REVERSES.--UNJUST TREATMENT.--LOSS OF COMMAND.--RETURN TO
REGIMENTAL DUTIES.
Up to this time my brother's career in India had been one of almost
uninterrupted prosperity. He had attained a position unprecedented for
a man of his standing in the service, and enjoyed a reputation for
daring, enterprise, and ability, only equalled by the estimation in
which he was held by all who knew him, for high principle and sterling
worth. He was, as he described himself, the most fortunate and the
happiest man in India. But now the tide of fortune turned.
A storm had for some time been gathering, the indications of which he
had either overlooked or despised, till it burst with its full force
upon him, and seemed for the moment to carry all before it, blasting
his fair fame and sweeping away his fortunes. Many circumstances had
conspired to bring about this result, some of which will only be fully
appreciated by those who are acquainted with the internal politics of
the Punjaub at that period. His appointment to the command of the
Guides, over the heads of many of his seniors, had from the first
excited much jealousy and ill-will among the numerous aspirants to so
distinguished a post. In India, more than in any other country, a man
cannot be prosperous or fortunate without making many enemies; and
every ascent above the level of your contemporaries secures so many
additional "good haters;" nor is there any country where enmity is
more unscrupulous in the means to which it has recourse. This mattered
comparatively little to my brother, so long as Sir Henry Lawrence, to
whose firm and discriminating friendship he owed his appointment,
remained in power. He, however, had been removed from the
Administration of the Punjaub, and those who had effected his removal,
and now reigned supreme, were not likely to look with very favorable
eyes upon one who, like my brother, was known as his _protege_ and
confidant, and had not perhaps been as guarded, as in prudence he
ought to have been, in the expressions of his opinion on various
transactions. More recently still, Colonel Mackeson, the Resident at
Peshawur, his immediate superior, for whom he entertained the highest
regard and affection, which was, I believe, reciprocated, had fallen a
victim to the dagger of the assassin. This had, if possible, a still
more injurious influence on my brother's position, as the new Resident
was, both on public and private grounds, opposed to him, and made no
secret of his wish to get rid of him from the charge of the frontier.
With a prospect of such support, my brother's enemies were not likely
to be idle. He had been warned more than once of their undermining
operations; but strong in conscious integrity, and unwilling to
suspect others of conduct which he would have scorned himself, he
"held straight on" upon his usual course, till he found himself
overwhelmed by a mass of charges affecting his conduct, both in his
military and civil capacity.
All that malice could invent or ingenuity distort, was brought forward
to give importance to the accusations laid against him. Every trifling
irregularity or error of judgment was so magnified, that a mighty
fabric was raised on a single grain of truth; and the result was, that
towards the close of the year he was summoned before a court of
inquiry at Peshawur.
That which seemed principally to give color to the charges against him
was, that there was undeniably confusion and irregularity in the
regimental accounts; but this confusion, far from having originated
with him, had been very materially rectified. He had succeeded to the
command in October, 1852, and within twenty-four hours started on a
campaign which lasted between seven and eight weeks, without any audit
of accounts between himself and his predecessor, who had, immediately
on making over the command, left for England; so that he found a mass
of unexplained confusion, which he had been endeavoring, during his
period of command, gradually to reduce to some order. This he had to
a certain extent accomplished when summoned unexpectedly to undergo
an investigation and meet the gravest accusations.
I will, however, in preference to any statements of my own, which
might not unnaturally be suspected of partiality, insert here, though
it was written at a later period, a letter, giving an account of the
whole affair, from one whose opinion must carry the greatest weight
with all who know him, either personally or by reputation, Sir R.
Napier. It has somewhat of an official character, as it was addressed
to the colonel of the 1st Bengal European Fusileers, when my brother
subsequently rejoined that regiment.
And I may here observe, with regard to anything which I may now or
hereafter say reflecting on the conduct and motives of those concerned
in this attempt to ruin my brother's prospects, that I should not have
ventured to make these remarks simply on his authority, unless I had
had them confirmed, and more than confirmed, by men of the highest
character, both civil and military, who were cognizant of all the
transactions, and did not scruple to express their indignation at what
they characterized as a most cruel and unjust persecution.
_From_ COLONEL (_now_ SIR R.) NAPIER, _Chief Engineer,
Punjaub, to_ COLONEL WELCHMAN, _1st Bengal Fusileers_.
"UMBALA, _March, 1856_.
