alas, too surely.

All we do not know is whether the women and children were

massacred with the men, or whether they escaped, or were

reserved for a worse fate.

One of my news-letters reports that eighteen women are in

prison under the care (?) of Nana Sahib (Bajee Rao

Peishwar's adopted son), who attacked Cawnpore. You must

remember at the artillery review a very "swell" looking

native gentleman, accompanied by another educated native,

who spoke French and other European languages, and was

talking a good deal to Alfred Light. Well, this was the

identical Nana Sahib who has done all this, and who must

even at that very time have been meditating the treachery,

if not the murders.

There is not a word of truth in the report of "the King of

Delhi coming out for a final struggle." Rumor has been

saying so for weeks, with no foundation; the truth is, the

King is a mere puppet, a "ruse." He is old, and well-nigh

impotent, and is only used as authority for all the acts of

rebellion and barbarity enacted by his sons. The rascals

talk (in the city) of coming round on our rear, and

attacking us in the field. I only wish they would, for in

the open plain we should hunt them down like jackals. They

escape us now by flying back into the city, or under cover

of the heavy batteries from its walls. When (if ever) they

do come out, the General has proposed to put the whole of

the Irregular Cavalry under my command, and I trust to give

a tolerable account of the enemy, and show that "Hodson's

Horse" are capable of something, even already.

Colonel Seaton is doing admirably, I am thankful to say. He

is patient and gentle in suffering as a woman, and this

helps his recovery wonderfully.

_July 27th._--Since the 23d, hardly a shot has been fired

here. The news-letters from the city mention meetings in the

market-place, and talkings at the corners of the streets,

with big words of what they intend to do; but they (the

people) are actually cowed and dispirited, while their

rulers issue orders which are never obeyed.

I fear our movements wait upon theirs. We have no one in

power with a head to devise or a heart to dare any

enterprise which might result in the capture of Delhi; and

alas! one cannot but admit that it would require both a wise

head and a very great heart to run the risk with so reduced

a force as we have here now. 2,200 Europeans[37] and 1,500

Native Infantry are all that we now can muster. We have

reliable news from below, that, on or about the 14th,

General Havelock, with the first portion of the European

force, met and attacked the villain Nana, near Futteypore

(between Allahabad and Cawnpore), and beat him thoroughly,

capturing his camp, twelve guns, and seven lac of rupees.

The China troops had arrived: Lord Elgin having consented

to the employment of the whole.

Sir P. Grant is coming up with these troops, "on dit," so

that in six weeks from the date of the Meerut massacre,

11,000 European troops will have landed in India; what a

providential arrival, and what a lesson to Asiatics that

they can never contend with England.

This news has put the whole camp, even the croakers, of whom

there are not a few, in high spirits. I only hope it is not

too good to be true.

As a set-off against this, news has arrived that Tudor

Tucker, his wife, and Sam Fisher, are among the victims of

this horrible insurrection, also, poor James Thomason; and

of his brother-in-law's, Dr. Hay's, execution, there can be

no longer a doubt. How many hecatombs of Sepoys would it

require to atone for their deaths alone. When shall we see

the last; when know the full extent of these horrible

atrocities? The accounts make one's blood run fire. Our dear

Douglas Seaton has arrived in England, much restored by the

voyage, but not, I fear, sufficiently recovered to return,

as soon as he would hear of the outbreak. A sad blow for

him, poor fellow, for had he been here to command the

regiment, he would probably have been a full Colonel and C.

B. at the end. I am seriously uneasy at receiving no letters

from England, though mail after mail must have arrived, and

some people get their letters! therefore why not I mine? We

get none even from Agra, and of course not below it, except

by "Kossid," and they but little scraps, written half in

Greek characters, to mislead or deceive, if the unfortunate

bearer is stopped. They conceal them very ingeniously

between the leather of their shoes, or tied up in their

hair. I inclose one that came in even a more singular

letter-bag than either, rolled up in a piece of wax and

packed into a hollow tooth.

---- tells me that ---- was furious at my having the Guides,

but was compelled to acquiesce in it "as it was undoubtedly

the best thing for the public service." How he must have

winced when he was forced to confess that.

_July 28th._--I have no news. The Pandies have not attacked

us since the 23d, and are much dispirited. In reply to your

and Mrs. ----'s wish to come to Delhi as nurses, I must say

honestly that there is no necessity for such a sacrifice.

Our position here is very different from that in the Crimea

and at Scutari. There the men died from want of care and of

the ordinary necessaries of life. Here there is no absolute

want of anything, except a genial climate and well-built

hospitals, neither of which you could supply. The men are

attended to immediately they are sick or wounded; and within

an hour, sometimes half that time, of his being wounded, a

soldier is in his bed, with everything actually necessary,

and the greatest medical attention. Unless any unforeseen

emergency should arise, I would strongly dissuade any lady

from coming to camp.

I have always urged the authorities to send away, as fast as

possible, those who have arrived as refugees. We have a vast

camp, or rather position, five miles in circumference, and

we are constantly obliged to take every man into the field.

The guard for our sick is trifling enough, and our

difficulties would be increased were there women also to be

thought of; and God forbid that any more lives should be

risked in this dreadful servile war. There is also another

consideration of much weight against the tender sympathy

which prompts the offer. How is a delicate woman's

constitution to bear up against the evils of a tented field

in the rains, or render efficient service in such a climate

as this is now? They would all very speedily become patients

in the very hospitals which they came to serve and would so

willingly support. The flannel garments are invaluable, and

this is all that can be done for us by female hands at

present.

_July 29th._--I have been so occupied with business all day

that I have only time to say we have had no more fighting,

and the whole atmosphere is still, but hot, oh, so hot!

General Wilson is unwell, and will probably break down, like

the rest. These sexagenarians are unfit for work in July. I

expect Napier will be with the advancing troops. I sincerely

hope so. He is the man to do something, if they will but let

him.

_July 31st._--I intended writing more fully to make up for

my late short-comings, but the Pandies permit it not. They

made an attempt on our position this morning; nothing more,

however, than a distant cannonade. A large party have moved

round in our rear, and this has kept me in the saddle all

day. I have just returned, after some hours of the heaviest

rain I was ever out in, drenched to the skin, of course, and

somewhat tired, so judge what a comfort a dry flannel shirt

must be. There was no actual fighting, so with the exception

of keeping us out so long, and a great expenditure of powder

and shot, no harm was done.

_August 1st._--The continued heavy rain promises to give me

more time for pen-work to-day, if no more takes place on

this side of Pandy-monium. The box has arrived safely with

the new "jumpers," &c. Lord William's additions are

invaluable. We have fresh accounts from below that every

European woman and child have been ruthlessly murdered at

Cawnpore. The details are too revolting to put on paper,

and make one's blood boil. Mothers with infants in their

arms murdered with fiendish cruelty, and worse than all, two

young girls just arrived from England are said to have been

only saved to meet a worse fate in some Mussulman's zenana.

