and helping what little I could,[43] and almost ever since I
have been on horseback, and a terrible hot day it has been
in all ways. Some of the enemy's horse came out and began to
poach on our preserves, and I had to go after them; they are
such essential cowards that it is impossible to bring them
to a regular fight; they will not come from within reach of
their shelter, running off at once to cover, where it would
be madness to go after them. The new batteries did not begin
to-day, after all; they were not quite ready, and the
engineers would not let them open fire.... I am very much
pleased with ----'s letter, and rejoice that he is out on an
expedition; the change of air will do him good after that
frightful cholera. His story[44] of the soldier might be
matched by many a rough compliment I get from the men of the
1st Fusileers; the most genuine perhaps, certainly the most
grateful to my feelings, of any I receive; a soldier is
generally the best and shrewdest judge of an officer's
qualifications.
_September 11th._--There is no public news, except that the
batteries are working away at the walls; but our engineers
have failed terribly in their estimate of the time required
for the works, and all the batteries are even yet not
finished. It is now, however, only a question of days, one
or two more or less, and Delhi must be ours. I shall be very
thankful to get away from here. I look upon this as the very
worst climate I have ever been in, and another month would
make us all ill. Another of my officers, Captain Ward, is
very ill, and two more are ailing. Macdowell, I am thankful
to say, is a little better. The natives, too, are very sick,
and a large number are in hospital; in short, we want to be
in Delhi.
_September 12th._--I was interrupted in the midst of my
pen-work this morning by an alarm (which proved to be a
false one) of an attack of cavalry on our rear; it turned us
all out, and kept me in the saddle till now, 5 P. M., so I
can only say I am safe and unhurt. I trust in three days
Delhi will be ours. I fancy my share in the assault will be
one of duty rather than of danger. The cavalry have but
small work on these occasions. I cannot yet tell what will
occur after the capture. I fancy a column under Nicholson
will be pushed on to Agra or Cawnpore, and I hope my
regiment will be of the party.
_September 13th._--I find I am to accompany Nicholson's
column at his own request, but where we are to go is
unknown; whether in pursuit of the rebels who are fast
evacuating Delhi, or towards Agra, we know not; Nicholson
strongly urges the former. I am very glad for my own sake
that I am to go on, for this place is dreadfully unhealthy,
and I feel that I shall certainly be ill if I remain here
much longer. In fact, I had made up my mind not to remain if
possible, and when Nicholson urged my going on with him I
was only too ready to second the motion, for I am able to
work and to fight, and I must do so as long as I can. Some
of the Gwalior troops have crossed the Chumbul River, and
are supposed to be threatening Agra. However, the fall of
Delhi will make every difference in their proceedings, and
show them that we can do something, though so late; we are
looking forward to a little "active service" to-morrow; may
God grant success to our arms, and safety to our brave band
as much as may be.
_September 15th._--I was totally unable to leave the field
yesterday until dark, and long after post-time, but I
ascertained that a telegraphic message was sent to Simla. I
sent one up as soon as possible, for transmission to you
through Lord W. Hay, but Colonel Becher had forestalled
me.... The breaches made by our artillery were successfully
stormed early in the morning, with but little loss then; our
loss, subsequently, however, I grieve to say, was most
distressing, and that, in attempting unsuccessfully the
capture of the Puhareepore and Kishengunge suburbs. The
whole extent of our loss is not yet known, but that already
ascertained is grievous to a degree. First, poor Nicholson
most dangerously wounded, at a time, too, when his services
were beyond expression valuable.[45] The 1st European Bengal
Fusileers was the most tried, and suffered out of all
proportion, save in the especial case of the Engineers, of
whom ten, out of the seventeen engaged, have been killed or
wounded. Chesney and Hovenden among the latter, though not
badly. Of the Fusileers, poor Jacob was mortally wounded,
since dead, I grieve to say; Greville, badly; Owen,
severely; Wemyss and Lambert, slightly; Butler, knocked down
and stunned; F. Brown and Warner, both grazed. Of officers
attached to the regiment, Captain Mac Barnett was killed;
Stafford, wounded; Speke, mortally so; what a frightful
list! Besides this, Captain Boisragon was wounded badly,
with the Kumaon battalion; so that, of the officers of the
1st Fusileers engaged yesterday, only Wriford, Wallace, and
myself, escaped untouched. My preservation (I do not like
the word escape) was miraculous. For more than two hours we
had to sit on our horses under the heaviest fire troops are
often exposed to, and that, too, without the chance of doing
anything but preventing the enemy coming on. Brigadier Hope
Grant commanded, and while I doubt his judgment in taking
cavalry into such a position, I admit that it was impossible
for any man to take troops under a hotter fire, keep them
there more steadily, or exhibit a more cool and determined
bravery than he did. My young regiment behaved admirably, as
did all hands. The loss of the party was of course very
severe. Of Tombs's troop alone, twenty-five men (out of
fifty) and seventeen horses were hit. The brigadier and four
officers composing his staff all had their horses killed,
and two of the five were wounded. The brigadier himself was
hit by a spent shot; Tombs escaped, I am delighted to say,
from a similar spent ball. Our success on the whole was
hardly what it should have been, considering the sacrifice,
but the great end of getting into Delhi was attained. About
one third of the city is in our power, and the remainder
will shortly follow, but that third has cost us between 600
and 700 killed and wounded.[46] I am most humbly and
heartily grateful to a merciful Providence that I was
spared. May the God of battles continue His gracious
protection to the end, and enable me once more to be
reunited to all most precious to me on earth.
* * * * *
_Letter from_ LIEUTENANT MACDOWELL, _2d in command Hodson's Horse_.
"DELHI.
"On the night of the 13th September, final preparations were
made for the assault on the city. Brigadiers and commanding
officers (our little army boasts of no generals of
divisions) were summoned to the General's tent, and then
received their instructions. At 1 o'clock A. M. on the 14th,
the men all turned out silently, no bugles or trumpets
sounding, and moved down in silence to the trenches. The
batteries all this time kept up an unceasing fire on the
city, which responded to it as usual. On arriving at the
trenches the troops lay down, awaiting the signal, which was
to be given at daybreak, and which was to be the blowing in
of the Cashmere Gate, towards which a party of Engineers and
Sappers moved off at about 3 A. M. The assault was to be
made in three columns: the first was to blow open the
Cashmere Gate, the second to escalade the Water Bastion, and
the third to escalade the Moree Bastion, both of which had
been pronounced practicable. As I was with the cavalry all
the time, I saw nothing of the storming, but it is
sufficient to say it succeeded on every point, and by 8 A.
M. we were inside the walls, and held all their outworks.
"Now began the difficulty, as from the small force we had,
it was very hard work to drive a large body of men out of
such a city as Delhi. It took four days to accomplish, but
at length, on the morning of the 20th, the flag of Old
England floated gracefully out over the palace of the Great
Mogul. And now for what we (the cavalry) did. At 3 A. M.[47]
we moved down in column of squadrons to the rear of our
batteries, and waited there till about 5 A. M., when the
enemy advanced from the Lahore Gate with two troops of
artillery, no end of cavalry, and a lot of infantry,
apparently to our front. I think they intended to try and
take our old position now that we had got theirs. In an
instant horse artillery and cavalry were ordered to the
front, and we went there at the gallop, bang through our own
batteries, the gunners cheering us as we leapt over the
sand-bags, &c., and halted under the Moree Bastion, under as
heavy a fire of round shot, grape, and canister, as I have
ever been under in my life. Our artillery dashed to the
front, unlimbered, and opened upon the enemy, and at it they
both went 'hammer and tongs.' Now you must understand we had
no infantry with us. All the infantry were fighting in the
city. They sent out large bodies of infantry and cavalry
against us, and then began the fire of musketry. It was
tremendous. There we were (9th Lancers, 1st, 2d, 4th Sikhs,
Guide Cavalry, and Hodson's Horse) protecting the Artillery,
who were threatened by their infantry and cavalry. And fancy
what a pleasant position we were in, under this infernal
fire, and never returning a shot. Our artillery blazed away,
of course, but we had to sit in our saddles and be knocked
over. However, I am happy to say we saved the guns. The
front we kept was so steady as to keep them back until some
of the Guide infantry came down and went at them. I have
been in a good many fights now, but always under such a
heavy fire as this with my own regiment, and then there is
always excitement, cheering on your men, who are replying to
the enemy's fire; but here we were in front of a lot of
gardens perfectly impracticable for cavalry, under a fire of
musketry which I have seldom seen equalled, the enemy quite
concealed, and here we had to sit for three hours. Had we
retired, they would at once have taken our guns. Had the
guns retired with us, we should have lost the position. No
infantry could be spared to assist us, so we had to sit
there. Men and horses were knocked over every minute. We
suffered terribly. With my usual good luck I was never
touched. Well, all things must have an end. Some infantry
came down and cleared the gardens in our front, and as their
cavalry never showed, and we had no opportunity of charging,
we fell back, and (the fire being over in that quarter)
halted and dismounted.[48] All this time hard fighting was
going on in the city. The next day, and up to the morning of
the 19th, we did nothing (I am now speaking exclusively of
the cavalry brigade) but form in line on the top of the
ridge, ready to pursue the enemy should they turn out of the
city in force."[49]
_September 16th._--I have just returned from a very long and
terribly hot ride of some hours to ascertain the movements,
position, and line of retreat of the enemy, and I can do no
more than report my safety. I grieve much for poor Major
Jacob, we buried him and three sergeants of the regiment
last night; he was a noble soldier. His death has made me a
captain, the long wished-for goal; but I would rather have
served on as a subaltern than gained promotion thus.
Greville and Owen are doing well, but I much fear there is
no hope for poor Nicholson; his is a cruel wound, and his
loss would be a material calamity. You may count our real
officers on your fingers now--men, I mean, really worthy the
name. General Wilson is fairly broken down by fatigue and
anxiety, he cannot stand on his legs to-day; fortunately,
Chamberlain is well enough to go down and keep him straight;
and Colonel Seaton also,--two good men, if he will be led by
them. All is going on well; the magazine was carried by
storm this morning, with nominal loss, and our guns are
knocking the fort and palace about. All the suburbs have
been evacuated or taken. I have just ridden through them,
and all the enemy's heavy guns have been brought into camp.
In forty-eight hours the whole city, I think, with its seven
miles of _enceinte_, will be ours; our loss has been very
heavy: 46 officers killed and wounded, 200 men killed, and
700 or 800 wounded.
_September 17th._--All is going on well, though slowly; the
Sepoys still occupy a portion of the city, and are being
gradually driven backwards, while the palace and fort are
continually played upon by shell and shot; not above 3,000
or 4,000 of the rebel troops remain in the city.
Head-quarters are there, and I am going down immediately to
take up my quarters with the staff. I expect to-morrow will
see the last of it, but there is no calculating with
anything like certainty on the proceedings of these
unreasoning wretches. I am thankful to say Nicholson is a
little better to-day, and there appears some hope of his
recovery, though a very slight one. Mr. Colvin is dead:
another celebrity taken away in this time of trial. The home
mail of the 10th of August has arrived, but brought no
letters for me as yet, but very few have arrived in all. The
Government at home seem at last awaking to a sense of the
importance of this crisis in Indian affairs.