"MY DEAR COL. WELCHMAN,--I have great pleasure in meeting
your request, to state in writing my opinion regarding my
friend Lieutenant Hodson's case. Having been on intimate
terms of friendship with him since 1846, I was quite
unprepared for the reports to his disadvantage which were
circulated, and had no hesitation in pronouncing my utter
disbelief in, and repudiation of them, as being at variance
with everything I had ever known of his character. On
arriving at Peshawur in March, 1855, I found that Lieutenant
Hodson had been undergoing a course of inquiry before a
Special Military Court, and on reading a copy of the
proceedings, I perceived at once that the whole case lay in
the correctness of his regimental accounts; that his being
summoned before a Court, after suspension from civil and
military duty, and after an open invitation (under
regimental authority) to all complainants in his regiment,
was a most unusual ordeal, such as no man could be subjected
to without the 'greatest disadvantage; and notwithstanding
this, the proceedings' did not contain a single substantial
case against him, provided he could establish the validity
of his regimental accounts; and that he could do this I felt
more than confident. The result of Major Taylor's laborious
and patient investigation of Lieutenant Hodson's regimental
accounts has fully justified, but has not at all added to,
the confidence that I have throughout maintained in the
honor and uprightness of his conduct. It has, however, shown
(what I believed, but had not the same means of judging of)
how much labor Lieutenant Hodson bestowed in putting the
affairs of his regiment in order. Having seen a great deal
of the manner in which the Guide Corps has been employed, I
can well understand how difficult it has been to maintain
anything like regularity of office; and how impossible it
may be for those who remain quietly in stations with
efficient establishments, to understand or make allowance
for the difficulties and irregularities entailed by rapid
movements on service, and want of proper office means in
adjusting accounts for which no organized system had been
established. The manner in which Lieutenant Hodson has
elucidated his accounts since he had access to the necessary
sources of information, appears to be highly creditable. I
have twice had the good fortune to have been associated with
him on military service, when his high qualities commanded
admiration. I heartily rejoice, therefore, both as a friend
and as a member of the service, 'at his vindication from
most grievous and unjust imputations.' And while I
congratulate the regiment on his return to it, I regret that
one of the best swords should be withdrawn from the frontier
service.--I remain, yours very sincerely,
"R. NAPIER."
On the receipt of Major Reynell Taylor's report, to which reference is
here made, Mr. Montgomery, (then one of the Commissioners for the
Punjaub, now the Chief Commissioner in Oude,) one of the men who,
under God, have saved India, wrote as follows:--
"To me the whole report seemed more satisfactory than any
one I had ever read; and considering Major Taylor's high
character, patience, and discernment, and the lengthened
period he took to investigate every detail, most triumphant.
This I have expressed to all with whom I have conversed on
the subject."
All this, however, is an anticipation of the due order of events. I
must go back again to the Court of Inquiry, in order to show more
clearly the injustice to which Lieutenant Hodson was exposed. The
proceedings of the Court terminated on the 15th January, 1855. Till
they were submitted to the Governor-General, no decision could be
given, nor any report published, though every publicity had been given
to the accusations made. Up to the last week in July, the papers had
not been forwarded from Lahore to be laid before him. Meanwhile, not
merely had my brother been suspended from civil and military duty
during the inquiry, but without waiting for the result, he had been
superseded in his command, on the ground that his continuing in
Euzofzai, where his corps was stationed, was inconsistent with the
public interest. This will appear scarcely credible, but worse remains
behind.
Ten months after the conclusion of the inquiry, in consequence of
repeated applications from my brother for a minute investigation of
his accounts, Major Taylor, as has been mentioned, was appointed to
examine them, and on the 13th February, 1856, made his report. The
document itself is too long and technical for publication, but the
written opinions I have already quoted, of Sir R. Napier and Mr.
Montgomery, are sufficient to show that it completely established
Lieutenant Hodson's innocence, and cleared him from the grievous
and unjust imputations cast upon him. Yet in March, 1857, he
discovered that this report had never been communicated to the
Commander-in-Chief, or Secretary to Government. It had been quietly
laid aside in some office, and no more notice taken. Lord Dalhousie
left India, having heard all that could be said against him, and
nothing in his vindication. I might give many other details
illustrative of the manner in which, even in the nineteenth century,
official enmity can succeed in crushing one who is so unfortunate as
to be its victim, and of the small chance which exists of redress, but
I will not weary my readers with them.
I give a few extracts from my brother's letters at different times in
the course of these proceedings, to show the spirit in which he bore
this trial, bitter though it was, peculiarly grievous to one of his
sensitive feelings on all points of honor.
In August, 1855, he wrote to me:--
They have not been able, with all their efforts, to fix
anything whatever upon me; all their allegations (and they
were wide enough in their range) have fallen to the ground;
and the more serious ones have been utterly disproved by the
mere production of documents and books. The most vicious
assertion was, that I had been so careless of the public
money passing through my hands, that I had not only kept no
proper accounts, but that paper had never been inked on the
subject, and consequently it would be impossible to
ascertain whether or not any deficiency existed in my
regimental treasure chest; and this after I had laid my
books on the table of the Court, and begged that they might
be examined, and after I had subsequently officially applied
for their examination by proper accountants. Well, after
seven months' delay, I was offered the opportunity of
producing them; and thus I have now at last a chance of
bringing out the real state of the case. Up to the present
time, the most critical and hostile examination, lasting a
month, has only served to prove my earliest assertion, and
my only one, that I could give an ample account of every
farthing of money intrusted to me, whenever it might please
the powers that be to inquire into it. The sum total of
money represented by my account amounts to about
120,000_l._, passing through my hands in small fractional
sums of receipt and expenditure.
Not only do they find that I have regular connected accounts
of everything, but that these are supported by vouchers and
receipts. It has been a severe trial, and the prolonged
anxiety and distress of the past nine months have been
nearly insupportable.
I almost despair of making you, or any one not on the spot,
understand the ins and outs of the whole affair; and I can
only trust to the result, and to the eventual production of
all the papers, to put things in their proper light. In the
mean time I must endeavor to face the wrong, the grievous,
foul wrong, with a constant and unshaken heart, and to
endure humiliation and disgrace with as much equanimity as I
may, and with the same soldierlike fortitude with which I
ought to face danger, suffering, and death in the path of
duty.
* * * * *
NAOSHERA, _Nov. 4th, 1855_.