There will be a day of reckoning for these things, and a

fierce one, or I have been a soldier in vain. You say there

is a great difference between doing one's duty and running

unnecessary risks, and you say truly; the only question is,

what is one's duty. Now, I might, as I have more than once,

see things going wrong at a time and place when I might be

merely a spectator, and not "on duty," or ordered to be

there, and I might feel that by exposing myself to danger

for a time I might rectify matters, and I might therefore

think it right to incur that danger; and yet if I were to

get hit, it would be said "he had no business there;" nor

should I, as far as the rules of the service go, though in

my own mind I should have been satisfied that I was right.

These are times when every man should do his best, his

utmost, and not say, "No; though I see I can do good there,

yet, as I have not been ordered and am not on duty, I will

not do it." This is not my idea of a soldier's duty, and

hitherto the results have proved me right. Poor Eaton

Travers, of Coke's regiment, was killed this morning. He had

just come from England _via_ Bombay, with a young wife, whom

he left at Lahore. Poor young thing, a sad beginning and end

for her. We send off convoys of the sick and wounded to

Umbala, where we hear they are well tended and are doing

well. Even here everything possible is done for them; Dr.

Brougham is an excellent man, and first-rate surgeon, quite

the man of the camp in his line, clever, indefatigable, and

humane.

_2d._--The rebels attacked us about 5 P. M. yesterday, and

kept us at it till seven or eight this morning. Our people

kept steadily at their posts and behind intrenchments, and

drove them back with steady volleys every time they came

near. The result was, that they were punished severely,

while our loss was a very trifling one, not more than half a

dozen Europeans killed and wounded; it is next to impossible

ever to ascertain accurately what the enemy's loss is.

Colonel Seaton is doing well; in three weeks' time I hope he

will be about again. Before this surely our rulers will

consent to take Delhi. Sickness is on the increase, and we

have been nearly losing another General. General Wilson was

very ill for a few days, but is now better. He is older,

however, by ten years than he was. The responsibility and

anxiety of what is certainly a very difficult position, have

been too much for him, and he has got into the way of being

nervous and alarmed, and overanxious even about trifles,

which shakes one's dependence on his judgment. These men are

personally as brave as lions, but they have not big hearts

or heads enough for circumstances of serious responsibility.

This word is the bugbear which hampers all our proceedings.

Would we could have had Sir Henry Lawrence as our leader; we

should have been in Delhi weeks ago. I hope Colonel Napier

is coming up with the force. He has head, and heart, and

nerve, and the moral courage to act as if he had; we hear

that the crisis is passing; all below Cawnpore is safe, and

all above Kurnal to Peshawur; while Lord W. Hay keeps the

more important hill stations steady. When all is over, our

power will be stronger than ever, principally because we

shall have got rid of our great sore, a native army.

_3d._--4 P. M. and I have only just got out of the saddle,

and found on my arrival in camp the heaviest news that has

yet reached us. Report says that Sir Henry is dead! The news

wants confirmation, and God grant that it may be untrue. I

should lose one of my best friends, and the country (in Lord

Dalhousie's words on poor Mackeson) "one whose loss would

dim a victory." I cannot write more to-day; the news has

quite unnerved me.

_4th._--Two letters have just arrived from General Havelock

at Cawnpore. They were written at an interval of ten days,

and mentioned his having had three successful fights, on the

12th, 15th, and 16th of July, and the reoccupation of

Cawnpore. The first of these letters mentions a report that

Sir Henry had died on the 4th July, of wounds received on

the 2d; but the second letter, written ten days later, does

not even allude to a circumstance of such importance, and

the Sikh who brought it, and who left Havelock near Lucknow,

on his way to its relief, maintains that it is not true, and

that Sir Henry Lawrence was alive when he left, as letters

were constantly passing from Havelock's camp to the "Burra

Sahib." God grant, for his country's sake and for mine, that

it be not true. To the country his death would be worse than

the loss of a province; to me it would be the loss of my

truest and most valued friend. I hope, yet fear to hope,

that it may be a false report; yet what soldier would wish a

more noble, a more brilliant end to such a career? Havelock

has captured all the enemy's guns, and inflicted severe

punishment. The destruction of Sir Hugh Wheeler and his

party is fully confirmed, and Havelock was too late to save

the unfortunate women and children, who were massacred in

their prison, before his arrival, by their guards. Such

fiends as these our arms have never met with in any part of

the world. May our vengeance be as speedy as it will

unquestionably be sure!

We (Hodson's Horse) are getting on very comfortably, and are

going to start a mess on our own account, so as to be ready

to march without difficulty when required.

_5th._--To-day the accounts received from a native

Commissariat Agent, arrived at Meerut from Lucknow, are

positive as to Sir H. Lawrence being alive a fortnight after

he was said to have died. This, if reliable, is good indeed.

The letter I annex[38] from Colonel Tytler gives good news,

and the man who brought the letter, says there were fourteen

steamers and flats at Cawnpore when he left. The troops had

taken Bithoor, the Nana's place, and at first it was

uninjured, but the bodies of some English women were found

inside the Nana's house, on which the European soldiers,

excited to irresistible fury, destroyed every human being in

the place, and then demolished the building, not leaving one

stone upon another. The Nana himself, with his family, took

refuge in a boat on the river, and the native accounts add

that he sunk it, and all were drowned. This I strongly

doubt; such Spartan heroism could scarcely exist in the mind

of one who could violate and massacre helpless women and

children. Indeed, I hope it is not true; for it is one of my

aims to have the catching of the said Nana myself. The

hanging him would be a positive pleasure to me. I trust the

day of retribution is not far distant.

_6th._--Small chance of much writing to-day, for just as I

have got into camp, after some hours' attendance on the

pleasure of the Pandies, who came out in force and

threatened an attack, I find that I have to start on a long

reconnoitring expedition, from which I cannot return till

late at night. This is unfortunate, as I have much pen-work

on hand, my necessary official writing being very onerous. I

was obliged to write as long a letter as I could to Lord W.

Hay, if but to thank him, in my own and others' name, for

the comforts he so thoughtfully sent us.

I have a very complimentary letter from G. Barnes, the

Commissioner, as well as some others, enough to turn one's

head with vanity; but I have had bitter experience of its

rottenness, and take the flattery at its full value, namely,

"nil." I fear, from fresh reports arrived, that Havelock

will not come and help us after all. They say he has the

strictest orders to relieve Lucknow only, and that however

much he may desire to march on to Delhi, it is out of his

power to do so. It is true we do not want him. Delhi surely

must be taken as soon as ever the reinforcements get down

here from the Punjaub. Our rulers must then see the

necessity for action.