_September 18th._--There is nothing worth speaking of doing
here. We are still shelling the fort and palace, but as
slowly, alas, as possible. I am writing in great haste, in
order to go down and see my "intelligence" people. Some of
the enemy are trying negotiation. I only hope they may find
it is too late, and that we may pursue and destroy the
wretches whom we have to thank for so much barbarity and
bloodshed.
_September 19th._--We are making slow progress in the city.
The fact is, the troops are utterly demoralized by hard work
and hard drink, I grieve to say. For the first time in my
life I have had to see English soldiers refuse repeatedly to
follow their officers. Greville, Jacob, Nicholson, and Speke
were all sacrificed to this. We were out with all the
cavalry this morning on a _reconnaissance_, or rather
demonstration, for some miles, and got a wetting for our
pains; however, rain at this season is too grateful to be
complained of.
_September 20th._--I have been much shocked (even familiar
as I have become with death) by poor Greathed's[50] sudden
death yesterday from cholera; the strongest and healthiest
man in camp snatched away after a few hours' illness. Sir T.
Metcalfe also is very ill with the same cruel disease; what
a harvest of death there has been during the past four
months, as if war was not sufficiently full of horrors. The
rebels have fled from the city in thousands, and it is all
but empty; only the palace is still occupied, and that we
hope to get hold of immediately, and so this horribly
protracted siege will be at an end at last, thank God. None
but those who fought through the first six weeks of the
campaign know on what a thread our lives and the safety of
the Empire hung, or can appreciate the sufferings and
exertions of those days of watchfulness and combat, of
fearful heat and exhaustion, of trial and danger. I look
back on them with a feeling of almost doubt whether they
were real or only a foul dream. This day will be a memorable
one in the annals of the Empire; the restoration of British
rule in the East dates from the 20th September, 1857.
IN THE ROYAL PALACE DELHI, _September 22d_.--I was quite
unable to write yesterday, having had a hard day's work. I
was fortunate enough to capture the King and his favorite
wife. To-day, more fortunate still, I have seized and
destroyed the King's two sons and a grandson (the famous, or
rather infamous, Abu Bukr), the villains who ordered the
massacre of our women and children, and stood by and
witnessed the foul barbarity; their bodies are now lying on
the spot where those of the unfortunate ladies were exposed.
I am very tired, but very much satisfied with my day's work,
and so seem all hands. We were to have accompanied the
movable column, but to-day it is counter-ordered, and we
remain here.[51]
_September 23d._--When shall I have time to write really a
letter? It seems as if I were each day doomed to fresh labor
and worry, and I long to shake off the whole coil, and go
where I can find repose and peace. Fortunately, my health
stands the wear and tear, and as my success has been great I
must not grumble.... I came to camp this morning to see
after the march of a detachment of my regiment which is
ordered, after half a dozen changes, to accompany a movable
column which is ordered to proceed towards Agra to-morrow. I
am to remain here, and to tell the truth, the business is so
mismanaged that I have ceased to care whether I go or stay.
I fancy they find me too useful here. We move down bodily to
or near the town to-morrow, and everything is in confusion
and bustle.
_September 24th._--Brigadier Grant, like dear Sir Henry
Lawrence, (though both married men themselves,) says that
soldiers have no business to marry; under the idea that
anxiety for their wives' welfare and safety often induces
men to hesitate to run risks which they would otherwise
cheerfully undergo. I, on a less selfish principle, question
very much whether men have any right to expose their wives
to such misery and anxiety as during the last few months
have fallen to the lot of so many; and yet it seems hard to
say that soldiers, who have so much to endure at times for
the sake of others and of their common country, should be
denied the happiness of married life, because times of
danger will sometimes occur, and certain I am that the love
of a noble-hearted woman nerves one's arm to daring and to
honor. Happy, however, is the woman whose husband is not a
soldier.... Really the rumors which travel about are too
ludicrous, though hardly more so than those which take rise
and are actually believed in camp.
The true account of the cavalry "demonstration" is this: on
the morning on which the city and palace were finally
evacuated (19th), the whole of the available cavalry (not
otherwise employed) moved out through the suburbs in the
direction of, though not on the road to, the Kootub, but
with strict orders not to go under fire! Well, we all
marched out to the top of the hill on which stands the
"Eedgah," and thence, from a safe and respectful distance,
overlooked the camp of the Bareilly and Nusseerabad force,
under "General" Bukt Khan, quondam Subadar of artillery.
While minutely examining the camp through my glass (I was
with Brigadier Hope Grant, to show the way), I perceived, by
unmistakable signs, that it was being evacuated. Shortly
after a loud explosion showed that they were blowing up
their ammunition previous to a flight; these signs were on
the moment confirmed by the arrival of my "Hurkaras"
(messengers), and I immediately got leave to go and tell the
General. I did so, galloping down along the front of the
city to see if that was quite clear. I then asked leave to
go down through the camp, and see what was really the state
of the case; and Macdowell and I started with seventy-five
men, and rode at a gallop right round the city to the Delhi
gate, clearing the roads of plunderers and
suspicious-looking objects as we went. We found the camp as
I had been told, empty, and the Delhi gate open; we were
there at 11 A. M. at latest, and it was not until 2 P. M.
that the order was given for the cavalry to move out, and
they were so long about it, that when at sunset Macdowell
and I were returning, (bringing away three guns left by the
enemy, and having made arrangements and collected camels for
bringing in the empty tents, &c.,) we met the advance-guard
coming slowly forward in grand array! We had been on to the
jail and old fort, two or three miles beyond Delhi, and
executed many a straggler. I brought in the mess plate of
the 60th Native Infantry, their standards, drums, and other
things. Macdowell and I had been for five hours inside the
Delhi gate, hunting about, before a guard was sent to take
charge of it.
The next day I got permission, after much argument and
entreaty, to go and bring in the King, for which (though
negotiations for his life had been entertained) no provision
had been made and no steps taken, and his favorite wife
also, and the young imp (her son) whom he had destined to
succeed him on the throne. This was successfully
accomplished, at the expense of vast fatigue and no trifling
risk.[52] I then set to work to get hold of the villain
princes. It was with the greatest difficulty that the
General was persuaded to allow them to be interfered with,
till even poor Nicholson roused himself to urge that the
pursuit should be attempted. The General at length yielded a
reluctant consent, adding "but don't let me be bothered
with them." I assured him it was nothing but his own order
which "bothered" him with the King, as I would much rather
have brought him into Delhi dead than living. Glad to have
at length obtained even this consent, I prepared for my
dangerous expedition. Macdowell accompanied me, and taking
one hundred picked men, I started early for the tomb of the
Emperor Humayoon, where the villains had taken sanctuary. I
laid my plans so as to cut off access to the tomb or escape
from it, and then sent in one of the inferior scions of the
royal family (purchased for the purpose by the promise of
his life) and my one-eyed Moulvie Rujub Alee, to say that I
had come to seize the Shahzadahs for punishment, and
intended to do so, dead or alive. After two hours of wordy
strife and very anxious suspense, they appeared, and asked
if their lives had been promised by the Government, to which
I answered "most certainly not," and sent them away from the
tomb towards the city, under a guard. I then went with the
rest of the sowars to the tomb, and found it crowded with, I
should think, some 6,000 or 7,000 of the servants,
hangers-on, and scum of the palace and city, taking refuge
in the cloisters which lined the walls of the tomb. I saw at
a glance that there was nothing for it but determination and
a bold front, so I demanded in a voice of authority the
instant surrender of their arms, &c. They immediately
obeyed, with an alacrity I scarcely dared to hope for, and
in less than two hours they brought forth from innumerable
hiding-places some 500 swords, and more than that number of
fire-arms, besides horses, bullocks, and covered carts
called "Ruths," used by the women and eunuchs of the palace.
I then arranged the arms and animals in the centre, and left
an armed guard with them, while I went to look after my
prisoners, who, with their guard, had moved on towards
Delhi. I came up just in time, as a large mob had collected,
and were turning on the guard. I rode in among them at a
gallop, and in a few words I appealed to the crowd, saying
that these were the butchers who had murdered and brutally
used helpless women and children, and that the Government
had now sent their punishment: seizing a carabine from one
of my men, I deliberately shot them one after another. I
then ordered the bodies to be taken into the city, and
thrown out on the "Chiboutra," in front of the Kotwalie,[53]
where the blood of their innocent victims still could be
distinctly traced. The bodies remained before the Kotwalie
until this morning, when, for sanitary reasons, they were
removed. In twenty-four hours, therefore, I disposed of the
principal members of the house of Timur the Tartar. I am not
cruel, but I confess I did rejoice at the opportunity of
ridding the earth of these wretches. I intended to have had
them hung, but when it came to a question of "they" or "us,"
I had no time for deliberation.
_September 24th._--The picture drawn from the usually
mendacious reports at Simla, is not even founded on fact.
The women of the palace had all escaped before the troops
entered.
The troops have behaved with singular moderation towards
women and children, considering their provocation. I do not
believe, and I have some means of knowing, that a single
woman or child has been purposely injured by our troops, and
the story on which your righteous indignation is grounded is
quite false; the troops have been demoralized by drink, but
nothing more.
_September 25th._--... I miss Colonel Seaton terribly, we
have lived in the same tent for months, and had become
brothers in affection as well as in arms. I mourn deeply for
poor Nicholson; with the single exceptions of my
ever-revered Sir Henry Lawrence, and Colonel Mackeson, I
have never seen his equal in field or council; he was
preeminently our "best and bravest," and his loss is not to
be atoned for in these days. I cannot help being pleased
with the warm congratulations I receive on all sides for my
success in destroying the enemies of our race; the whole
nation will rejoice, but I am pretty sure that however glad
---- will be at their destruction, he will take exception to
my having been the instrument, in God's hands, of their
punishment. That will not signify, however; I am too
conscious of the rectitude of my own motives to care what
the few may say while my own conscience and the voice of the
many pronounce me right.
A fuller account of the capture of the King will be found in a letter
addressed to me shortly afterwards, and published by me in the
_Times_, which I now reprint:--
"I have before explained to you what your brother's (Captain
Hodson's) position officially was,--namely, that he was
appointed Assistant Quartermaster-General and Intelligence
Officer on the Commander-in-Chief's own Staff. His reports
were to be made to him direct, without the intervention of
the Quartermaster-General or any other person.
"For this appointment, which was then a most responsible
one, as intelligence of the enemy's movements and intentions
was of the utmost importance, his long acquaintance with
Sikhs and Affghans, and his having been similarly employed
in the Punjaub war, had peculiarly fitted him. Of course,
there were always plenty of traitors in the enemy's camp
ready to sell their own fathers for gain, or to avoid
punishment, and he was invested with full power to promise
reward or punishment, in proportion to the deserts of those
who assisted him.