Your two sad letters came close upon one another, but I
could not write then. The blow[16] was overwhelming; coming,
too, at a time of unprecedented suffering and trial, it was
hard to bear up against. What a year this has been! What
ages of trial and of sorrow seem to have been crowded into a
few short months. Our darling babe was taken from us on the
day my public misfortunes began, and death has robbed us of
our father before their end. The brain-pressure was almost
too much for me, coming as the tidings did at a time of
peculiar distress.... The whole, indeed, is so peculiarly
sad that one's heart seems chilled and dulled by the very
horror of the calamity.... I look with deep anxiety for your
next letters, but the mail seems exclusively occupied with
Sebastopol, and to have left letters behind.
Again, to his sister, some months later:--
I trust fondly that better days are coming; but really the
weary watching and waiting for a gleam of daylight through
the clouds, and never to see it, is more harassing and
harder to bear up against than I could have supposed
possible. I have been tried to the utmost, I do think. A
greater weight of public and private calamity and sorrow
surely never fell at once on any individual. But it has to
be borne, and I try to face it manfully and patiently, and
to believe that it is for some good and wise end.
By the way, I was much gratified and surprised at seeing, in
an article in the _Calcutta Review_ written and signed by
Sir Henry Lawrence, a most flattering testimony[17] to my
military character. Coming at such a time it is doubly
valuable.
In another letter, he says:--
It is pleasant indeed to find that not a man who knows me
has any belief that there has been anything wrong. They
think I have been politically wrong in not consulting my own
interests by propitiating the powers that be, and they know
that I am the victim of official enmity in high places; but
I am proud to say, that not one of them all (and indeed I
believe I might include my worst foes and accusers in the
category) believes that I have committed any more than
errors of judgment, and that, owing to the pressure of work
which came upon me all at once, and which was more than one
man could manage at once, without leaving something to be
done at a more convenient season.
I can honestly say, that for months before I was summoned
into Peshawur for the inquiry, I had never known what a half
hour's respite from toil and anxiety was; in fact, ever
since I first traced the lines of the fort at Murdan, in
December, 1853, I was literally weighed down by incessant
calls on my time and attention, and went to bed at night
thoroughly exhausted and worn out, to rise before daylight
to a renewed round of toil and worry.
I remember telling John Lawrence, that, if they got rid of
me, he would require three men to do the work which I had
been doing for Government; and it has already proved
literally true. They have had to appoint three different
officers to the work I had done single-handed, and that,
too, after the worst was over!
* * * * *
UMBALA, _March 25th, 1856_.
Of myself I have little to tell you; things have been much
in _statu quo_. Major Taylor's report, of which I am going
to send you a copy, is most satisfactory. There is much
which you will probably not understand in the way of
technicalities, but the general purport will be clear to
you.
I expect to join my regiment in about three weeks. They are
marching up from Bengal to Dugshai, a hill station sixty
miles from hence, and ten from Kussowlee and Subathoo
respectively, so I shall be close to old haunts. I am very
glad we shall be in a good climate, for though I have not
given in or failed, I am thankful to say, still the last
eighteen months have told a good deal upon me, and I am not
up to heat or work. If the colonel (Welchman) can, he is
going to give me the adjutancy of the regiment, which will
be a gain in every way, not only as showing to the world
that, in spite of all which has happened, there is nothing
against my character, but as increasing my income, and
giving me the opportunity of learning a good deal of work
which will be useful to me, and of doing, I hope, a good
deal of good amongst the men. It will be the first step up
the ladder again, after tumbling to the bottom.
Soon afterwards, Lieutenant Hodson rejoined the 1st Fusileers at
Dugshai. It may be necessary for the sake of unprofessional readers,
to explain that during the whole time that he had been Assistant
Commissioner in the Punjaub, or in command of the Guides, he had
continued to belong to this regiment, as political or staff
appointments in India do not dissolve an officer's connection with his
own regiment.
On April 8th he writes from Dugshai:--
... I have but little to tell you to cheer you on my
account. My health, which had stood the trial wonderfully,
was beginning to fail, but I shall soon be strong again in
this healthy mountain air 7,000 feet above the sea.
This is a great thing, but it is very hard to begin again as
a regimental subaltern after nearly eleven years' hard work.
However, I am very fond of the profession, and there is much
to be done, and much learnt, and, under any other
circumstances, I should not regret being with English
soldiers again for a time. Every one believes that I shall
soon be righted, but the "soon" is a long time coming. I was
much gratified the other day by an unexpected visit from Mr.
Charles Raikes, one of the Punjaub Commissioners, who was
passing through Umbala, on his way to take a high
appointment at Agra. I had no personal knowledge of him, but
he came out of his way to call upon me, and express his
sympathy and his appreciation of (what he was pleased to
call) my high character.
He said much that was encouraging and pleasing, which I need
not repeat. It served pleasantly, however, to show that the
tide was turning, and that in good men's minds my character
stood as high as ever.
In addition to his other troubles, my brother was suffering all this
time from a dislocated ankle. He says in June:--
I have nothing to tell you of myself, save that I have
to-day, for the first time for eight weeks, put my foot to
the ground; I cannot, however, yet walk a yard without
crutches.
* * * * *
DUGSHAI, _Sept. 24th, 1856_.
I strive to look the worst boldly in the face as I would an
enemy in the field, and to do my appointed work resolutely
and to the best of my ability, satisfied that there is a
reason for all; and that even irksome duties well done bring
their own reward, and that if not, still they are duties.