_7th._--I returned at three o'clock this morning from a

forty miles' ride over the worst and wettest country I was

ever in, and I am thoroughly exhausted, though everybody is

wanting something, and I must attend to business first, and

then to rest.

_8th._--I could write nothing but official papers all the

sedentary part of yesterday. I did not get in till 9 P. M.

The news from below mentions good dear old Dr. Lyell as

among the killed at Patna. Brave, noble fellow, his gallant

spirit has led him to the front once too often. He had

always as much of the warrior as of the surgeon in him. The

report has again gained ground of dear Sir Henry's death,

but my heart refuses credence to so great a misfortune. I do

trust that when the 52d arrive, we may be allowed to do

something better than this pot-shot work. Nicholson has come

on ahead, and is a host in himself, if he does not go and

get knocked over as Chamberlain did. The camp is all alive

at the notion of something decisive taking place soon, but I

cannot rally from the fear of dear Sir Henry's fate. How

many of my friends are gone. My heart is divided between

grief for those precious victims, and deep gratitude to God

for my own safety and that of those dearest to me. May He in

His mercy preserve me for further exertion and an ultimate

reunion, and if not, His will be done. I have a letter from

an unfortunate woman, a Mrs. Leeson, who was saved from the

slaughter at Delhi, on May 11th, by an Affghan lad, after

she had been wounded, and her child slaughtered in her arms.

She is still concealed in the Affghan's house. I heard that

there was a woman there, and managed to effect a

communication with her, through one of the Guides, and to

send her money, &c., and so I think the poor creature may be

preserved till we enter Delhi, if we fail in getting her

free before. I fear she is the only European, or rather the

only Christian (for she herself is hardly European), left

alive from the massacre. Her husband was the son of Major

Leeson, and a clerk in a Government office in Delhi. I have

sent one of our few prisoners up to Forsyth at Umbala, whom

we ironically call the "Maid of Delhi," though her age and

character are questionable, and her ugliness undoubted. She

actually came out on horseback, and fought against us like a

fiend. The General at first released her, but knowing how

mischievous she would be among those superstitious

Mahommedans, I persuaded him to let her be recaptured, and

made over for safe custody. It is a moot point whether any

assault will be made as soon as the 52d arrive. I can only

go on hoping, but I confess I am not very sanguine about

anything being done now.

Our General, since his illness, has got a still weaker dread

of responsibility, and ceased to be nearly as vigorous even

as heretofore. Would indeed that we had had Sir H. Lawrence

here; that he may have been, and still be spared to us, is

my prayer! The consequences of longer delay will be more and

more disastrous to the health of the troops. Captain Daly

has not formally reassumed command of the Guides, though he

virtually does all the sedentary work. By an arrangement

which I cannot but think unwise, and which deprives the

corps of two thirds of its value, they have separated the

regiment into two, putting the cavalry into the Cavalry

Brigade under Hope Grant, and the infantry at the other end

of the camp under Shebbeare, and Major Reid of the Goorkhas,

who commands all the posts and pickets on our right.

The Guides should not be separated, and should be kept as

much apart as may be from other corps. No regiment in the

world have done or will do better than they, with a little

prudence, and under an officer whom they like and can trust.

My own regiment is also in the Cavalry Brigade, and is very

hard-worked. It is bad for a young and unformed corps, but

there is such a scarcity of cavalry here, that I cannot even

remonstrate, and I get no small amount of [Greek: kudos] for

having so large a number of men fit to be put on duty within

two months of receiving the order to raise a regiment. I

shall have two more troops in with the 52d, and Nicholson

has given me fifty Affghans, just joined him from Peshawur,

which, added to thirty coming with Alee Reza Khan from

Lahore, will complete an Affghan troop as a counterpoise to

my Punjaubees.[39]

We expect the movable column on the 12th or 13th, weather

permitting, and some other troops a day or two after. Sir P.

Grant is supposed to be at Cawnpore, but we have no tidings

later than Colonel Tytler's letter. There is no actual

fighting going on here, nothing except the usual cannonade.

The rebels bring out guns on all sides, and fire away day

and night, but bring no troops forward, and as we act

strictly on the defensive, we merely reply to their guns

with ours. The whole affair is reduced to a combat of

artillery, our leader's favorite arm, excellent when

combined with the other two, but if he expects to get into

Delhi with that alone, I guess he will find himself

mistaken. The news of disaffection in the city is daily

confirmed. On the 7th a powder manufactory exploded, and

they suspended the minister, Hakeem Ahsanoolah, and searched

his house; there they found a letter which had been sent

him, concocted by Moulvie Rujub Alee, which confirmed their

suspicions, so they plundered and burnt his house, while he

himself was only saved by taking refuge in the palace with

the King, his master, who it seems is kept close prisoner

there, his sons giving all orders, and ruling with a rod of

iron. They say, however, that the King has got leave to send

his wives and women out of the Ajmere gate to the Kootub. I

trust it may be so, for we do not war with women, and should

be sadly puzzled to know what to do with them as prisoners.

_August 11th._--The bridge over the Jumna resists all

efforts for its destruction. Our engineers have tried their

worst, and failed. I have tried all that money could do, to

the extent of 6,000 rupees, but equally in vain. So there it

remains for the benefit of the enemy, whose principal

reinforcements come from that side of the city. Two

messengers of my own, arrived from Lucknow, leave little

hope of dear Sir Henry's life having been spared. I grieve

as for a brother....

Talking of jealousies, one day, under a heavy fire, Captain

---- came up to me, and begged me to forget and forgive what

had passed, and only to remember that we were soldiers

fighting together in a common cause. As I was the injured

party, I could afford to do this. The time and place, as

well as his manner, appealed to my better feelings, so I

held out my hand at once. Now-a-days, we must stand by and

help each other, forget all injuries, and rise superior to

them, or, God help us! we should be in terrible plight.

_August 12th._--This morning a force under Colonel Showers

moved down before daybreak towards the city, or rather the

gardens outside the city gates, and gave the enemy, who had

been ensconced behind the garden walls for a couple of days,

and given our pickets annoyance, a good thrashing, taking

four of their guns, and inflicting a heavy loss. All were

back in camp by 7 P. M., so it was a very comfortable

little affair. Our fellows did admirably. Captain Greville

captured one gun with a handful of men, getting slightly

wounded in the act. Showers himself, Coke, and young Owen,

were also wounded, and poor young Sheriff of the 2d mortally

so; the loss among the men was small in proportion to the

success. The return to camp was a scene worth witnessing,

the soldiers bringing home in triumph the guns they had

captured, a soldier, with musket and bayonet fixed, riding

each horse, and brave young Owen astride one gun, and dozens

clinging to and pushing it, or rather them, along with might

and main, and cheering like mad things. I was in the thick

of it by accident, for I was looking on as well as I could

through the gloom, when Coke asked me to find Brigadier

Showers and say he was wounded, and that the guns were

taken. I found Showers himself wounded, and then had to find

a field-officer to take command, after which, I assisted

generally in drawing off the men--the withdrawal or

retirement being the most difficult matter always, and

requiring as much steadiness as an attack.