"On our taking possession of the city gate, reports came in
that thousands of the enemy were evacuating the city by the
other gates, and that the King also had left his palace. We
fought our way inch by inch to the palace walls, and then
found truly enough that its vast arena was void. The very
day after we took possession of the palace, (the 20th,)
Captain Hodson received information that the King and his
family had gone with a large force out of the Ajmere Gate to
the Kootub. He immediately reported this to the General
commanding, and asked whether he did not intend to send a
detachment in pursuit, as with the King at liberty and
heading so large a force, our victory was next to useless,
and we might be besieged instead of besiegers. General
Wilson replied that he could not spare a single European. He
then volunteered to lead a party of the Irregulars, but this
offer was also refused, though backed up by Neville
Chamberlain.
"During this time messengers were coming in constantly, and
among the rest one from Zeenat Mahal, (the favorite Begum,)
with an offer to use her influence with the King to
surrender on certain conditions. These conditions at first
were ludicrous enough--viz: that the King and the whole of
the males of his family should be restored to his palace and
honors; that not only should his pension be continued, but
the arrears since May be paid up, with several other equally
modest demands. I need not say these were treated with
contemptuous denial. Negotiations, however, were vigorously
carried on, and care was taken to spread reports of an
advance in force to the Kootub. Every report as it came in
was taken to General Wilson, who at last gave orders to
Captain Hodson to promise the King's life and freedom from
personal indignity, and make what other terms he could.
Captain Hodson then started with only fifty of his own men
for Humayoon's Tomb, three miles from the Kootub, where the
King had come during the day. The risk was such as no one
can judge of, who has not seen the road,[54] amid the old
ruins scattered about of what was once the real city of
Delhi.
"He concealed himself and men in some old buildings close by
the gateway of the Tomb, and sent in his two emissaries to
Zeenat Mahal with the _ultimatum_,--the King's life and that
of her son and father (the latter has since died). After two
hours passed by Captain Hodson in most trying suspense, such
as (he says) he never spent before, while waiting the
decision, his emissaries (one an old favorite of poor Sir
Henry Lawrence,) came out with the last offer--that the King
would deliver himself up to Captain Hodson only, and on
condition that he repeated with his own lips the promise of
the Government for his safety.
"Captain Hodson then went out into the middle of the road in
front of the gateway, and said that he was ready to receive
his captives and renew the promise.
"You may picture to yourself the scene before that
magnificent gateway, with the milk-white domes of the Tomb
towering up from within, one white man among a host of
natives, yet determined to secure his prisoner or perish in
the attempt.
"Soon a procession began to come slowly out, first Zeenat
Mahal, in one of the close native conveyances used for
women. Her name was announced as she passed by the Moulvie.
Then came the King in a palkee, on which Captain Hodson rode
forward and demanded his arms. Before giving them up, the
King asked whether he was 'Hodson Bahadoor,' and if he would
repeat the promise made by the herald? Captain Hodson
answered that he would, and repeated that the Government had
been graciously pleased to promise him his life, and that of
Zeenat Mahal's son, on condition of his yielding himself
prisoner quietly, adding very emphatically, that if any
attempt was made at a rescue he would shoot the King down on
the spot like a dog. The old man then gave up his arms,
which Captain Hodson handed to his orderly, still keeping
his own sword drawn in his hand. The same ceremony was then
gone through with the boy (Jumma Bukh); and the march
towards the city began, the longest five miles, as Captain
Hodson said, that he ever rode, for of course the palkees
only went at a foot pace, with his handful of men around
them, followed by thousands, any one of whom could have shot
him down in a moment. His orderly told me that it was
wonderful to see the influence which his calm and undaunted
look had on the crowd. They seemed perfectly paralyzed at
the fact of one white man (for they thought nothing of his
fifty black sowars) carrying off their King alone. Gradually
as they approached the city the crowd slunk away, and very
few followed up to the Lahore gate. Then Captain Hodson rode
on a few paces and ordered the gate to be opened. The
officer on duty asked simply as he passed what he had got in
his palkees. 'Only the King of Delhi,' was the answer, on
which the officer's enthusiastic exclamation was more
emphatic than becomes ears polite. The guard were for
turning out to greet him with a cheer, and could only be
repressed, on being told that the King would take the honor
to himself. They passed up that magnificent deserted street
to the palace gate, where Capt. Hodson met the civil officer
(Mr. Saunders), and formally delivered over his Royal
prisoners to him. His remark was amusing, 'By Jove! Hodson,
they ought to make you Commander-in-Chief for this.'
"On proceeding to the General's quarters to report his
successful return, and hand over the Royal arms, he was
received with the characteristic speech, 'Well, I'm glad you
have got him, but I never expected to see either him or you
again!' while the other officers in the room were loud in
their congratulations and applause. He was requested to
select for himself from the Royal arms what he chose, and
has therefore two magnificent swords, one with the name of
'Nadir Shah,' and the other the seal of Jehan Gire engraved
upon it, which he intends to present to the Queen.
"On the following day, as you already know, he captured
three of the Princes; but of this more hereafter. I am
anxious now that you should fully understand that your
brother was bound by orders from the General to spare the
King's life, much against his own will; that the capture
alone was on his own risk and responsibility, and not the
pledge."[55]
I am allowed to insert here a most graphic letter, written by Lieut.
Macdowell, 2d in command of Hodson's Horse:--
"On the morning of the 19th we formed up and saw the
townspeople coming in thousands out of the Delhi gate (still
in the enemy's possession), and passing through their camp,
taking the high road to the Kootub. Too far off to do any
damage, we waited (the ground a mass of hard rocks,
impracticable for cavalry) till 9 A. M., and then retired.
Hodson, my commanding officer, then went to the General, and
at ten I received a note from him, 'Gallop down with fifty
men and meet me at the Cashmere gate as sharp as possible.'
Down I went, and he told me he had volunteered to ride
through the enemy's camp and reconnoitre; that no one knew
if they were there in force or not, and he asked me if I
would accompany him. Of course I was only too glad, and off
we went. They fired at us as we approached, from gardens
and places all round, but I imagine they thought more men
were coming, and bolted, we (only fifty of us) cutting up
all their stragglers to the tune of some fifty or sixty. As
we came back we intercepted a whole lot of townspeople
escaping. Well, I must not linger on this. Having done our
work (and it wasn't a bad thing to do, to gallop through
their camp with fifty men, not knowing whether they were
there or not), we cautiously approached the Delhi gate. It
was open, but all was silent. Our troops had not as yet
ventured so far. Afar off we heard the firing in the city in
other quarters; leaving our men outside, with four Sowars
behind us with cocked carabines, we rode in, holding our
revolvers ready for a row. Not a soul was there; all still
as death. I looked round, and close to where I was sitting
were two bottles of beer amidst a heap of plate, silver,
clothes, &c. Perhaps I didn't jump off sharp! It was all
right; real beer! madam; we uncorked, and drank the Queen's
health at once. After a little time, as the firing
approached, and we found all was right, we rode away, and
reported what we had done. The General was very pleased.
"And now for my great adventure. On the 20th the King gave
himself up, and was lodged securely in Delhi under a guard.
On this day all had evacuated the place, of which we were
complete masters. On the 21st a note from Hodson, 'Come
sharp, bring one hundred men.' Off I went, time 6 o'clock A.
M. To explain why he wrote to me, I must tell you that
although he commanded the regiment, he was also the head of
the Intelligence Department, and lived in the General's
quarters, while I lived with the regiment, commanding it in
his absence, as being second in command. Well, down I went.
He told me he had heard that the three Princes[56] (the
heads of the rebellion and sons of the King) were in a tomb
six miles off, and he intended going to bring them, and
offered me the chance of accompanying him. Wasn't it
handsome on his part! Of course I went; we started at about
eight o'clock, and proceeded slowly towards the tomb. It is
called Humayoon's Tomb, and is an immense building. In it
were the princes and about 3,000 Mussulman followers. In the
suburb close by about 3,000 more, all armed, so it was
rather a ticklish bit of work. We halted half a mile from
the place, and sent in to say the princes must give
themselves up unconditionally, or take the consequences. A
long half hour elapsed, when a messenger came out to say the
princes wished to know if their lives would be promised
them, if they came out. 'Unconditional surrender,' was the
answer. Again we waited. It was a most anxious time. We
dared not take them by force, or all would have been lost,
and we doubted their coming. We heard the shouts of the
fanatics (as we found out afterwards) begging the princes to
lead them on against us. And we had only one hundred men,
and were six miles from Delhi. At length, I suppose,
imagining that sooner or later they must be taken, they
resolved to give themselves up unconditionally, fancying, I
suppose, as we had spared the King, we would spare them. So
the messenger was sent to say they were coming. We sent ten
men to meet them, and by Hodson's order I drew the troop up
across the road, ready to receive them, and shoot them at
once if there was any attempt at a rescue. Soon they
appeared in a small 'Ruth' or Hindostanee cart drawn by
bullocks, five troopers on each side. Behind them thronged
about 2,000 or 3,000 (I am not exaggerating) Mussulmans. We
met them, and at once Hodson and I rode up, leaving the men
a little in the rear. They bowed as we came up, and Hodson,
bowing, ordered the driver to move on. This was the minute.
The crowd behind made a movement. Hodson waved them back; I
beckoned to the troop, which came up, and in an instant
formed them up between the crowd and the cart. By Hodson's
order I advanced at a walk on the people, who fell back
sullenly and slowly at our approach. It was touch and go.
Meanwhile Hodson galloped back, and told the sowars (10) to
hurry the princes on along the road, while we showed a front
and kept back the mob. They retired on Humayoon's Tomb, and
step by step we followed them. Inside they went up the
steps, and formed up in the immense garden inside. The
entrance to this was through an arch, up steps. Leaving the
men outside, Hodson and myself (I stuck to him throughout),
with four men, rode up the steps into the arch,[57] when he
called out to them to lay down their arms. There was a
murmur. He reiterated the command, and (God knows why, I
never can understand it) they commenced doing so. Now you
see we didn't want their arms, and under ordinary
circumstances would not have risked our lives in so rash a
way, but what we wanted was to gain time to get the princes
away, for we could have done nothing, had they attacked us,
but cut our way back, and very little chance of doing even
this successfully. Well, there we stayed for two hours,
collecting their arms, and I assure you I thought every
moment they would rush upon us. I said nothing, but smoked
all the time, to show I was unconcerned; but at last, when
it was all done, and all the arms collected, put in a cart,
and started, Hodson turned to me and said, 'We'll go, now.'
Very slowly we mounted, formed up the troop, and cautiously
departed, followed by the crowd. We rode along quietly. You
will say, why did we not charge them? I merely say, we were
one hundred men, and they were fully 6,000. I am not
exaggerating; the official reports will show you it is all
true. As we got about a mile off, Hodson turned to me and
said, 'Well, Mac, we've got them at last;' and we both gave
a sigh of relief. Never in my life, under the heaviest fire,
have I been in such imminent danger. Everybody says it is
the most dashing and daring thing that has been done for
years (not on my part, for I merely obeyed orders, but on
Hodson's, who planned and carried it out). Well, I must
finish my story. We came up to the princes, now about five
miles from where we had taken them, and close to Delhi. The
increasing crowd pressed close on the horses of the sowars,
and assumed every moment a more hostile appearance. 'What
shall we do with them?' said Hodson to me. 'I think we had
better shoot them here; we shall never get them in.'