But it is sometimes hard to put up with the change! I am
getting a little stronger on my ankle, but am still unable,
at the end of five months, to do more than walk about the
house. Fancy my not being able to walk 200 yards for half a
year.
* * * * *
DUGSHAI, _Nov. 6th_.
I yearn to be at home again and see you all, but I am
obliged to check all such repinings and longings, and keep
down all canker cares and bitternesses, and set my teeth
hard, and will earnestly to struggle on and do my allotted
work as well and cheerfully as may be, satisfied that in the
end a brighter time will come.
I know nothing in my brother's whole career more truly admirable, or
showing more real heroism, than his conduct at this period while
battling with adverse fates.
Deeply as he felt the change in his position, he accommodated himself
to it in a manner that won the admiration and esteem of all. Instead
of despising his regimental duties, irksome and uninteresting,
comparatively speaking, as they were, he discharged them with a zeal
and energy, as well as cheerfulness, which called forth the following
strong expressions of commendation from the colonel of his regiment.
They are taken from a letter addressed to the Adjutant-General of the
army:--
"UMBALA, _Jan. 18th, 1857_.
... "I consider it a duty, and at the same time feel a great
pleasure, in requesting you to submit, for the consideration
of his Excellency the Commander-in-Chief, this my public
record and acknowledgment of the very essential service
Lieutenant Hodson has done the regiment at my especial
request. On the arrival of the regiment at Dugshai, I asked
Lieutenant Hodson to act as quartermaster. I pointed out to
him that, mainly owing to a rapid succession of
quartermasters when the regiment was on field-service, the
office had fallen into very great disorder;... and that he
would have to restore order out of complicated disorder, and
to organize a more efficient working system for future
guidance and observance. To my great relief and
satisfaction, Lieutenant Hodson most cheerfully undertook
the onerous duties; he was suffering at the same time severe
bodily pain, consequent on a serious accident, yet this did
not in any way damp his energy, or prevent his most
successfully carrying out the object in view.... It is
impossible to do otherwise than believe that this officer's
numerous qualifications are virtually lost to the State by
his being employed as a regimental subaltern, as he is
fitted for, and capable of doing great justice to, any staff
situation; and I am convinced, that should his Excellency
receive with approval this solicitation to confer on him
some appointment suited to the high ability, energy, and
zeal which I fear I have but imperfectly brought to notice,
it would be as highly advantageous to the service as
gratifying to myself. An officer whose superior mental
acquirements are fully acknowledged by all who know him; who
has ably performed the duties of a civil magistrate in a
disturbed district; whose knowledge of engineering has been
practically brought into play in the construction of a fort
on the Northwestern frontier; whose gallant conduct in
command of a regiment in many a smart engagement has been so
highly commended, and by such competent authorities, is one
whom I have confidence in recommending for advancement; and
in earnestly, yet most respectfully, pressing the
recommendation, I plead this officer's high qualifications
as my best apology....
"I have, &c.
(Signed)
"J. WELCHMAN,
"_Lieut.-Col. Commanding 1st Bengal
Fusileers_."
Quite as strong was the testimony borne by Brigadier-General
Johnstone:--
"_To the_ ADJUTANT-GENERAL _of the Army_.
"SIRHIND DIVISION, HEAD-QUARTERS, UMBALA, _Jan. 30th, 1857_.
"Sir,--My mere counter-signature to Colonel Welchman's
letter in favor of Lieutenant Hodson seems so much less than
the occasion demands, that I trust his Excellency will allow
of my submitting it in a more special and marked manner. I
beg to accompany Colonel Welchman's letter with a testimony
of my own to the high character of the officer in question.
"Rejoining his regiment as a lieutenant, from the exercise
of an important command calling daily for the display of his
energy, activity, and self-reliance, and frequently for the
manifestation of the highest qualities of the partisan
leader, or of the regular soldier, Lieutenant Hodson, with
patience, perseverance, and zeal, undertook and carried out
the laborious minor duties of the regimental staff as well
as those of a company; and, with a diligence, method, and
accuracy such as the best trained regimental officers have
never surpassed, succeeded, in a manner fully justifying the
high commendation bestowed on him by his commanding officer.
As a soldier in the field, Lieutenant Hodson has gained the
applause of officers of the highest reputation,
eye-witnesses of his ability and courage. On the testimony
of others, I refer to these, and that testimony so honorable
to his name I beg herewith to submit to his Excellency.
"On my own observation, I am enabled to speak to Lieutenant
Hodson's character and qualities in quarters, and I do so in
terms of well-earned commendation, and at the same time in
the earnest hope that his merits and qualifications will
obtain for him such favor and preferment at the hands of his
Excellency as he may deem fit to bestow on this deserving
officer.
"I have, &c.
(Signed)
"M. C. JOHNSTONE,
"_Brigadier-General, &c._"
I must add a few more extracts from Lieutenant Hodson's letters to
myself and others, to complete this part of his history:--
DUGSHAI, _April 7th, 1857_.
Your letter written this day three months reached me at
Umbala, at our mildest of "Chobhams" in the middle of
February, and deserved an earlier reply, but I have been
taken quite out of the private correspondence line lately,
by incessant calls on my time. Regimental work in camp in
India, with European regiments, no less than in quarters, is
contrived to cut up one's time into infinitesimal
quantities, and keep one waiting for every other half hour
through the day. I had more time for writing when I
commanded a frontier regiment, and governed a province!