_August 13th._--I wish I could get some pay, but money is

terribly scarce and living dear; my favorite beverage, tea,

particularly so. I have therefore sent to Umbala for some.

Ghoolab Singh's death is unfortunate at this juncture, but I

fancy we have too much to do just now to interfere with the

succession; we ought not to do so according to treaty, and

if Jowahir Singh tries to recover the country from his

cousin, Runbeer Singh, the King's son, why that is his

affair, not ours--though we should never be contented to let

them fight it out and settle it themselves. Poor Light has

been brought very low by dysentery, and can hardly crawl

about, but about he persists in going, brave fellow as he

is. What a contrast to ----, who has got away, sick or

pretending to be so, to the hills,--anything to escape work.

Greville is, I am thankful to say, not badly wounded, and as

plucky as ever. All well at Agra; no news from below.

_August 14th._--On returning from a rather disheartening

_reconnaissance_ to-day, I found letters which soothed and

comforted my weary spirit, just as a sudden gleam of

sunlight brightens a gloomy landscape, and brings all

surrounding objects into light and distinctness.

I am no croaker, but I confess sometimes it requires all

one's trust in the God of battles, and all the comforting

and sustaining words of those nearest and dearest to us, to

bear up boldly and bravely through these weary days. A

letter from good Douglas Seaton was among them. He little

thought that so soon after his departure we should all be

moving downwards, and that I should receive his letter in

his brother's tent in "Camp before Delhi;" his own dearly

loved regiment[40] "next door" to us. How wonderfully

uncertain everything is in India. I am interrupted by orders

to start to-night for Rohtuck, and must go and make

arrangements.

FOOTNOTES:

[23] One of the officers who witnessed this scene told me that the

exclamation of the men on meeting him was, "Burra Lerai-wallah," or

Great in battle.--_Ed._

[24] This had been one of the unfounded charges against him two years

before.

[25] A Persian lady.

[26] _From_ MAJOR-GENERAL SIR H. BARNARD, _Commanding Field Force, to

the_ ADJUTANT-GENERAL _of the Army_.

"CAMP, DELHI, _June 16th, 1857_.

"SIR,--While inclosing for the information of the

Commander-in-Chief the reports of the late attack made by

the enemy on the force under my command, I would wish to

bring to his notice the assistance I have received in every

way from the services of Lieut. W. S. Hodson, 1st Bengal

European Fusileers.

"Since the arrival of his regiment at Umbala, up to the

present date, his untiring energy and perpetual anxiety to

assist me in any way in which his services might be found

useful, have distinguished him throughout, and are now my

reasons for bringing this officer thus specially to the

notice of the Commander-in-Chief.

(Signed)

"H. M. BARNARD,

"_Major-General_."

[27] _Extract of a Private Letter from_ CAMP _to_ LORD W. HAY.

"Hodson volunteered to lead the assault on the night of the 11th, but

the plan unfortunately was not adopted; a small building in front of

the gate, which he had fixed on as the rendezvous, is called 'Hodson's

Mosque.' It would probably have been his _tomb_, for few of the

devoted band would have escaped, though the city would have been

ours."

A private letter from Camp of the 10th June, says, "Hodson, of the 1st

Fusileers, and old Showers are admitted to be the best officers in the

field."

[28] 1st European Bengal Fusileers.

[29] 1st European Bengal Fusileers.

[30] 1st European Bengal Fusileers.

[31] Sir Thomas Seaton, K. C. B.

[32] "They went into the city, and reported that they had defeated the

great Lall Bahadoor (Red Warrior) and a large party of his horse, and

were rewarded accordingly."--_Letter from Camp._ [ED.]

[33] _Extract from Letter of_ COLONEL (_now_ SIR T.) SEATON, _from

Camp, at this time_:--

"Hodson's courage and conduct are the admiration of all, and how he

gets through the immense amount of work and fatigue he does is

marvellous.

"He has the soundest heart and clearest head of any man in camp."

[34] "On the return of the detachment from the fight of the 18th,

Colonel Jones, who commanded, went to the General and begged to thank

Captain Hodson for his most gallant and efficient assistance, adding

his hope for no better aid whenever he had to lead for the

future."--_Extract from a Letter from Camp._

[35] It was ultimately ascertained that there were 70,000 or 75,000.

[36] It was, however, _refused_ by the Government, though asked for in

the strongest terms of praise by Colonel A. Becher, Quartermaster-General,

and recommended by the General!--_Ed._

[37] European force before Delhi, August 1:--

Infantry, 2,000

Cavalry, 500

Artillery, 550

-----

3,050

On actual daily duty, 2,007.

[38] "CAWNPORE, _July 26th_.

"General Havelock has crossed the river to relieve Lucknow,

which will be effected four days hence.

"We shall probably march to Delhi to-morrow, with 4,000 or

5,000 Europeans, and a heavy artillery, in number, _not_

weight.

"The China force is in Calcutta, 5,000 men. More troops

expected immediately. We shall soon be with you.--Yours

truly,

"B. A. TYTLER,

"_Lieut.-Col., Quartermaster-General,_

"_Movable Column_."

[39] The uniform of "Hodson's Horse" was a dust-colored tunic, with a

scarlet sash worn over the shoulder, and scarlet turban, which gained

them the name of "the Flamingoes."

[40] 1st European Bengal Fusileers.

CHAPTER III.

SIEGE OF DELHI, CONTINUED.--ROHTUCK

EXPEDITION.--ASSAULT.--DELHI TAKEN.--CAPTURE OF

KING.--CAPTURE AND EXECUTION OF SHAHZADAHS.

BOHUR, NEAR ROHTUCK, _August 17th_.

I have been unable to write since we left Delhi, as we have

been incessantly marching, and had no means of communicating

with any one. Even now I am doubtful whether this will reach

camp. We left Delhi during the night of the 14th-15th, and

marched to Khurkundah, a large village, in which I had heard

that a great number of the rascally Irregulars had taken

refuge. We surprised and attacked the village. A number of

the enemy got into a house, and fought like devils; but we

mastered them and slew the whole. Yesterday we marched on

here, intending to reconnoitre and harass "a la Cosaque" a

large party of horsemen and foot, with two guns, who have

been moving along from Delhi, plundering the wretched

villagers _en route_, and threatening to attack Hansie.