"We had identified them by means of a nephew of the King's
whom we had with us, and who turned King's evidence.
Besides, they acknowledged themselves to be the men. Their
names were Mirza Mogul, the King's nephew and head of the
whole business; Mirza Kishere Sultamet, who was also one of
the principal rebels, and had made himself notorious by
murdering women and children; and Abu Bukt, the
commander-in-chief nominally, and heir-apparent to the
throne. This was the young fiend who had stripped our women
in the open street, and cutting off little children's arms
and legs, poured the blood into their mothers' mouths; this
is literally the case. There was no time to be lost; we
halted the troop, put five troopers across the road behind
and in front. Hodson ordered the Princes to strip and get
again into the cart; he then shot them with his own hand. So
ended the career of the chiefs of the revolt, and of the
greatest villains that ever shamed humanity. Before they
were shot, Hodson addressed our men, explaining who they
were, and why they were to suffer death; the effect was
marvellous, the Mussulmans seemed struck with a wholesome
idea of retribution, and the Sikhs shouted with delight,
while the mass moved off slowly and silently. One of the
sowars pointed out to me a man running rapidly across a
piece of cultivated ground, with arms gleaming in the
sunlight. I and the sowar rode after him, when I discovered
it was the King's favorite eunuch, of whose atrocities we
had heard so much. The sowar cut him down instantly, and we
returned, well satisfied that we had rid the world of such a
monster. It was now four o'clock; Hodson rode into the city
with the cart containing the bodies, and had them placed in
the most public street, where all might see them. Side by
side they lay where, four months before, on the same spot,
they had outraged and murdered our women. I went quietly
home with the troop, nearly dead, having had nothing (except
water) since six o'clock the previous night. I have not time
to write you of my subsequent adventures, but will next
mail. We have gained a great deal of [Greek: kudos] for this
business, and I hear are to be rewarded in some way or
other."
Some months later my brother wrote with reference to this matter:--
CAMP, ON THE LEFT BANK OF THE GANGES, OPPOSITE CAWNPORE,
_Feb. 12th, 1858_.
... I see that many people suppose that I had promised the
old King his life _after_ he was caught. Pray contradict
this. The promise was given two days before, to induce him
to leave the rebel troops and return to the near
neighborhood of Delhi within reach. General Wilson refused
to send troops in pursuit of him, and to avoid greater
calamities I then, and not till then, asked and obtained
permission to offer him his wretched life, on the ground,
and solely on the ground, that there was no other way of
getting him into our possession. The people were gathering
round him. His name would have been a tocsin which would
have raised the whole of Hindostan, and the Rajahs and
Rajpootana in the south would have been forced to have
joined in the rising, which would then have been universal.
Was it not better to get rid of all this, and secure
ourselves from further mischief at the simple cost of
sparing the life of an old man of ninety? It must be
remembered, too, that we had no troops left to meet any
further augmentation of our enemies. A small force under
Colonel Greathed was with difficulty found, some days later,
to go towards Agra; and it was clear to me then (as
experience has since shown) that we had still months to wait
for reinforcements from home. Here is February; the King
was caught in September, and yet up to this present day the
Commander-in-Chief has not been able to send a single
soldier of all that have arrived from England up as far as
Delhi; and all Rohilcund, all Oude, a great part of Central
India, all Bundelcund, and most of Behar, are still in the
hands of the enemy. Would it have been wise to have given,
in addition to all this, so strong an incentive to
combination, to the warlike men of the northwest, as they
would have had in the person of a sacred and "heaven-born"
monarch, dethroned, wandering, and homeless, but backed by a
whole army in rebellion? I am blamed for it now; but knowing
that there was no other way of getting him into our power, I
am quite content to take the obloquy. It will hereafter be
admitted that one of the greatest blows was struck at the
root of the rebellion when the old King was led a captive
into his own palace on the 21st of September, 1857.[58]
Strange, that some of those who are loudest against me for
sparing the King, are also crying out at my destroying his
sons. "Quousque tandem?" I may well exclaim. But in point of
fact, I am quite indifferent to clamor either way. I made up
my mind at the time to be abused. I was convinced I was
right, and when I prepared to run the great physical risk of
the attempt, I was equally game for the moral risk of praise
or blame. These have not been, and are not times when a man
who would serve his country dare hesitate as to the
personal consequences to himself of what he thinks his duty.
I am indebted to Sir T. Seaton for an answer to inquiries addressed to
my brother, which never reached him:--
"I see you are anxious to clear up the two 'vexed
questions:'--Why did he guarantee the life of the King? Why
did he strip the princes? He guaranteed the life of the
King, because he was ordered to do so by General Wilson; and
I think that under the circumstances it was wise and prudent
(though highly distasteful to the General), for it enabled
us to get hold of the nominal head of the great rebellion,
and to secure the capture of those greater scoundrels, the
princes. No one ever thought out here of asking why he
stripped the princes, or rather why he made them take off
their upper garments. It certainly was not as the French
stupidly assert, 'pour ne pas gater le butin,' for if the
upper corresponded with the nether clothes in which the
bodies were laid out, they would have been dear at a
shilling the lot. He made them strip off their upper
garments, to render their death and subsequent exposure at
the Kotwalla more impressive and terrible. Some people ask,
'Why did he shoot them himself?' To this I will reply by
another question, 'What would have been the effect on that
vast crowd of a single moment's hesitation or appearance of
hesitation?'"
Before this chapter closes, I will insert one or two anecdotes and
descriptions of my brother, from letters written at this time by
officers before Delhi, which have been kindly placed at my disposal.
They will help to fill up the picture of him, which may be drawn from
his own diary.
* * * * *
One says:--
"The way Hodson used to work was quite miraculous. He was a
slighter man and lighter weight than I am. Then he had that
most valuable gift, of being able to get refreshing sleep on
horseback. I have been out with him all night following and
watching the enemy, when he has gone off dead asleep, waking
up after an hour as fresh as a lark; whereas, if I went to
sleep in the saddle, the odds were I fell off on my nose.
"He was the very perfection of a 'free-lance,' and such an
Intelligence Officer! He used to know what the rebels had
for dinner in Delhi.
"In a fight he was glorious. If there was only a good hard
skrimmage he was as happy as a king. A beautiful swordsman,
he never failed to kill his man; and the way he used to play
with the most brave and furious of these rebels was perfect.
I fancy I see him now, smiling, laughing, parrying most
fearful blows, as calmly as if he were brushing off flies,
calling out all the time, 'Why, try again, now,' 'What's
that?' 'Do you call yourself a swordsman?' &c.
"The way that in a pursuit he used to manage his hog-spear
was miraculous. It always seemed to me that he bore a
charmed life, and so the enemy thought.
"His judgment was as great as his courage, and the heavier
the fire or the greater the difficulty, the more calm and
reflecting he became."
Another (Sir T. Seaton):--
"You know that, during the whole of the terrible siege of
Delhi, we lived together in the same tent, and, excepting
while on duty, we were never separate. It was there I saw,
in all their splendor, his noble soldierly qualities; never
fatigued, never downcast, always cool and calm, with a
cheerful countenance and a word of encouragement for every
one.
"I used often to say, 'Here, Hodson, is somebody else coming
for comfort.'
"It was there I learned the depth and intensity of his
affection for his wife; like the man, it was out of the
common. You know how he nursed me when I was wounded. I am
indebted for my rapid recovery, in a very great measure, to
his care and forethought; and it was whilst lying helpless
and feeble I saw that the brave and stern soldier had also
the tenderness of a woman in his noble heart. His constant
care was to prevent Mrs. Hodson from feeling any anxiety
that he could save her; so that, whenever he went out on any
expedition that would detain him beyond twenty-four hours,
he invariably asked me, and I used to make it my duty, to
write to Mrs. Hodson daily, accounting for his absence and
giving such details as I could of his doings.
"He was ever ready to carry out my wishes and aid me with
his best knowledge, skill, and courage. He supported me with
the devotion of a brother; never, never shall I see his like
again."
Another says:--
"He has wonderful tact in getting information out of the
natives, and divining the movements of the enemy. He is
scarcely out of the saddle day or night, for not only has he
to lead his regiment and keep the country clear, but being
Intelligence Officer, he is always on the move to gain news
of the progress of affairs, and acts and intentions of the
enemy.
"Even when he might take rest he will not, but will go and
help work at the batteries, and expose himself constantly,
in order to relieve some fainting gunner or wounded man."
I have this anecdote from another:--
"In the camp at Delhi, when the incessant fatigue to which
the soldiers were exposed forbade the strict enforcement of
the continual salute, it was remarked that Hodson never
passed down the lines without every man rendering to him
that mark of respect. The soldiers loved him as their own.
'There goes that 'ere Hodson,' said a drunken soldier as he
cantered down the lines; 'he's sure to be in everything;
he'll get shot, I know he will, and I'd a deal rather be
shot myself; we can't do without him.'"
I venture to quote from Mr. H. Greathed's Letters (published by his
widow) some further notices of my brother:--
"Hodson keeps an Argus eye on the rear and left flank, and
is always ready for an adventurous ride. I am not surprised
at Gough liking him; he has a rare gift of brains as well as
of pluck! The uniform of his men, 'khakee' tunics, with a
scarlet sash and turban, is very picturesque.
"Hodson is certainly the most wide-awake soldier in camp.
"A charge of cavalry was turned by a few musket shots from a
party under Hodson, who always turns up in moments of
difficulty."
Again, speaking of him while absent at Rohtuck, August 19th:--
"We have no further intelligence from Hodson. He is employed
on just the wild work he likes, and will be loth to return.
The public still amuses itself with giving his regiment new
names, 'the Aloobokharas' and Ring-tailed Roarers' are the
last I have heard of.
... "There was some alarm yesterday about Hodson's safety. I
cannot say I shared the feeling, I have such confidence in
his audacity and resource.
... "Hodson is quite safe, he will now return to camp, and
after being in for an hour, he will be seen looking as
fresh, clean-shaved, and spruce, as if he had never left
it."
FOOTNOTES:
[41] _Extract from Letter of_ MAJOR-GENERAL WILSON.
"The Major-General commanding the force having received from Lieut.
Hodson a report of his proceedings and operations from the 14th, when
he left camp, till his return on the 24th, has much pleasure in
expressing to that officer his thanks for the able manner in which he
carried out the instructions given him. The Major-General's thanks are
also due to the European and native officers and men composing the
detachment, for their steady and gallant behavior throughout the
operations, particularly on the 17th and 18th inst., at Rohtuck, when
they charged and dispersed large parties of horse and foot."
[42] Referring to his charge of the Intelligence Department.