These winter camps are very profitable, however, and not by
any means unpleasant; and as Umbala was very full, we had an
unusual amount of society for India, and some very pleasant
meetings. I was too lame to dance, but not to dine, and take
part in charades or tableaux, and so forth, and so contrived
to keep alive after the day's work was over. I got some
[Greek: kudos] and vast kindness for performing the more
strictly professional role of brigade-major to one of the
infantry brigades, and had excellent opportunities of
learning the essential, but so seldom taught or learned art,
of manoeuvring bodies of troops. My service has been so much
on the frontier and with detached corps, that I had
previously had but small opportunities for the study. I had
an interview with General Anson the other day, and I hope a
satisfactory one. He is a very pleasant mannered and
gentlemanly man, open and frank in speech, and quick to a
proverb in apprehension, taking in the pith of a matter at
a glance. As I always thought, it turned out that Major
Taylor's report had never reached the Commander-in-Chief,
and they had only the old one-sided story to go upon. I
explained the whole to him, and as he had already very
kindly read the papers relating to the matter, he quite
comprehended it, and begged me to give him a copy of
Taylor's report, when he would, if satisfied, try and see
justice done me. I trust, therefore, that at last something
will be done to clear me from all stigma in the matter. As
soon as that is done he will give me some appointment or
other, unless Government do it themselves. Sir Henry
Lawrence writes to me most kindly, and is only waiting a
favorable opportunity to help me.
We are in a state of some anxiety, owing to the spread of a
very serious spirit of disaffection among the Sepoy army.
One regiment (the 19th of the line) has already been
disbanded, and, if all have their dues, more yet will be so
before long. It is our great danger in India, and Lord
Hardinge's prophecy, that our biggest fight in India would
be with our own army, seems not unlikely to be realized, and
that before long. Native papers, education, and progress are
against keeping 200,000 native mercenaries in hand.
* * * * *
_To a Friend in Calcutta._
DUGSHAI, _May 5th, 1857_.
Unless I hear of something to my advantage meanwhile, I
propose starting for Calcutta about the middle of this merry
month of May, with the object of endeavoring to effect, by
personal appeal and explanations, the self-vindication which
no mere paper warfare seems likely to extort from
Government. I had waited patiently for nearly two years,
"striving to be quiet and do my own business," in the hope
that justice, however tardy, would certainly overtake me,
when an incident occurred which showed that I must adopt a
more active mode of procedure if I wished for success. On
applying for employment with the force in Persia, I met with
a refusal, on the ground of what had occurred when in
command of the Guides. This, you will allow, was calculated
to drive a man to extremities who had been under the
impression all along that his conduct, whensoever and
howsoever called in question, had been amply vindicated.
It appeared that while everything to my disadvantage had
been carefully communicated by the Punjaub authorities to
army head-quarters, they had, with true liberality and
generosity, suppressed "in toto" the results of the
subsequent inquiry which had, in the opinion of all good
men, amply cleared my good name from the dirt lavished on
it. Even the Secretaries to Government had never heard of
this vindication, and were going on believing all manner of
things to my discredit; Lord Canning, also, being utterly
ignorant of the fact that, subsequently to Lord Dalhousie's
departure, the results of the second investigation had been
communicated to Government.
There were clearly three courses open to me, "a la Sir
Robert Peel."
1st. Suicide.
2d. To resign the service in disgust, and join the enemy.
3d. To make the Governor-General eat his words, and
apologize.
I chose the last.
The first was too melodramatic and foreign; the second
would have been a triumph to my foes in the Punjaub;
besides, the enemy might have been beaten!
I have determined therefore, on a trip to Calcutta.
You will, I have no doubt, agree with me that I am perfectly
right in taking the field against the enemy, and not
allowing the Government to rest until I have carried my
point.
In another letter of the same date:--
I have had another interview with General Anson at Simla,
and nothing could have been more satisfactory. He was most
polite, even cordial, and while he approved of my suggestion
of going down to Calcutta to have personal explanations with
the people there, and evidently thought it a plucky idea to
undertake a journey of 2,500 miles in such weather (May and
June), yet he said that I had better wait till I heard again
from him, for he would write himself to Lord Canning, and
try to get justice done me.
I do trust the light is breaking through the darkness, and
that before long I may have good news to send you, in which
I am sure you will rejoice.
It did break from a most unexpected quarter.
This was the last letter received in England from my brother for some
months. Six days after it was written, the outbreak at Meerut
occurred, and almost immediately India was in a blaze.
"Fortunate was it," my brother afterwards said, "that I was delayed by
General Anson till he received an answer from Lord Canning, or I
should undoubtedly have been murdered at some station on the road. The
answer never came. It must have been between Calcutta and Allygurh
when disturbances broke out, and was, with all the daks for many days,
destroyed or plundered."
Most fortunate, too, was it, (if we may use such an expression,) that
in the hour of India's extremity, Lieutenant Hodson was within reach
of the Commander-in-Chief, and available for service. It was no longer
a time to stand on official etiquette. In that crisis, which tried the
bravest to the utmost, when a strong will and cool head and brave
heart were needed, he at once rose again to his proper place in
counsel and in action.
But I must not anticipate what belongs to the next chapter. One fact,
however, I cannot refrain from stating here, as an appropriate
conclusion of this narrative, that within six weeks of the date of the
last letter, Lieutenant Hodson was actually commanding in the field,
before the walls of Delhi, by General Barnard's special request, the
very corps of Guides from which he had been so unjustly ousted two
years before.