They, however, thought discretion the better part of valor,

and, hearing of our approach, started off at a tangent

before we got near enough to stop them.

We have been drenched with rain, so I am halting to dry and

feed both men and horses, and then we go on to Rohtuck. I

have nearly 300 men and five officers,--Ward, Wise, the two

Goughs, and Macdowell,--all first-rate soldiers. I have

eighty Guides, and the rest my own men, who do wonderfully,

considering how sadly untrained and undisciplined they are.

We are roughing it in more ways than one, and the sun is

terribly hot; but we are all well and in high spirits, for

though it is a bold game to play, I am too careful to run

unnecessary risks, or get into a fix. I have done a good

deal already, and shall, I hope, recover Rohtuck to-day,

when I do trust the authorities will consent to keep it, and

not let us have the work to do twice over, as at Bhagput.

* * * * *

_To_ COLONEL BECHER, _Quartermaster-General_.

MY DEAR COLONEL,--We are getting on very well. I hope to

take Rohtuck to-day, and I trust arrangements will be made

for keeping it. The country will then be quiet from Hansie

to Delhi. The Jheend Rajah should be told to take care of

the district. I believe Greathed did make this arrangement,

but Barnes put some spoke in the way, so that the Rajah is

uncertain how to act. Please tell Greathed from me that

there is nothing now to prevent the restoration of order

here. I wish I had a stronger party, for though I feel quite

comfortable myself, yet I should like more troops, for the

sake of the men, who are not quite so easy in their minds.

The road by Alipore, Boanah, and Khurkundah is the best. The

canal is easily fordable at Boanah, and just below that

place (at the escape) it is quite dry, the banks having

given way. We polished off the Khurkundah gentry in style,

though they showed fight to a great extent. It has had a

wonderfully calming effect on the neighborhood. I hope the

Jheend troops, or some troops, may be sent here. The Jheend

men would more than suffice.

Yours very sincerely,

W. S. R. HODSON.

* * * * *

CAMP, DUSSEEAH, NEAR ROHTUCK, _19th August_.

This is the first rest since Bohur; we have had very hard

work, great heat, and long exposure; but, thank God, are all

well and safe, and have done some business. I marched from

Bohur on the evening of the 17th. On reaching Rohtuck, we

found the Mussulman portion of the people, and a crowd of

Irregulars drawn up on the walls, while a considerable party

were on a mound outside. I had ridden forward with Captain

Ward and a few orderlies to see how the land lay, when the

rascals fired, and ran towards us. I sent word for my

cavalry to come up, and rode slowly back myself, in order to

tempt them out, which had partly the desired effect, and as

soon as my leading troop came up, we dashed at them and

drove them helter-skelter into the town, killing all we

overtook. We then encamped in what was the Kutcherry

compound, and had a grateful rest and a quiet night. The

representatives of the better-disposed part of the

population came out to me, and amply provided us with

supplies for both man and beast. The rest were to have made

their "amende" in the morning; but a disaffected Rangur went

off early, and brought up 300 Irregular horsemen of the

mutineers,--1st, 13th, 14th, and other rebels,--and having

collected about 1,000 armed rascals on foot, came out to

attack my little party of barely 300 sabres and six

officers. The Sowars dashed at a gallop up the road, and

came boldly enough up to our camp. I had, a few minutes

before, fortunately received notice of their intentions, and

as I had kept the horses ready saddled, we were out and at

them in a few seconds. To drive them scattering back to the

town was the work of only as many more, and I then, seeing

their numbers, and the quantity of matchlocks brought

against us from gardens and embrasures, determined to draw

them out into the open country; and the "ruse" was eminently

successful. I had quietly sent off our little baggage

unperceived, half an hour before, so that I was, as I

intended, perfectly free and unfettered by _impedimenta_ of

any sort. I then quietly and gradually drew off troop after

troop into the open plain about a mile to the rear, covering

the movement with skirmishers. My men, new as well as old,

behaved coolly and admirably throughout, though the fire was

very annoying, and a retreat is always discouraging, even

when you have an object in view. My officers, fortunately

first-rate ones, behaved like veterans, and everything went

on to my complete satisfaction. Exactly what I had

anticipated happened. The enemy thought we were bolting, and

came on in crowds, firing and yelling, and the Sowars

brandishing their swords as if we were already in their

hands, when suddenly I gave the order, "Threes about, and at

them." The men obeyed with a cheer; the effect was

electrical; never was such a scatter. I launched five

parties at them, each under an officer, and in they went,

cutting and firing into the very thick of them. The ground

was very wet, and a ditch favored them, but we cut down

upwards of fifty in as many seconds. The remainder flew back

to the town, as if, not the Guides and Hodson's Horse, but

death and the devil were at their heels. Their very numbers

encumbered them, and the rout was most complete.

Unfortunately I had no ammunition left, and therefore could

not without imprudence remain so close to a town filled with

matchlock men, so we marched quietly round to the north of

the town, and encamped near the first friendly village we

came to, which we reached in the early afternoon. Our

success was so far complete, and I am most thankful to say

with very trifling loss, only two men rather severely

wounded, eight in all touched, and a few horses hit.

Macdowell did admirably, as indeed did all. My new men,

utterly untrained as they are, many unable to ride or even

load their carabines properly, yet behaved beyond my most

sanguine expectations for a first field, and this success,

without loss, will encourage them greatly.

This morning I was joined by a party of Jheend horse, whom

my good friend the Rajah sent as soon as he heard I was

coming Rohtuck-wards, so I have now 400 horsemen, more or

less, fresh ammunition having come in this morning, and am

quite independent. I hear also that the General has at my

recommendation sent out some troops in this direction; if

so, order will be permanently restored in this district. In

three days we have frightened away and demoralized a force

of artillery, cavalry, and infantry some 2,000 strong, beat

those who stood or returned to fight us, twice, in spite of

numbers, and got fed and furnished forth by the rascally

town itself.[41] Moreover, we have thoroughly cowed the

whole neighborhood, and given them a taste of what more

they will get unless they keep quiet in future. We count

eighty-five killed, and numbers wounded, since we left

Delhi, which is one good result, even if there were no

other. One of them was a brute of the 14th Irregular

Cavalry, who committed such butchery at Jhansi. No letters

have reached me since I left camp, and I am not sure that

this will reach there safely. It is a terribly egotistical

detail, and I am thoroughly ashamed of saying so much of

myself, but you insisted on having a full, true, and

particular account, so do not think me vainglorious.

LURSOWLIE, _August 22d_.--I rode over to this place from our

little camp at Sonput, eight miles off, to see Saunders and

Colonel Durnsford. I find that two of my new troops have

been detained on the road, but will reach Delhi in a day or

two, and others from Lahore will soon arrive. I think the

business at Rohtuck has been very creditable to us, but I

can write no more than the assurance of our safety and

well-being.