[43] An artillery officer told me of my brother, that even when he
might have taken rest he would not; but instead, would go and help
work at the batteries, and exposed himself constantly in order to
relieve some fainting gunner or wounded man.--_Ed._
[44] The story referred to was told by an officer: visiting the sick
in hospital in the fort at Agra, he asked a man, severely wounded,
whether he could do anything for him. "Oh yes, sir," was the answer,
"if you would be so good as to read us anything in the papers about
that Captain Hodson; he's always doing something to make us proud of
our country, and of belonging to the same service as that noble
fellow; it makes one forget the pain."
[45] The following account of the assault, by an officer of the 1st
European Bengal Fusileers, will supply many particulars of interest:--
"At 2 o'clock A. M. we formed in front of our camp 250 strong, and
marched down to Ludlow Castle, which we reached about daybreak. There
we paused some time to receive our ladders, and advanced at sunrise to
the assault. Every man felt this day would repay him for four months
of hard knocks, and that we should give the murderous ruffians a
wholesome lesson, and teach them that a hand-to-hand struggle with
armed men was quite another affair to one with defenceless women and
children. We cross the glacis, the fire is hot; descend and reascend
the ditch, mount the berme and escalade. Hark! what noise is that? not
the Sepoy's war-cry 'Bum, Bum ram, ram, Oh King' for which you are
intently listening; but the wild, thrilling cheer of the British,
which announces to friend and foe that the ramparts are won. We
descend and meet in the Cashmere Bastion, and-are astonished at our
rapid success. A general shaking of hands takes place. 'Oh, General,
is that you?' 'Paddy, my boy, how are you?' these and such like
greetings take place, whilst the different regiments form. We moved
out rapidly and stormed the church and adjacent buildings, and killed
a number of Sepoys as they retreated from the Water Bastion. After
this, we proceeded round the ramparts to our right without very much
opposition, and halted at the Cabul Gate for some time; again the word
was forward, and in leading on the men, my glorious friend George
Jacob was mortally wounded; he, poor fellow, was shot in the thigh,
and died that night. As he lay writhing in his agony on the ground,
unable to stand, two or three men went to take him to the rear, but a
sense of duty was superior to bodily pain, and he refused their aid,
desiring them to go on and take the guns. Twice did the enemy repulse
us from this strong position, our third attempt was successful, but
two guns hardly repaid us for our loss. 'Sergeant Jordan,' I said,
'spike that gun on the rampart.' 'I can't, sir, I've no spikes.' 'Then
take a ramrod, break it in, and throw it down to me;' and I spiked the
other gun in the same way. The enemy eventually retook this position,
but found only useless guns. A little in advance, the enemy had a gun
and bullet-proof breastwork, behind which they fired on us with
impunity. This was on the rampart, and we were in a narrow lane about
twelve feet below, where not more than four men could go abreast. In
one charge, Nicholson, our best and bravest, was struck down. Speke,
gentle everywhere but in the field, was mortally wounded, and I, in
re-forming the regiment for a renewed attempt, was shot through the
right shoulder, which will prevent my being bumptious for some time;
out of our small party, seven officers and many, very many men had
fallen. It was felt to be madness to continue the struggle where the
enemy had all the advantage, and the troops were withdrawn to the
Cabul Gate, but the British and Sikh soldiers had done their work,
they had opened the road for our unrivalled artillery to bring in
their guns, and in six days they cleared the city with very trifling
loss on our side."
[46] 66 officers, 1,104 men, was the official return.
[47] On the 16th.
[48] One of the officers present on this occasion, speaking of it in a
letter to his wife, says, "I found time, however, for admiration of
Hodson, who sat like a man carved in stone, and as calm and apparently
as unconcerned as the sentries at the Horse Guards, and only by his
eyes and his ready hand, whenever occasion offered, could you have
told that he was in deadly peril, and the balls flying amongst us as
thick as hail."
[49] _Extract from the Despatch of_ BRIGADIER HOPE GRANT, _Commanding
Cavalry Division_.
"HEAD-QUARTERS, DELHI, _Sept. 17th, 1857_.
"The behavior of the Native Cavalry was also admirable.
Nothing could be steadier, nothing more soldierlike, than
their bearing. Lieutenant Hodson commanded a corps raised by
himself, and he is a first-rate officer, brave, determined,
and clear-headed."
[50] Hervey H. Greathed, Commissioner and Political Agent.
[51] _Extract from the Despatches of_ GENERAL WILSON _on the Fall of
Delhi_.
"DELHI, _Sept. 22d, 1857_.
"I beg also to bring very favorably to notice the officers
of the Quartermaster-General's Department, ... and Captain
Hodson, who has performed such good and gallant service with
his newly raised regiment of Irregular Horse, and at the
same time conducted the duties of the Intelligence
Department, under the orders of the Quartermaster-General,
with rare ability and success."
[52] Vide p. 342 for more detailed account.
[53] It was on this spot that the head of Gooroo Teg Bahadoor had been
exposed by order of Aurungzebe, the Great Mogul, nearly 200 years
before. The Sikhs considered that in attacking Delhi they were "paying
off an old score." A prophecy had long been current among them, that
by the help of the white man they should reconquer Delhi. After this
they looked on Captain Hodson as the "avenger of their martyred
Gooroo," and were even more ready than before to follow him anywhere.
[54] "At a short distance, about a mile before reaching the tomb, the
road passes under the Old Fort,--a strong tower, commanding the road
on two sides, in which the King and his party first took refuge on
their escape from Delhi. This was filled with his adherents, and it
was a moment of no small danger to Hodson and his little troop, when
passing under it on his way out to the tomb, any stray shot from the
walls might have laid him low."--_Note by a Friend._
[55] All the notice taken of this remarkable exploit in Major-General
Wilson's despatch of September 22d, was,--
"The King, who accompanied the troops for some short distance last
night, gave himself up to a party of Irregular Cavalry whom I sent out
in the direction of the fugitives, and he is now a prisoner under a
guard of European soldiers."
We may well remark on this _anonymous_ version, "id maxime
formidolosum, privati hominis nomen supra principis attolli."--_Ed._
[56] Called Shahzadahs.
[57] "When within the inclosure, Hodson observed the balcony resting
on the Archway of Ingress filled with the followers of the royal
party, many with arms. Facing it, he looked up calmly, pointed his
carabine, and said, 'The first man that moves is a dead man.' The
effect was instantaneous. Not a hand was raised, and by the glance of
that eye, and effect of that voice, every disposition to interfere by
word or deed was quelled."--_Note by a friend, who afterwards visited
Humayoon's Tomb in company with Lieut. Macdowell._
[58] _From_ MR. MONTGOMERY, _now Chief Commissioner of Oude_.
"_Sept. 29th._
"MY DEAR HODSON,--All honor to you (and to your 'Horse') for
_catching_ the King and slaying his sons. I hope you will
bag many more! In haste,
"Ever yours,
"R. MONTGOMERY."
CHAPTER IV.
OPERATIONS IN THE NEIGHBORHOOD OF DELHI.--SHOWER'S
COLUMN.--SEATON'S
COLUMN.--GUNGEREE.--PUTIALEE.--MYNPOOREE.--RIDE TO
COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF'S CAMP.--JUNCTION OF FORCES.--SHUMSHABAD.
CAMP, DELHI, _Sept. 26th_.
My letters are of necessity short and newsless, for I am
scarcely ever able to sit down to write what can be properly
called a letter. Anything so mismanaged as the prize
property has been, or so wasted, I never saw; so much so,
that I look upon the appointment of prize agents at all as a
simple injustice to the army, _i. e._, to the officers.
Colonel Seaton has given up the prize agency in disgust, and
I refused it altogether; he is taking you a real trophy from
Delhi, no less than the turquoise armlet and signet rings of
the rascally princes whom I shot; not actually worth twenty
shillings, but I know they will be prized by you and the
dear ones at home. Tombs declares I shall get a C. B. for
capturing the King, &c., and, between ourselves, I _ought_
to have anything they can give me, for it was a fearful
risk, and, I must say, the "General's" share in it was about
as meritorious as his recognition of the service was
gracious! but you will see _he_ will get the reward; but
never mind, I did my duty, perhaps something more, and have
got the reward of my own conscience, and certainly the voice
of the army, as the hero of this "crowning mercy," as they
call it.
We march to-morrow instead of on the 20th, as we ought to
have done, to clear out some of the hordes at Humayoon's
Tomb. I disarmed them when I took the princes, and collected
all the arms, &c., into one spot, leaving as large a guard
as I could spare, and yet the "General" has actually never
sent until to-day to relieve the one or secure the other,
and now only at my urgent representation! We shall be back
from our expedition in four or five days. Colonel Showers
commands.
CAMP, HUMAYOON'S TOMB, _Sept. 28th_.--I have been out all
day and at work, varied by divers summonses from the
Brigadier, and by such _very_ amusing duties as packing off
the royal family's lower branches into Delhi.
Poor Greathed! he was, indeed, a loss to every one! With the
column sent out here (to complete with 1,500 men the work of
which I had overcome all the difficulties with 100), a young
civilian was sent to carry on political duties, and take
charge of the different members and hangers-on of the Royal
family. In an hour I had got possession of the persons of
seven of the remaining sons and grandsons of the King who
were "wanted;" they were made over, according to orders, to
this civilian, and, two hours afterwards, all had escaped!
In consequence of this we are halted here, and parties sent
out in all directions to recapture the fugitives.
I shall try to get down in the Oudh direction to join Napier
and his chief.
I confess I am much gratified by the congratulations I
receive on all sides regarding the capture of the King and
the retribution on the Shahzadahs; but I expect no reward,
perhaps not even thanks. The Government will be delighted at
the fact, but will perhaps pretend a reluctance to the
judgment having been effected, which they certainly do not
feel, and will probably throw all the _onus_ on me. To tell
the truth (in spite of all the praises and prophecies of the
army), I expect nothing by this campaign but my brevet
majority, and that was due to me for the Punjaub war.
The execution of the princes could be hardly called one of
"unresisting" enemies, since they were surrounded by an
armed host, to whom we should have been most unquestionably
sacrificed if I had hesitated for an instant. It was _they_
or _we_, and I recommend those who might cavil at my choice
to go and catch the next rebels themselves! The King was
very old and infirm, and had long been a mere tool, a name
in the hands of the Shahzadahs, Mirza Mogul in particular;
moreover, the orders I received were such that I did not
dare to act on the dictates of my own judgment to the extent
of killing him when he had given himself up; but had he
attempted either a flight or a rescue, I should have shot
him down like a dog; as it is, he is the lion without his
claws, now his villanous heir-apparent is disposed of. I
must be prepared to have all kinds of bad motives attributed
to me, for no man ever yet went out of the beaten track
without being wondered at and abused; and so marked a
success will make me more enemies than friends, so be
prepared for abuse rather than reward; for myself I do not
care, and I am proud to say that those whose opinion I value
most highly think I did well and boldly.
CAMP NEAR THE KOOTUB, _Sept. 29th_.--We got here so late
to-day, that, before our tents were pitched and washing and
breakfast over, the time to close our dak has arrived.