"Was there ever," he says in reference to it, "a stranger turn on the
wheel of fortune? I have much cause to be grateful, and I hope I shall
not forget the bitter lessons of adversity."
FOOTNOTES:
[16] The news of his father's death.
[17] "Lieutenant Hodson, who has succeeded to the command of the
Guides, is an accomplished soldier, cool in council, daring in action,
with great natural ability improved by education. There are few abler
men in any service."
PART II.
NARRATIVE OF THE DELHI CAMPAIGN, 1857.
CHAPTER I.
MARCH DOWN TO DELHI.
On the 10th May occurred the outbreak at Meerut, closely followed by
the massacre at Delhi.
On the 13th, orders were received at Dugshai, from the
Commander-in-Chief, for the 1st Bengal European Fusileers to march
without delay to Umbala, where all the regiments from the hill
stations were to concentrate. They set out that afternoon, and reached
Umbala, a distance of sixty miles, on the morning of the second day.
From this point Lieutenant Hodson's narrative commences. It is
compiled from the letters or bulletins which he sent day by day to his
wife, written as best they might, in any moments which he could snatch
from the overwhelming press of work, sometimes on the field, sometimes
on horseback. It is almost unnecessary to observe, that they were not
intended for the public eye, and would never have been published had
my lamented brother been alive, as he had the greatest horror of any
of his letters appearing in print. Now, unhappily, the case is
different, and I feel, in common with many of his friends, that in
justice both to himself and to the gallant band who formed the "army
before Delhi," this record of heroic fortitude and endurance ought not
to be withheld. It does not profess to be a history of the siege, or
military operations connected with it; though it is a most valuable
contribution to any history, as Lieutenant Hodson, from his position
as head of the Intelligence Department, knew better, probably, than
any other man what was going on both amongst the enemy and in our own
force; and his incidental notices will tell, better, perhaps, than the
most labored description, what our men did and what they suffered.
Full justice will probably never be done them, nor their trying
position appreciated as it ought to be; besiegers in name, though more
truly besieged; exposed to incessant attacks night and day;
continually thinned in numbers by the sword, the bullet, the
sunstroke, and cholera, and for many weeks receiving no
reinforcements; feeling sometimes as if they were forgotten by their
countrymen, and yet holding their ground against a nation in arms,
without murmuring or complaining, and with unshaken determination. All
accounts agree in speaking of the cheerful and "plucky" spirit that
prevailed, both amongst officers and men, notwithstanding fatigue,
privation, and sickness, as something quite remarkable even amongst
British soldiers. And if there was one more than another who
contributed to inspire and keep up this spirit, if there was one more
than another who merited that which a Roman would have considered the
highest praise, that he never despaired of his country, it was
Lieutenant Hodson. I have seen a letter from a distinguished officer,
in which he says:--
"Affairs at times looked very queer, from the frightful
expenditure of life. Hodson's face was then like sunshine
breaking through the dark clouds of despondency and gloom
that would settle down occasionally on all but a few brave
hearts, England's worthiest sons, who were determined to
conquer."
If any should be disposed to think that my brother, in these letters,
speaks too exclusively of his own doings, they must remember, in the
first place, to whom they were addressed; and secondly, that in
describing events--_quorum pars magna fuit_--it would be almost
impossible not to speak of himself.
He himself, even in writing to his wife, thinks it necessary to
apologize for being "egotistical." I believe, on the other hand, that
the highest interest of the following narrative will be found to
consist in its being a _personal_ narrative, a history of the man, an
unreserved outspeaking of his mind and feelings; nor am I afraid of
others thinking apology called for. Nor, however much they may
disagree from his criticisms on men and measures, will they deny that
he was well qualified, both by his opportunities of observation at the
time, and his past experience of Asiatic character, to form a judgment
and express an opinion without exposing himself to the charge of
presumption.
UMBALA, _May 15th, 1857_.
We got here after two nights of very harassing marching. We
started badly, the men having been drinking before they came
to parade, and they were hurried too much in going down
hill, consequently there was much straggling; but, thanks to
tattoos (ponies) and carts and elephants, sent out to meet
us, we got in to-day in tolerable completeness. Affairs are
very serious, and unless very prompt and vigorous measures
are taken, the whole army, and perhaps a large portion of
India, will be lost to us. Delhi is in the hands of the
mutineers,--no European that we can hear of being left alive
there,--men, women, and children, all who were caught, have
been butchered! Brigadier Graves, Abbott, and some others
have escaped. Willoughby, the Ordnance Commissary in charge
of the magazine and arsenal, is said to have fired it
himself to prevent the mutineers having possession of the
contents to arm themselves with,--of course sacrificing his
own life to such a duty. A lac and a half of muskets would
otherwise have been in the hands of the insurgents. The
Commander-in-Chief came in this morning. Here alarm is the
prevalent feeling, and conciliation, of men with arms in
their hands and in a state of absolute rebellion, the order
of the day. This system, if pursued, is far more dangerous
than anything the Sepoys can do to us. There is an outbreak
at Ferozepoor, but the Europeans have the fort in their
possession; if not, we should be without arms, for the
regiments here have no ammunition, and Philour, our nearest
source of supply, was nearly falling into the hands of the
Sepoys. Even now, some say it is at their mercy. Fortunately
the Maharaja of Puttiala is stanch, and so are other Sikh
chiefs hereabouts. We shall go on to Delhi in a few days.