CAMP, SONPUT, _August 23d_.--I could only write a few

hurried lines yesterday. Late in the evening I got a note

from General Wilson, desiring me to look out for and destroy

the 10th Light Cavalry mutineers from Ferozepoor. He

authorized my proceeding to Jheend, but without going

through the Rohtuck district. Now, as to do this would

involve an immense detour, and insure my being too late, and

consequently having a long and fatiguing march for my pains,

I wrote back to explain this, and requested more definite

instructions. He must either say distinctly "do this or

that," and I will do it; or he must give me _carte blanche_

to do what he wants in the most practicable way, of which I,

knowing the country, can best judge. I am not going to fag

my men and horses to death, and then be told I have exceeded

my instructions. He gives me immense credit for what I have

done, but "almost wishes I had not ventured so far." The old

gentleman means well, but does not understand either the

country or the position I was in, nor does he appreciate a

tenth part of the effects which our bold stroke at Rohtuck,

forty-five miles from camp, has produced. "_N'importe_,"

they will find it out sooner or later. I hear both

Chamberlain and Nicholson took my view of the case, and

supported me warmly.

I am much gratified by General Johnstone's exertions in my

favor, though I have not the slightest idea that they will

eventuate in anything; but the motive is the same. Let me do

what I will, I have made up my mind to gain nothing but the

approval of my own conscience. I foresee that I shall remain

a subaltern, and the easygoing majors of brigade,

aides-de-camp, and staff-officers will all get brevets, C.

B.'s, &c., for simply living in camp, and doing their simple

duties mildly and without exertion. The Victoria Cross, I

confess, is the highest object of my ambition, and had I

been one of fortune's favorites I should have had it ere now

even, but I have learnt experience in a rough school and am

prepared for the worst; but whether a lieutenant or

lieutenant-general, I trust I shall continue to do my duty,

to the best of my judgment and ability, as long as strength

and sense are vouchsafed to me.

CAMP, DELHI, _August 24th_.--I returned here this morning at

2 P. M., very tired and unwell, and not able to write much,

for I have been obliged to have recourse to the doctor.

People have got an absurd story about my being shut up in a

fort, without food or chance of escape! The General's

aide-de-camp tells me the old man believed this ridiculous

report and was fairly frightened, getting no sleep for two

nights. However, he fully admits the good service we have

rendered, and every one is making a talk and fuss about

it,--as if success were uncommon! I find strong hopes of our

making an assault on the city as soon as the siege train

arrives, which will be in about thirteen days. Havelock

seems unable or unwilling to move on, but we can hardly want

him, for surely we shall have ample means for taking the

city shortly.

I am to have a surgeon attached to my regiment at once, as I

represented how cruel it was to send us out on an expedition

without a doctor or a grain of medicine. We had eight

wounded men, and two officers had fever on the road, and

nothing but the most primitive means of relieving them. I

asked for Dr. Charles, but there are so many senior to him

waiting for a turn, that I must be content for the present

with what I can get. I hope, however, to have Charles

ultimately, for he is skilful, clever, a gentleman, and a

Christian.

Nicholson has just gone out to look after a party of the

enemy with twelve guns, who had moved out yesterday towards

Nujjufghur, threatening to get into our rear. I wanted to

have gone with him, but I was laughingly told to stay at

home and nurse myself, and let some one else have a chance

of doing good service. This was too bad, especially as

Nicholson wished me to go.

_26th._--It is 4 P. M., and I am only just free from people

and papers, but good news must make up for brevity. General

Nicholson has beaten the enemy gloriously at Nujjufghur,

whither he pushed on last evening. He has taken thirteen

guns, and all the camp equipage and property. Our loss was

small for the gain, but two of the killed were

officers,--young Lumsden of Coke's Corps, a most promising

fellow, and Dr. Ireland. The victory is a great one, and

will shake the Pandies' nerves, I calculate. All their shot

and ammunition were also captured. The 1st Fusileers were as

usual "to the fore," and did well equally as usual. I am

much disappointed at not having been there, but Mactier

would not hear of it, as the weather was bad, and I should

have run the risk of another attack of dysentery, from which

I had been suffering. I am half annoyed, half amused at the

absurd stories about the Rohtuck business. We were never in

any extremity whatever, nor did I ever feel the slightest

anxiety, or cease to feel that I was master of the

situation. Danger there must always be in war, but none of

our own creating, as the fools and fearful said, ever

existed; would that folks would be contented with the truth

and reality of our position, and not add to its

_desagremens_ by idle fears and false inventions.

_27th_.--I have been up to my eyes in work all day again,

and not had the pen out of my hand all day, except when on

horseback with the men. Two troops arrived yesterday, and I

have 250 spare horses to mount them, so that we are getting

on by degrees. Such an experiment as raising a regiment

actually in camp on active (and very active) service, was

never tried before.

I most decidedly object and refuse to allow Mr. ---- to

publish any extracts whatever from my letters. I say nothing

that I am ashamed of, nothing that is not strictly true, but

my remarks on men and measures, however just, would make me

many enemies, and my misfortunes have taught me, though I

may not condescend to conciliate, at least to do nothing to

offend. If, however, it will be any amusement to the loved

ones at home to have some true sketches of this lamentable

siege, and the progress in it of one dear to them, that is

quite another affair, and I confess I should like to have

some such references myself to look over hereafter.

_28th._--I am somewhat surprised at not hearing from Agra,

but I cannot be sure that my letter reached there, as

several of the "Kossids" have been "scragged" on the road.

Sir P. Grant will not have a long course to run, as Sir C.

Campbell has been sent out to command, and is in India, I

fancy, by this time. Havelock, we hear, has retreated,

leaving Lucknow still unrelieved. I cannot understand this,

but we have not sufficient information to enable us to

judge. After all, Nicholson is the General after my heart.

_29th._--I have just returned from a ride of twelve hours,

leaving camp at three A. M., on a reconnoitring expedition,

and have only time before the dak closes to say that I am

safe and well. I found no enemy, and everything quiet in the

direction of Nujjufghur, where I was to-day, over and beyond

Nicholson's field of battle of the 25th.

_30th._--I have been writing and listening all this morning

till I am tired, a man having come in from Delhi, with much

assurance and great promises; but he was sent back rather

humbler than he came, for he fancied he should make terms,

and could not get a single promise of even bare life for any

one, from the King downwards. If I get into the palace, the

house of Timur will not be worth five minutes' purchase, I

ween; but what my share in this work will be, no one can

say, as there will be little work for horsemen, and I do not

now command any infantry to give me an excuse. I hope Sir C.