Thanks for letters, which are balm to my wounded spirit,
vexed as I am to find that even here, in the field, working
as I have done, and successful as I have been, I am not safe
from the malignant influence of ---- and his myrmidons. From
the day that he put ---- into power at Delhi, I experienced
a difficulty never found before in carrying on my duties,
and a system of backbiting and insinuation which could never
have existed, if it had not been encouraged, if not
engendered, by listening to. This meanness _et id genus
omne_ has commenced, and has decided me on the course you
have so long urged, namely, to give up the Intelligence
Department.
I have done quite enough to establish my name in the army,
and as much as one man can do. We return to Delhi, I hope,
to-morrow, for we have done little enough by leaving it. The
other column, which went out across the Jumna, has had an
engagement with the enemy at Bolundshur, and thrashed them
soundly. This will open the road to Cawnpore. I shall write
to Napier to-day, to see if he can get my regiment sent
towards Oudh, or anywhere near him.
CAMP, DELHI, _Oct. 1st_.--I was quite unable to write
yesterday, as we did not return here and get under cover
till after dark. I have to march again to-morrow towards
Rewarree with another column under Brigadier Showers, a most
gentlemanly person and gallant soldier, but sadly prolix and
formal in all his arrangements, thereby spinning out an
ordinary march to the dimensions of a day's journey. I am
sorry to say my unlucky ankle gives me more pain and
annoyance than before, and the doctors tell me it will never
be better until I give it _perfect rest_; and as this said
rest is perfectly impossible, I must bear it as patiently as
I can; but it is a sad drawback to my comfort and activity.
You will rejoice with me that the detachment (of Hodson's
Horse) under Hugh Gough, who were sent with the column
across the Jumna, behaved extremely well in that action at
Bolundshur, and have been much praised. I am very glad,
indeed, of this; it is a great thing for a new regiment to
be successful at a cheap rate in its first few encounters;
it gives a _prestige_ which it is long in losing, and gives
the men confidence in themselves and their leaders. In this
affair our loss was trifling, though the cavalry were
principally employed. Poor Sarel, 9th Lancers, wounded
severely, I am sorry to say. I fancy _we_ go to Goorgaon and
Rewarree. Whether we see the enemy is doubtful, and it may
be merely a "military promenade," to settle the minds of the
inhabitants. I long to get down towards Outram, and Oudh,
and Napier.
I am so glad you have written home, for I was out of the way
when the "Overland mail" left, and we none of us knew of its
being dispatched. It was a sad fatality which attended the
two last, both from and to England. England! How the writing
the very name even fills me with sweet home memories and
home longings; and though, during the last five years and
three quarters, my life has been more blessed than I ever
dreamed it possible that life could be, still there are
times, and they increase in frequency, when my heart yearns
for all its dear earlier ties. Yes, we must get home next
year, somehow, even if we have to live on barley bannocks.
I, and most other people, considered that I and my party had
a right to all we found on the King and princes; but the
General, to whom I referred the question, thought
otherwise; so I gave up all except some of the personal arms
of the princes (those of the King were taken by the
General). The swords which I secured, thanks to the officers
assembled when the arms were made over, are historically
most valuable. One was worn by, and bears the name of,
Jehangire, and the other is stamped with the seal of Nadir
Shah! They are singular and interesting trophies, or rather
relics, of the house of Timour the Tartar.
DELHI, _Oct. 2d_.--I have remained behind the force for a
day, in order to settle the business and pay up and
discharge my Intelligence Establishment. I am so busy that
my letter will of necessity be a short one. My having been
out in camp has prevented my getting at the people and
officers, who are all in the city and palace. We, that is,
the cavalry, artillery, and some infantry, are outside on
the glacis of the city, and much pleasanter it is, I think;
especially as I have good shelter under the roof of an old
mosque in a serai, where we can all put up together without
jostling. I feel quite a free man now. I have no work to do
but my regiment; though, truth to tell, _that_ is quite
enough for one man, even with so able and willing an
assistant as Macdowell. I do not reckon on much fighting
where we are going, and the weather is now getting very
tolerable. The country we are going into is also much
healthier than Delhi, and I expect much benefit from the
change of air and quiet marching. After our return I shall
get away, if but for a week; and then my anxiety is to join
Napier, wherever he may be.
DELHI DISTRICT, _Oct. 3d_.--I was yesterday four coss from
Bullnagurh, and the Rajah actually came out in his carriage;
yet I had strict orders not to interfere with him, so the
force marched off in another direction this morning without
striking a blow, though the place was full of the Rajah's
armed retainers and fugitive Pandies from Delhi, and they
ought all to have been exterminated. The consequence is, he
will give us trouble hereafter.[59] To-day we struck off to
the right to this place (marching at Brigadier Showers's
favorite pace of six miles in five hours), and go on
to-morrow through Goorgaon to a place called Rewarree, where
one Toli Ram, a farmer of Government revenue in better
times, but who now "affectionates" independent authority,
has collected a force round his fortlet of some 4,000 to
5,000 men, and shows fight; but again I opine we shall have
a tedious march for our pains. I grieve daily in all
bitterness for poor Nicholson's death. He was a man such as
one rarely sees; next to dear Sir Henry, our greatest loss.
CAMP, GOORGAON, _Oct. 4th_.--Even the camp before Delhi (so
long our abode that I write it mechanically) was more
favorable for letter-writing than our present more peaceful
but more moving life. We started at three A. M. and arrived
here about nine. I had then to go through the village or
town with the Brigadier, and it was noon before we got a
tent pitched and breakfast ready; before I had finished I
was summoned by Showers to give him some information as to
some "Moofsids;" and now at two P. M., though I am still
unwashed and unshorn, I am ordered to be ready at three with
a party to proceed to punish some refractory villages a few
miles off. I shall be back, I trust, at dark, to dinner and
bed, for we march again at midnight. Tell ---- the swords I
have kept are beautiful, and historically most valuable. It
was like parting with my teeth to give up those to the
General; I should not have cared so much if he had done
anything towards the winning them. It will be something
hereafter to wear a sword taken from the last of the House
of Timour, which had been girt round the waists of the
greatest of his predecessors; if I ever part with it, it
shall be "in a present," as mine O. would say, to our good
Queen! She ought to give me her own Cross for it; and that's
a fact, though I say it!
_Oct. 5th_, 3 A. M.--We got back last night at dark, from
our visit of retribution to Dholkote, having "polished off"
a goodly number of rebels from Irregular Cavalry Regiments,
and others who came out armed to the teeth, and making great
demonstration of attack, but turned of course when we
charged. Had we not absurdly been sent out in the afternoon,
instead of morning, so that it got too dark for work, we
should have cleared the place entirely. I had a most kind
letter of congratulation from ---- yesterday. He seems very
ill, poor fellow! How thankful I am that my health stands
work so well; not that I do not feel it; and it will _tell_
more still some day. I question whether there is a single
one of us, however strong or unwounded, whose constitution
does not pay for the Siege of Delhi. The weather is getting
very pleasant, except in the middle of the day; but what a
contrast to the climate of the Punjaub! Many thanks to Lord
William for his offer of horses. I only wish I had the power
of using them, but there is no chance, I fear, of my getting
to Simla, though I may to Umbala. I hear General Wilson has
gone to Meerut, and General Penny come to Delhi in his
stead.
PATHONDHEE, _Oct. 5th, noon_.--I add a few lines to my
letter of this morning to say that all is safe and well.
Nothing has occurred but a skirmish with our advanced guard
and some Sowars of Toli Ram's, who came, I honestly believe,
in all good faith, to bring an offer of submission; but the
business was bothered by mutual distrust, so they turned,
fired at our advance, and bolted at speed, my men after them
as hard as they could go. They brought back about a dozen
horses whose riders they had disposed of; very acceptable
they are too, for "mounting" my men is my greatest
difficulty. We have made a good bag of the Irregular Cavalry
rascals during the last few days,--among them a native
officer of the 9th Irregular Cavalry, who deserted at Delhi,
(selling Chamberlain a pretty considerable bargain too,) was
caught and shot. Seaton will rejoice at this. General Penny
reigns at Delhi.
There is no chance of my regiment being stationary this cold
weather, I imagine, for the country is still in a very
unsettled state, and will be so for a long time to come.
CAMP, REWARREE, _Oct. 6th_.--We arrived here, after a
tediously protracted march, at eleven this morning, only to
find my prediction verified, that the birds would be flown
and the nest empty. Mr. Toli Ram bolted yesterday, and left
only an empty fort and his guns behind him; in good hands it
would have given us considerable trouble, and he was
evidently a clever fellow, and had adroitly and promptly
contrived so as to be first in the field, should our power
have ceased. We found extensive preparations, and large
workshops for the completion of military equipments of all
kinds, guns, gun-carriages, gunpowder, accoutrements, and
material of all kinds. He had already done much, and in a
couple of months his position would have been so strong as
to have given him the command of all the surrounding
country, as well as the rich town and entrepot of Rewarree,
close to the walls of his fort. Had our empire fallen, he
would have mastered all the surrounding villages and
districts, and probably extended his power on all sides, and
founded a "Raj" like that of Puttiala or Jheend, to fall in
its turn before the (then) newly aroused energies of the
Sikhs. At the same time he was prepared, if we won the day,
to profess that he had done all this solely in our
interests, and to preserve the district _for us_ from the
Goojur population. This is now his line of defence. Showers
yesterday sent to tell him that if he would come in and give
himself up, as well as his guns and arms, he should be
treated on his merits. This he would not do, and has
eventually sealed his fate by bolting. The extent of his
warlike preparations is too obviously the result of his
really hostile, than of his professedly friendly,
intentions. I do not know where we go next; back to Delhi, I
trust, when I hope to find General Penny willing to forward
my wishes by sending me on to join the army. It will spoil
my new regiment to keep it on mere police duty.
CAMP, REWARREE, _Oct. 7th_.--We have been all day in the
saddle, wandering about distant villages, but we did not see
an enemy, and the inhabitants seemed very glad to see us,
for the runaway rebels had plundered every place they passed
through. The whole body of horsemen who were here up to two
days before, fled in all directions when they heard of our
approach, (though their numbers were immense, they say 7,000
to 8,000,) and now, ride where we will, in any direction for
fifteen miles round Rewarree, not an armed man is to be
seen.
Only this morning we heard of the capture of Lucknow, dimmed
by the death of General Neill. Are all our victories to be
purchased at the costly price of her best and bravest? Even
I, loving my profession as I do, a "soldier to the
backbone," as Sir C. Napier used to say, sicken at the
remembrance of the good and brave and noble who have fallen.