That city is in the hands of the insurgents, and the King
proclaimed Emperor of Hindostan! I do trust that the
authorities will act with vigor, else there is no knowing
where the affair will end. Oh for Sir Charles Napier now!
_16th._--Little is known for certain of what is going on, as
there is no communication with, or from, below. At present,
the native troops have all gone off bodily; none remain in
cantonments. We march, I believe, on Monday,--9th Lancers,
75th Queen's, 1st Fusileers, and nine guns, taking the 5th,
60th Native Infantry, and 4th Cavalry with us,--nice
companions! However, they can do us no harm, and they might
do great mischief if left here. There has been an outbreak
at Ferozepoor and Philour, but the magazine and bridge at
the first place are safe in the hands of her Majesty's 60th,
and the authorities at Jullundur sent off a party of
Europeans and Horse Artillery at once, who secured the fort
at Philour; otherwise we should have had no ammunition but
what the soldiers carried in their pouches. The times are
critical, but I have no fear of aught save the alarm and
indecision of our rulers. All here is sheer confusion, and
there is a tendency to treat these rebellious Sepoys with a
tenderness as misplaced as it would be pernicious. There is
actually a talk of concentrating troops, and waiting to be
joined by others before marching on Delhi; and they utterly
refuse to detach even a party on Kurnal to protect the
officers and treasury there. This is all very sad, and
sometimes makes one disposed to question whether we are not
suffering from the "dementia" which Providence sends as the
forerunner of ruin. However, our course is not yet run, and
whatever clouds may gather over us, there are good results
in store. The Punjaub is quiet. The native troops at
Mean-Meer were quietly disarmed, and do their guards with
bayonets only. This excellent arrangement is Sir John
Lawrence's doing. Nothing is known of Lucknow, or indeed of
any place below Meerut. Allygurh is supposed to have gone.
Some details of the massacre at Delhi, which I have just
heard from one of the escapees, are awful beyond belief.
Charlie Thomason is said to have escaped; Mr. Jennings, the
chaplain, and his daughter were among the victims. Mr.
Beresford, his wife, and five daughters all massacred. Poor
Colonel Ripley lived long enough to say he was killed by his
own men. De Teissier's native artillerymen joined the rebels
with their guns;--he escaped, though severely wounded.
_17th._--We are all terribly anxious about the hill
stations, reports having reached us that the Goorkhas have
mutinied and attacked Simla. 100 men, with ammunition, have
gone off this morning to Kussowlee. Dugshai is easily
defended. Simla is most to be feared.... All this has put
out of my head for the time the good news for us. Yesterday
I was sent for by the Commander-in-Chief, and appointed
Assistant Quartermaster-General on his personal staff, to be
under the immediate orders of his Excellency, and with
command to raise 100 horse and 50 foot, for service in the
Intelligence Department, and as personal escort. All this
was done, moreover, in a most complimentary way, and it is
quite in my line. I am prepared to set to work vigorously;
but I confess my anxiety on account of the reports we hear
respecting the hill stations makes me cruelly anxious....
General Anson, it seems, wrote about me to Talbot, but could
get no answer before the outbreak occurred, which makes this
act of his, on his own responsibility, the more
complimentary. It is very uncertain now when we move on. All
is quiet in the Punjaub, I am thankful to say, and the
rebels have had a lesson read them at Ferozepoor which will
do good. The 45th Native Infantry were nearly cut to pieces
by the 10th Light Cavalry,[18] who pursued them for twelve
miles, and cut them to pieces. This last is a great fact.
One regiment at least has stood by us, and the moral effect
will be great; nothing known yet from below. Poor Macdonald,
of the 20th Native Infantry, his wife, and their three
babes, murdered, with adjuncts not to be mentioned. John
Lawrence is acting with great vigor, and they have organized
a movable force at Jhelum, composed of her Majesty's 24th
and 27th, the Guides, Kumaon Battalion, and other
Irregulars, to move in any required direction. Montgomery
writes in great spirits and confidence from Lahore. I am
just sent for by the chief.
KURNAL, _May 18th_.--According to orders, I left Umbala at
8.30 P.M., and reached here at 4.30 A.M., having prepared
everything at Peeplee _en route_. I had only "Bux"[19] with
me, and did not apprehend any danger until within a few
miles of Kurnal, but nothing whatever happened; the road was
deserted, and not a soul to be seen. I am sheltered in a
house occupied by the refugees from Delhi and the civil
officers of Kurnal, about fifteen in all, with Mrs.
Wagentrieber, her husband, and sundry sergeants, &c. The
European troops will be here to-night. What would I not give
for a couple of hundred of my old Guides! I flatter myself I
could do something then. As it is, I must bide my time until
I can get a few good men together on whom I can depend. I
have been so busy all day, writing letters on my knee,
sending off electric messages, _cum multis aliis_. I can but
rejoice that I am employed again; certain, too, as I am,
that the star of Old England will shine the brighter in the
end, and we shall hold a prouder position than ever. But the
crisis is an awful one!
_May 19th._--This morning the Commander-in-Chief ordered me
to raise and command an entire new regiment of Irregular
Horse. I do not know who or what has been at work for me,
but he seems willing enough to give me work to do, and I am
willing enough to do it. The European troops arrived this
morning (I sent a telegraphic message to say so); and the
Rajah of Jheend, with his men, last night. I have offered to
clear the road and open the communication to Meerut and
Delhi with the Rajah's Horse. If the Chief will consent, I
think I am sure of success. It is believed that nothing has
occurred at Agra. The Punjaub all quiet up to last night; as
long as that is the case we shall do. With God and our Saxon
arms to aid us, I have firm faith in the result.