Campbell will be here to lead us into the city, which seems

probable at our present rate of no-progress. He is a very

good man for the post of Commander-in-Chief, as he has had

great experience in India and elsewhere, and that, recent

experience. Mansfield comes out with him as chief of the

staff, with the rank of Major-General.

_31st._--I have little public news for you; all is expected

here. The siege train will be in by the 3d or 4th, I fancy,

and then I trust there will be no more waiting.

The letters from Agra show that a much greater and more

formidable amount of insurrection exists than we were

prepared to believe. Large bodies of insurgents have

collected in different places all over the country, all well

supplied with arms and guns. These are under the orders of

different Nawabs, Rajahs, and big men, who think that now is

their time for rule. None of these will be formidable as

soon as the army is disposed of, but for a long time to come

we shall have marching and fighting, punishing and

dispersing, and it is to be expected that bodies of the

fugitives from Delhi will join the standards of these

insurgent leaders, and give us trouble here and there. The

fall of Delhi will not be the end, but rather the beginning

of a new campaign in the field; but the very day the active

portion of the work is over, I shall ask to go to some good

station, and organize and discipline my regiment, and get it

properly equipped, and fit for service. At present it is

merely an aggregation of untutored horsemen, ill-equipped,

half clothed, badly provided with everything, quite unfit

for service in the usual sense of the term, and only forced

into the field because I have willed that it shall be so;

but it would take six months' constant work to fit it

properly for service. Generally when a regiment is raised,

it is left quietly at one station until the commanding

officer reports it "fit for service," and it has been

inspected and reported upon by a general officer, when it is

brought "on duty" by order of the Commander-in-Chief. My

idea of being able to raise a regiment when in the field,

and on actual, and very active service, was ridiculed and

pooh-poohed, but I stuck to it that it could be done, and

General Anson was only too willing I should try, hitherto

with success, and with the considerable gain, to an army

deficient in cavalry, of having a good body of horsemen

brought at once on duty in the field. How long it may be

before I am able to get to a quiet station for the purpose

required, it is impossible to foresee. I shall try to get

sent to Umbala, or as near the Punjaub as possible, because

my men are all drawn from thence, and it will be easier to

recruit, than at a greater distance from Sikh-land. I have

got six full troops, and another is on its way down.

_September 1st._--This is muster-day, and a very busy one to

me, but I have written a minute letter to go by Kossid to

Agra once more. The poor wretch who took my last was

murdered on the road, so of course, the letter never reached

Agra. The dak by Meerut is again suspended, so we can only

send by Kossid. I have to-day got a new subaltern, a Mr.

Baker, of the late 60th Native Infantry, and a doctor, so we

are seven in all. I could not succeed in getting Dr. Charles

just yet, but hope to do so eventually. Little Nusrut Jung

has been allowed to come to me from the Guides, and I have

made him a jemadar at once. It is astonishing how well he

reads and remembers English. The Testament you gave him is

his constant companion, he tells me, and he is as interested

as ever in the history of "our wonderful prophet." The

Persians are certainly a very intelligent race, this one

particularly so, and the seeds you have sown will surely

bring forth fruit to his eternal benefit hereafter. More

than half the Guides want to come to my new corps, but this

is of course out of the question. I am sending for Heratees

and Candaharees, the farther from Hindostan the better. Mr.

Ricketts, too, is collecting men from his district. I have

at present 200 spare horses, but as I am to raise 1,200 or

1,400 men, I fear mounting them will be a difficulty; it is

very difficult to work in a camp on service where so little

can be got or bought. Here come more news-letters from the

city, and myriads of notes, besides post-time and parade,

all at once! I shall be glad when Delhi falls, and I cease

to be _Times_, _Morning Chronicle_, and _Post_, all in

one![42]

_2d._--... "Hodson's Horse" made a very respectable show

indeed last evening, when paraded all together for the first

time, and I was much complimented on my success; there are

some in the last batch from Lahore whom I shall ultimately

get rid of, wild low-caste fellows, and they did not behave

very well the other day at the Ravee with Nicholson; but,

taken altogether, I am very well satisfied, and trust they

will eventually turn out well, and do credit to the hard

work I have with them. Colonel Seaton is better,--_i. e._,

his wound is healed,--but he suffers much pain from the

tender state of the scarce united muscles when he moves.

The weather is very trying just now, and very unhealthy.

Poor Macdowell is unwell, and I fear he will have to go away

sick; he is far from strong, which is his only fault, poor

boy. I like him increasingly, he is a thorough gentleman.

For myself, I am wonderfully well, that is, as well as most

in camp, though somewhat pulled down by heat, fatigue, and

dysentery, and I am literally one of the "lean kine." All is

quite quiet here; only a few occasional shots from the

batteries. The Pandies are quarrelling among themselves, and

are without money; they cannot hold together much longer,

and I fear will break up if we do not speedily take the

place. Only a chosen band (!) will rally round the King,

who, after all, is but a name, for his villanous sons are

the real leaders. The train is to be here to-morrow or next

day, and 56 guns are to open on the walls at once. We hear

that Captain Peel, of Crimean celebrity, is on his way up to

Allahabad, with a naval brigade and some sixty-eight

pounders from his ship _The Shannon_. Glorious, this. Surely

with the brave little army which has withstood all (and none

but ourselves can know what that "all" comprises) the trials

of these last months, and our own brave "tars," we shall

speedily conquer this rebellious city, and make the last of

the house of Timur "eat dirt."

_September 3d._--Nothing is going on here of public

importance, and everything is stagnant, save the hand of the

destroying angel of sickness; we have at this moment 2,500

in hospital, of whom 1,100 are Europeans, out of a total of

5,000 men (Europeans), and yet our General waits and waits

for this and that arrival, forgetful that each succeeding

day diminishes his force by more than the strength of the

expected driblets. He talks now of awaiting the arrival of

three weak regiments of Ghoolab Singh's force under Richard

Lawrence, who are marching from Umbala. Before they arrive,

if the General really does wait for them, we shall have an

equivalent to their numbers sickened and dying from the

delay in this plague spot. "Delhi in September" is

proverbial, and this year we seem likely to realize its full

horrors. The train will be here to-morrow or next day, and I

hope our General will not lose a day after that. He is a

good artillery officer, with an undue estimate of his own

arm of the service. He seems to realize the old saying, that

officers of a "special arm," such as artillery and

engineers, do not make generals. Wilson, for instance, looks

upon guns as engines capable mathematically of performing

perfect results, and acts as cautiously as if in practice

such results were ever attained by Asiatic gunners,

forgetting all our glorious Indian annals, all the

experience of a British army, and hesitating before an

Indian foe! I never hear these old gentlemen talk without

thinking of Sir Charles Napier's remarks on the Duke's

comments on "Colonel Monson's retreat," and the heroic way

in which he had read and profited by the lesson.