Poor Neill! he is a loss indeed. I trust our dear friend has
escaped. I looked tremblingly through the list, and rejoiced
to find the name of Napier not there. And now for matters of
the lower (surely the lowest) world. I have drawn no pay
either for the A. Q. M. Generalship or my regiment, except
an advance of 500_l._ for current expenditure. I have as yet
been able to get no pay abstracts passed; and, indeed, such
is the confusion of all things, from the want of some
central authority, that no one knows where, or by whom, we
are to be paid; so I have to draw money for my men "on
account," to be settled hereafter; as yet, however, I take
care that it shall not exceed a third, or at utmost half
their pay, to be safely within the mark. Men and horses
cannot live on "nothing a day and find themselves," and any
regular office-work is utterly impossible while we are kept
so perpetually in the saddle. It is rather hard on a new
regiment, "raised on service,"--and a little hard on their
commandant too,--but all will come straight in the end, I
doubt not. I thought I mentioned that when we went to the
Kootub the first time with Colonel Showers, I secured the
rest of the King's sons and grandsons at Humayoon's Tomb;
but the whole were most discreditably allowed to escape by
the young civilian sent out with the force; or, as he says,
by the Brigadier; but it was his business, and not the
Brigadier's. I also found out a lot of silver and money,
worth, I should think, 20,000 or 30,000 rupees, and 20 or 30
elephants; all which goes to swell the prize money. We ought
to have a good proportionate sum each, for there has been
an immense deal of property taken altogether, I should
think; but the want of care and management will lessen it
considerably. As a specimen,--when Seaton was prize agent,
(and they could not have found a better or more upright,) a
quantity of property of all descriptions was brought in and
put on the "chiboutra" in front of the house he was in. He
immediately sent to ask the General either to appoint a
place to stow it in, or for a guard to put over it. The
answer was in General Wilson's usually _brusque_ style. "He
had no guard to spare, and Colonel Seaton must secure the
property as he could." Colonel Seaton's reply was to resign
the prize agency. He could not well do otherwise after this
and other specimens.
_Oct. 8th._--I go on an expedition early to-morrow morning
to some villages, and shall be too late back for writing.
_Oct. 11th._--Only three words to say that I am safe and
well. I cannot ascertain whether we go back direct to Delhi,
or by Jhujjur, to annex the Nawab's country. Everything is
perfectly quiet here, and the weather is really cold in the
mornings: we shall all improve by the change, though fever
is very prevalent amongst the natives. The Europeans are
gaining strength daily.
CAMP, JATOO SANA, _Oct. 13th_.--We shall be at Jhujjur, I
believe, in a couple of days; where part of General
Cortland's force and the Jummoo troops will meet us, and
they will, I fancy, be left in occupation, and we return to
Delhi, where I hear a force under General Penny is to be
formed to go towards Rohilcund. It is more than probable
that we shall accompany him. If I am allowed to go to a
station to _form_ my regiment, I shall certainly try for
Umbala. The bazaars at Meerut, Cawnpore, &c., are all
destroyed, and I could get nothing I wanted. Here I am
interrupted by an order to start on a "_dour_," which will
keep us out till midnight, if not longer.
_Oct. 14th._--My expectations of yesterday were fulfilled,
and we did not return till midnight to dinner, having been
in the saddle, without a halt, since 3 P. M. Some rascals
had chosen to go and make free with the grain, &c., left
behind in Toli Ram's fort at Rampoora, outside Rewarree, as
soon as our last detachment had come away; so I was sent
back to disturb their operations. Unfortunately Colonel
Showers was too long in making up his mind to send us, and
though we marched at the rate of more than seven miles in an
hour, it was dark before we came up with the tail of the
party, just as they were decamping with their booty; so we
only accounted for about thirty or forty. I was very weary,
so stayed behind for a few hours' rest, the column having
marched at 2 A. M. to Nahur, on the road to Dadree, where we
are to be joined by a portion of General Cortland's force,
and the Dick Lawrence Invincibles from Rohtuck. We then move
on Jhujjur, but not the smallest prospect of
opposition,--all the masses of Raughur and other horsemen
melting away at our approach. I have written to Chamberlain,
as Adjutant-General, to get me a couple of months to
collect, complete, and clothe the regiment. At all events,
if we cannot be spared, I have begged that the whole
regiment may be kept together, and not scattered piecemeal
over the country, as it is now.
CAMP, DADREE, _Oct. 16th_.--The Jhujjur Nawab has, or will
give himself up; so not a shot will be fired, for all the
swarms of Irregular Cavalry have dispersed to their homes,
or rather to the hills and jungles, for shelter and
security. Colonel Greathed's column has reached Agra, and
there had a fight; a regular surprise,--our people being
attacked while at breakfast! However, the enemy were
thoroughly thrashed eventually, and lost camp and guns. Poor
French, of the Lancers, is the only officer whose name I
have heard as killed. A report has reached me from Simla
that you have got some magnificent diamond rings, &c., taken
at Delhi. This is rather good, considering the only rings I
sent you were the princes', and not worth twenty rupees
altogether, and the only "diamonds" were in that little
broach I bought from a sowar more than a month before Delhi
was taken,--so much for the veracity of your good-natured
_friends_ at Simla! It is too rich. I like Macdowell
increasingly,--he is so thoroughly honest and gentlemanly,
and brave as a lion. In Wise, too, I am fortunate; and Wells
is a fat, good-tempered, willing-to-work school-boy. We do
very well indeed together, and I have profited by past
experience, (and perhaps the natural result of increased age
and knowledge of the world,) but things are very different
_now_ and _then_.
We were waked up at midnight, and got to our camping ground
at 11 A. M., and there found neither tents nor breakfast. We
march on to Jhujjur early to-morrow. The Nawab has made his
submission, and we have nothing to do but receive it and
move on.
CAMP, KUNOUND, _Oct. 19th_.--We left Dadree at 1 A. M.
yesterday, and marched ten miles to Jhujjur, found the force
dispersed and fled, and took possession of the (very nice)
fort, with heaps of guns and ammunition. My men were out
after the fugitives till half-past ten. At noon we marched
again (the 6th Dragoon Guards and my regiment), under
Colonel Custance, to Nahur, twenty-four miles, which we
reached at sunset. At 3 A. M. this morning we came on here,
seventeen miles, and took one of the strongest forts I have
seen, with fourteen guns, some very heavy ones, and five
lacs of rupees, which, alas! is to be considered Government,
not prize property. I was only out of my saddle for one hour
yesterday, from one in the morning till sunset, and then
only to get some cold food under a tree! But I am quite well
and strong, much better than I was at Delhi; and as Colonel
Custance and his officers are remarkably agreeable
gentlemanlike people, we have had the most really pleasant
days since leaving Delhi. The worst of this raid is that it
takes me from all chance of getting away for a few days
until our return.
KUNOUND, _Oct. 20th_.--I have just had a very nice and
welcome letter from ----, dated Calcutta, 5th September. He
had had a long talk about me with Mr. Talbot, who told him
that General Anson's representations had done much good, and
that it was admitted on all hands that my exculpation _in
re_ the Guides was complete, and that no higher or more
flattering testimonials were ever seen; so that, please God,
I shall be righted at last; and _justice_ is all I want. I
leave those who injured me to the punishment of their own
conscience, and have no desire that their sins should be
visited upon them more than that. God saw that I was too
proud and happy at having gained the highest object of my
worldly ambition, and so chastened me, that now mere earthly
honors or success are becoming gradually of less importance
to me. To go home with an untarnished name, and to get the
repose both of body and mind which _home_ alone can give, is
now the climax of my desires.
This is a very healthy country, but sandy, and, no doubt, at
times fearfully hot; even to-day there is a hot wind
blowing, and yet by midnight it will be freezing!
CAMP, KUNOUND, _Oct. 21st_.--Another long day without a dak.
I have "betwitted" Captain Trench, who has charge of the
Post-office, for taking more care of himself than he does of
us; but of course he denies the soft impeachment _in toto_.
I begin to despair of getting back to Delhi, as we do not
march hence till the 23d, and even then it is uncertain in
what direction we go. _Au reste_, I am not sorry as it is,
for my men and horses were beginning to suffer. I had this
morning thirty-eight men and forty-three horses sick! If
Captain Fenwick is still at Simla, will you ask him if he
can get me one of the new pattern saddles he introduced into
the 9th Irregular Cavalry? I will gladly pay the cost and
carriage, and thank him into the bargain. Saddles are my
greatest difficulty in getting my regiment into order. I am
doing tolerably in the way of horses, and gradually
remounting the men, who came down badly horsed, with
captured cattle. The swords also are better than they were,
from the same source. My ankle gives me so much pain that I
have been forced to take to a small pony to ride even about
camp, so as to avoid walking even for fifty yards.
_Oct. 22d._--We march to-night towards Rewarree, and shall
get there on the 24th; from thence a part goes to Goorgaon,
and waits the arrival of the larger portion of the troops
which are to go into the Mewattee country, and punish some
rascals who have plundered the large town of Sonah. The
Brigadier is planning a series of manoeuvres, by which he
intends to surround and capture 4,000 Mewattees. I shall be
very much surprised if we see one of that interesting race!
I fear that if my men form part of the manoeuvring party, we
shall not get to Goorgaon for six or seven days, or perhaps
ten, but I hope for the direct route. In either case, as we
shall do nothing, I would rather do it with as little
fatigue to man and horse as possible. The detached state of
this regiment is enough to ruin it. Three troops are at
Agra, or thereabouts, under Hugh Gough; the sick and depot
at Delhi, and portions of five troops here; but it seriously
increases the difficulty of managing a totally new regiment,
and it is hardly fair either to the men or to the commanding
officer. I have remonstrated, but, I suppose, with very
little effect, as I have had no answer. I trust, indeed, I
may get all together and go towards Oudh.
_Oct. 23d._--To-day we still halt, and I hear a rumor that
on our return we go on to Agra. My other troops are on their
way to Cawnpore, so that, I think, there is every chance of
my getting that way too. However personally I might wish to
be quiet at Umbala for a time, I cannot ask not to be sent
on one of two expeditions with the same end, and
unquestionably for _our_ best interests. Oudh, where Napier
is in power, is the best field open. Tell ---- he may
unhesitatingly contradict the story about the rupees. It was
born in Delhi, and was partly the cause of General Wilson's
bad behavior to me; the money, 60,000_l._, was brought to me
late one night by the men, who had been desired (as Colonel
Seaton will corroborate) to secure prize property for him
and the other agents. We marched at daybreak next morning,
and I had only time to make it over to Macdowell to see it
locked up in the regimental chest for safety before we
started. When I returned, three or four days afterwards, a
story had been circulated by the native who had disgorged
the coin, that I had kept the money for myself! Of course
the very day I returned it was, with heaps of other things,
made over to the agents. And so stories go in this world.
The amount of petty jealousy excited by what my friends call
my "successes" is beyond belief. The capture of the King and
his sons, however ultimately creditable, has caused me more
envy and ill-will than you would believe possible, but I
have had too much experience of humanity, during the last
few years, to care for envy now; and, conscious as I am of
my own rectitude of purpose at least, however I may err in
judgment, I go on my way rejoicing.
CAMP, PATONDHEE, _Oct. 27th_.--I am indeed most humbly and
earnestly grateful to the good God who has so mercifully
spared[60] what was so infinitely more precious to me than
life itself; and I do feel how entirely our hearts should be
filled with gratitude to Him for the bountiful mercies which
we mutually and individually have experienced at His hands
during the past year: the preservation of us both from
_such_ perils; my reemployment in an honorable position; my
ability to do such good service to the country at such a
crisis; the preservation of health in such a time of
exposure; my beloved wife's power and will to tend the
wounded, and succor the distressed; my complete, though
tardy, vindication from unjust charges; my almost assured
freedom from debt;--all these mercies are almost more than
my full heart can bear, and I sink on my knees in humble
gratitude at the foot of His throne who has done such
wonderful things for us. May He crown all other blessings by
granting us a safe reunion.
It will be seen by the foregoing letters that Hodson's Horse had, by
this time, acquired such proportions that they admitted of being
divided. One detachment, under Lieut. Gough, had been sent with
Colonel Greathed's column towards Agra, and afterwards joined Sir
Colin Campbell's force, and took part, with much distinction, in the
final relief of Lucknow by Sir Colin and Sir James Outram.
The main body, with their commandant, accompanied Brigadier Showers,
and were of great service in anticipating the movements and cutting
off the retreat of the flying enemy, as well as in scouring the
country and bringing in supplies. Their rapidity of movement and
dashing courage made them a terror to the rebel forces, who had, on
more than one occasion, painful experience of the keenness of their
sabres.
In the course of the expedition, the forces of several rebel rajahs
were defeated, their strongholds captured, with many guns, and
treasure amounting to 70,000_l._ taken, besides large quantities of
cattle.
On one occasion upwards of 1,700 head of cattle had been taken. When
they were brought in, Brigadier Showers exclaimed, "Hang me! what in
the world am I to do with them? It would take half my force to convoy
them back to Delhi. I can't take them." On this Captain Hodson said,
"Well, sir, will you sell them to me, and let me take my chance?"
"Willingly," said the Brigadier; so the bargain was struck for two
rupees a head. Captain Hodson sent them off, under charge of their
drivers and two or three of his own sowars, to Delhi, where they
arrived safely, and were of course sold at a large profit.
The speculation turned out a good one, but the chances were against
it. No one else, probably, under the circumstances, would have run the
risk, and the cattle would have been left behind.
I mention this anecdote as showing that in small things as well as
great my brother refused to acknowledge difficulties, and deserved the
character given him of being the most "wide-awake" man in the army.
Shortly afterwards he invested part of the proceeds in a house at
Umbala, which happened to be then put up for a forced sale at a great
depreciation. This consequently went among his friends by the name of
the "cow-house."
A short time before the return of the column to Delhi, he applied for
a few weeks' leave, in order to join his wife, who had come down from
Simla to Umbala.
On November 3d he wrote to his sister from Umbala:--
After nearly six months of separation, I was happy enough to
get back here yesterday night, and find my wife well, and
all but recovered from the effects of her frightful
accident, the most wonderful escape, perhaps, from imminent
peril ever recorded. I take the first holiday I have had
since the 15th May, to write a few lines to you, my dearest
sister, to say what deep and real pleasure and comfort your
letters bring to me, amidst danger and toil and fatigue; and
how cheering it is to feel that, come what may, I am sure of
your loving sympathy and constant affection. I received
yesterday your letter of the 4th May, and could not but be
most forcibly struck with the contrast between my
circumstances individually, and those of the country, then
and now. No one will rejoice more than yourself at the
sudden change, and at the tolerable success which has been
permitted to my labors....
_Nov. 15th._--Here my pen was arrested by the news that the
mail was gone. In these days all regularity is set at
defiance, and again we have been startled by a notice to
send our letters within half an hour, and that, too, in the
midst of preparation for a hurried return to Delhi and
Meerut, to rejoin my regiment. We march at once to join Sir
Colin Campbell and the army assembling at Cawnpore for the
reconquest of Lucknow.
I am getting on famously with my regiment; men of good
family and fighting repute are really flocking to my
standard,[61] and before the end of the year I hope to have
1,000 horsemen under my command.
I had a letter the other day from ----, at Calcutta, from
which I learn that at last the truth is beginning to dawn on
the minds of men in power regarding me. They now say that my
remonstrance will be placed on record for preservation, "not
for justification, which it is fully admitted was not
required," and that "no higher testimonials were ever
produced."
How much I have to be thankful for, not only for restored
position and means for future distinction, but for safety
and preservation during this terrible war, and for my dear
wife's escape.
You must not misunderstand my silence. I was compelled to
leave the task of writing letters to Susie; I had barely
time to keep her assured of my safety from day to day.
On the 2d December, "Hodson's Horse" were ordered to join a movable
column under Colonel Thomas Seaton, C. B., proceeding down the country
towards Cawnpore, in charge of an immense convoy of supplies of all
kinds for the Commander-in-Chief's army. The convoy was calculated to
extend over fifteen miles of road,--hackeries of grain, camels,
elephants, horses,--and but 1,500 men and four guns to protect them
all. At Allygurh the forces, marching respectively from Delhi and
Meerut, united on the 11th. On the following day Colonel Seaton,
leaving the convoy under the protection of the guns of the fort,
proceeded by forced marches to look after some large parties of the
rebel army who were encamped in the Doab.
On the 10th, my brother wrote to his wife from
CAMP SOMNA, _14 miles from Allygurh, Dec. 10th_.
After four days of forced marches we joined the column this
morning, and march on to Allygurh to-morrow. We have been
quite out of the way of letters, both going and coming,
until to-day. The "enemy," who were supposed to have been in
our front at Khasgunge, have all disappeared, and there
seems to be no immediate prospect of our finding another.
Alfred Light marched down with me from Meerut to this place,
and now goes on with Colonel Seaton as orderly officer, I am
glad to say. We have a frightful convoy and crowd, but I
hope not for long. The head-quarter people, Colonels Keith,
Young, Becher, and Congreve, are with us. It is said that
our friend Napier is to be Adjutant-General of the
army,--delightful, if true. I have only just got my tent up,
and it is nearly dark, so I can only say that I am safe and
well.
ALLYGURH, _Dec. 11th_.--We arrived here early this morning,
and I found Major Eld commanding and Arthur Cocks doing
Commissioner. Everything perfectly quiet in the
neighborhood, and no large gathering of Pandies anywhere
near. There is a small party at Khasgunge, and I hope we may
be lucky enough to find them, but I doubt their waiting for
us. Meantime we are to march down the Trunk Road, halting
here to-morrow. I cannot get over our parting, each
separation seems a greater wrench than the last.
Of public news there is none, but one broad fact, that since
the 12th ultimo no news have been received from Lucknow, and
not a word even from Cawnpore since the 25th. This
necessarily excites alarm, but still my impression is, that
though our people may be surrounded with a close cordon of
disaffected and rebellious men, who cut off all
communication, yet that any serious harm can happen to a
force of 8,000 or 9,000 Europeans I will not readily
believe. I have 596 sabres with me now, 50 more coming from
Delhi, besides the 140 with Gough,--not so bad that.
_Dec. 12th._--We hear to-day from Agra that the ladies and
sick and wounded from Lucknow and Cawnpore have been sent
down to Allahabad, and the Gwalior Contingent beaten. The
Commander-in-Chief is at Cawnpore, and troops will be
assembling there enough to put down all opposition, and open
the road to Calcutta. We march to-morrow morning from hence,
leaving the "_impedimenta_" behind here until we can
ascertain that the road is clear; when it is so, all will
move on. We have fifteen guns, mostly 9-pounders, with our
small but compact force. Major Eld joins us with a part of
his garrison, and Colonel Farquhar brings 300 Belooches, 200
Affghans, and two guns to our aid. We shall be 2,500
fighting men, and the "fathers of rebels" will hardly
stomach so much as that! Colonel Seaton is doing admirably,
very firm and very wide awake; so all will, I doubt not, go
well.
JULALEE, _Dec. 13th_.--Your letter, inclosing our darling
sister's, found us lying in the dust, with a pea-soup
atmosphere of fine sand all around, discussing hot tea and
eggs, just as I had returned from a _reconnoissance_ to the
front, in virtue of my being the big eye and ear of the
camp.... The paragraph in the _Lahore Chronicle_ was too
absurd, and beneath my notice; but to please you and
Macdowell I consented to his saying anything he pleased on
the subject. Naturally, I must err sometimes in judgment,
even with prayer for my aid; but I never swerve from my one
and only aim, to do my duty as well and strictly as I can;
so the praise or blame of men affect me less than if I took
public opinion and not conscience for my guide. But
_apropos_ of the newspapers, Arthur Cocks tells me that the
_Friend of India_ has apologized for its strictures on my
conduct _in re_ the Shahzadahs; so let that satisfy you, for
nothing I could write, or my friends for me, could ever be
half so effectual as the _Friend's_ voluntary _amende_.... I
intended to have written much to-day, but I was waked at 3
A. M., marched soon after, and with the exception of the
dusty breakfast (cheered by my letters), I was in the saddle
till half-past 2 P. M. Then regimental business, washed and
dressed, then threw myself on my bed for half an hour till
dinner, after which we get to bed as soon as we can, and up
again at 3 A. M., so there is not much time for what I want
to do of private matters. There's a history of a day in
camp.
CAMP, GUNGEREE, _Dec. 14th_.--I have only time to say that I
am safe and well, though we have had a hard fight. The
enemy's cavalry, with three guns and some infantry, came on
from Bilaram to meet us this morning after breakfast,--about
800 horsemen and a mob of foot,--but our guns soon stopped
their progress, and then the Carabineers and Lancers charged
straight down on them in the most magnificent style,
capturing all three of their guns at a dash! I grieve to
say, however, that they paid most dearly for their splendid
courage. All their officers went down. Captain Wardlaw, Mr.
Hudson, and Mr. Vyse, all killed, and Head, of the Lancers,
badly wounded. The infantry were not engaged at all. _We_
attacked their flying cavalry and footmen on the left, and
made very short work of all we could catch. I lost a fine
old Resaldar, our dear old friend Mohammed Reza Khan's
brother. None of my officers hurt; but my horse (Rufus this
time) got a cut.[62]
CAMP NEAR PUTTIALEE, _17th_.--I have but time for one line
again to say that "all's well." We have been on our horses
for eleven hours! The enemy had the boldness to await our
arrival here in great force and partly intrenched. We
attacked them soon after 8 A. M., they firing aimlessly at
us as we advanced, our guns coming into play with fine
effect. I then dashed into their camp with my regiment,
Bishop's troop of Artillery actually charging with us like
cavalry fairly into their camp! We drove them through camp
and town, and through gardens, fields, and lanes, capturing
every gun and all their ammunition and baggage. We pushed on
for six or seven miles, and read them a terrible lesson. The
Carabineers and my men alone must have killed some 500 or
600 at least, all sowars and fanatics. We wound up by
killing the Nawab, who led them on his elephant, after a
long chase and an ingenious struggle, in which he was fairly
pulled out of his houdah. I am very tired, but delighted
with our day's work on Seaton's account. We have captured
thirteen guns and entirely dispersed the enemy. He ought to
be made a K. C. B. for this.[63]