As to the extracts from my letters which Mr. B---- has asked

for, I must decidedly refuse; even supposing them to be of

the importance which he professes to consider them, there is

a vast distinction between my publishing, or allowing to be

published, my letters, and letting my friends read or make

use of them. I am perfectly at liberty to write and speak

freely to my friends, and they may show such parts of my

letters as they think fit, to men in power and in

Parliament; and these may again make use, in debate or in

council, of knowledge thus gained, and details thus

imparted, which would be otherwise beyond their reach. All

this is right, fair, and of every-day occurrence; but I

myself, as a military officer, have no right to publish, or

permit to be published, comments written, in the freedom of

private correspondence, on my superiors, their acts, and

proceedings.

I have not the smallest objection to any of our friends

seeing my written opinions, provided they know them to be

extracted from private letters, and never intended for

publication. I have no objection to Lord William Hay sending

a copy, if he chooses, to Lord Dalhousie, or Lord

Ellenborough himself even; but I cannot give permission to

any one to publish what would be so injurious to my

interests. You will think I have grown strangely

worldly-wise; but have I not had bitter experience?

_September 4th._--There is nothing to tell of public news,

and even if there were I have no time to tell it, for I am

very busy and hard-worked, and only too thankful to get a

few minutes to say I am safe and well. I have never written

of public matters except as regarded myself. As to the

stories about me at Rohtuck, the papers have repeatedly

published the true as well as the false version of the

tale,--even the _Lahore Chronicle_ got it pretty correctly;

and after all, it is of very little consequence what the

papers say as long as the correct version goes to Government

and my friends. I sincerely trust we shall be in Delhi

before the 15th.

_September 5th._--Poor Macdowell has had a bad attack of

fever, which has brought him very low. He will have to go to

the hills, I very much fear. The amount of sickness is

terrible; we have 2,500 men in hospital, and numbers of

officers besides. Another of the 61st, Mr. Tyler, died of

cholera to-day. I would give a great deal to get away, if

but for a week, but I must go where I can do most towards

avenging the past, and securing our common safety for the

future. No arrangements are making for any movements after

the capture of Delhi; we sadly want a head over us.

_September 6th._--To-night I believe the engineers are

really to begin work constructing batteries, so that in two

or three days Delhi ought to be taken. If General Wilson

delays now, he will have nothing left to take; all the

Sepoys will be off to their homes, or into Rohilcund, or

into Gwalior. News from Cawnpore to 25th August has been

received. Up to that date Lucknow was safe, but with only

fifteen days' provisions left; and apparently no vigorous

measures being taken to relieve the place. Havelock has not

enough men, he says; and report adds that the

Governor-General has forbidden other regiments to move on,

wishing to keep them at Benares to cover Calcutta. This

appears incredible. The Sepoys in Delhi are in hourly

expectation of our attack, and the cavalry keep their horses

saddled night and day, ready to bolt at a moment's

notice,--so say the news-letters. I suspect that, the moment

we make an attack in earnest, the rebel force will

disappear. Of public news I have none beyond this, and I am

still, like every one else, in the dark as to what we do

after Delhi is taken, or where and when we go. If the

campaign lasts very long I shall be forced to go home next

year, for even my health will not stand against many more

months of wear and tear like the last. Yet who can say what

even a day may bring forth, or can venture to make plans for

a future year, after the experiences of the last? God's

merciful providence has hitherto preserved me most

wonderfully from myriads of no common dangers, and I humbly

pray that I may be spared to see my home, and those who

make home so dear, once more. Home, altered and bereaved as

it is since I left it, still holds the precious sisters and

brothers of the past, and the bright new generation with

whom I long to make acquaintance.

_September 7th._--News has just been received up to the 27th

from Cawnpore: the garrison in Lucknow had been attacked by

the enemy in vast numbers, headed by a lot of "Ghazees."

They were repulsed with such severe loss that the enemy

would not venture to try that game again, were the siege to

be protracted for two years; they say 150 Ghazees, and

between 400 and 500 Sepoys were killed. Colonel Otter was

appointed commandant of Allahabad, at which I rejoice, for

he will "come out strong" whenever he has a chance. One of

our batteries was armed (_i. e._, guns put into it) last

night, and the bigger one will be made to-night; so that by

the 9th I trust Delhi will be ours.

_September 8th._--To-day two new batteries, constructed

during the night for the heavy guns, opened on the walls and

bastions of the city, and the cannonade on both sides has

been very heavy; to-morrow other batteries will be ready,

and on the following day fifty guns, I trust, will be at

work on the doomed city. Very little loss was experienced

during the night, only two men being hit; and the casualties

to-day have been surprisingly few. I cannot believe there

will be any serious resistance when once the enemy's guns

are silenced. There is at present nothing to lead one to

suppose that the enemy have any intention of fighting it out

in the city, after we have entered the breach. All, I fancy,

who can, will be off as soon as we are within the walls. The

General has not decided yet on the operations which are to

succeed Delhi; he says he shall send a strong column in

pursuit, which I hope will be under Nicholson, but he has

not settled who is to go, or who to stay. I trust I may be

among the pursuers. I am constantly interrupted by business,

and the necessity of watching the enemy, lest any attempt

should be made to turn our flank while we are busied with

the batteries in front. For myself, I am not necessarily

much exposed to fire, except every now and then; I never run

into danger unless obliged to do so for some rightful

purpose, and where duty and honor call.

_Sept. 9th._--... To descend to life's hard struggle; our

guns are blazing away, but only in partial numbers as yet,

the work having been necessarily distributed over two nights

instead of one. The garrison at Lucknow is all well, and

likely to continue so, for they have plenty of wheat, though

no European supplies. However, British soldiers have worked

and fought on bread and water ere now, and will do it again;

and I have no doubt the gallant 32d will keep up their

spirit and their fame. Reinforcements were reaching

Cawnpore, and Sir J. Outram was on his way up with 1,500

more soldiers and some artillery. Cholera, their worst

enemy, had disappeared, and their communication with

Calcutta was quite open. Sir Colin had reached Calcutta, and

taken command of the army. I do hope he will come up country

at once, and Colonel Napier with him. Poor Alfred Light,

after five weeks' severe illness, leaves to-night for the

hills, to save his life. Hay has been written to, to take

him in; if he cannot, I am sure you will do so. Poor fellow!

I have a real regard for him, and it is a terrible

disappointment that he cannot be at the actual taking of

Delhi, having been so long before the walls. Sickness is

terribly on the increase, and Wilson talks of getting into

Delhi on the 21st. If the sickness does increase he won't

have a sound man left by the 21st.