_20th._--Deep anxiety about the safety of the hill stations
continues unabated; no letters,--no certainty,--only
rumors. Were it not for this, I should enter with full zest
into the work before me, and the fresh field which I owe to
General Anson's kindness. He has at last consented to my
trying to open communication with Meerut, so I start this
afternoon to try to make my way across with a party of the
Jheend Horse; and I have, under Providence, little doubt of
success, though I would rather have a party of my dear old
Guides. There has been an outbreak at Agra, but all the
Europeans are shut up in the fort; Allygurh and Moradabad
have mutinied, but by God's help we shall get safely
through.
_20th_, 2 P. M.--Just one line to say I am starting, and
shall not be able to write to-morrow or next day. Still no
tidings from the hills! This is a terrible additional pull
upon one's nerves at a time like this, and is a phase of war
I never calculated on.
_May 24th._--I returned from my expedition to Meerut late
last night. It was eminently successful, and I am off
immediately to Umbala to report progress to the Chief. Much
relieved by a letter from you.
_25th._--A hurried line only to say I am safe and well, but
dead beat. I went yesterday to Umbala by mail-cart to report
to the Commander-in-Chief. Got there at 6 P.M., and started
back again at 11 P.M. As I have only had one night in bed
out of five, I am tolerably weary. The Commander-in-Chief
arrived this morning. I will give you more particulars when
I have slept.
From a letter written from camp before Delhi, in August, to Colonel D.
Seaton:--
... "As soon as the Commander-in-Chief reached Umbala he
sent for me, and put me in charge of the Intelligence
Department, as an Assistant Quartermaster-General General
under his personal orders. I left Umbala by mail-cart that
night for Kurnal, ascertained the state of things, made
arrangements for the protection and shelter of the advanced
party, and offered to open the road to Meerut, from Kurnal.
He replied by telegraph. Seventy-two hours afterwards, I was
back in Kurnal, and telegraphed to him that I had forced my
way to Meerut,[20] and obtained all the papers he wanted
from the General there. These I gave him four hours later in
Umbala. The pace pleased him, I fancy, for he ordered me to
raise a Corps of Irregular Horse, and appointed me
Commandant."
* * * * *
_May 25th, Evening._--I wrote this morning a few hurried
lines to keep you from anxiety. I was too tired to do more,
the continued night-work had wearied me out, and when I got
back here at half-past six this morning I was fairly dead
beat. Poor Charlie Thomason is with me. I am happy to have
been in some measure instrumental in getting him in in
safety, by offering a heavy sum to the villagers. He had
been wandering about in the jungles, with several other
refugees, for days, without food or shelter. I am deeply
grieved for him, poor fellow! The state of panic at Meerut
was shocking; all the ladies shut up in an inclosed barrack,
and their husbands sleeping in the men's barracks for
safety, and never going beyond the sentries.
General Hewitt is in a state of helpless imbecility. The
best and boldest spirit there was our friend Alfred Light,
doing his work manfully and well. He had had some miraculous
escapes. My commission is to raise a body of Irregular Horse
on the usual rates of pay and the regular complement of
native officers, but the number of troops to be
unlimited,--_i. e._, I am to raise as many men as I please;
2,000, if I can get them. The worst of it is, the being in a
part of the country I do not know, and the necessity of
finding men who can be trusted. Mr. Montgomery is aiding me
wonderfully. He called upon some of my old friends among the
Sirdars to raise men for me. Shumshere Singh is raising one
troop; Tej Singh ditto; Emaumoodeen ditto; Mr. Montgomery
himself one or two ditto. All these will be ready in about
three weeks. I am to remain Assistant Quartermaster-General,
attached to the Commander-in-Chief. This allows me free
access to him at any time, and to other people in authority,
which gives me power for good. The Intelligence Department
is mine exclusively, and I have for this line Sir Henry's
old friend, the one-eyed Moulvie, Rujub Alee, so I shall get
the best news in the country. Montgomery has come out very,
very strong indeed, and behaved admirably. The native
regiments at Peshawur have been disarmed. One at Naoshera
(the 55th) was sent over to occupy Murdan in the absence of
the Guides. They have mutinied, and seized the fort, and
confined the Assistant Commissioner. General Cotton is going
against them, and the Euzofzai folks will do their best to
prevent a man escaping. As yet the Punjaub is quiet, and the
Irregulars true. The Guides are coming down here by forced
marches.
CAMP, PANEEPUT, _27th_.--I wrote to you this morning, but as
I shall not probably be in the way of daks to-morrow, I
write a few lines to be sent after I start onwards. You will
have heard of the sad death of General Anson. He was taken
with cholera yesterday, and died without pain from collapse
this morning. He made over command to General Barnard with
his last breath. Sir Henry only arrived from Umbala just in
time. His death is politically a vast misfortune just at
this crisis, and personally I am deeply grieved, and the
natives will be highly elated. I am even now hard at work,
raising my men, or taking means to do so, and have already
had applications for officers; but I shall not settle on
officers till the men begin to collect, and this time I will
take care to have none but gentlemen, if I can help it. I am
going downwards to-night to look after the bridge[21] on
this side of Delhi, about thirty miles hence, by which the
Meerut troops will move to join us. I take the Jheend Horse;
Colonel T. Seaton is commanding the 60th Native Infantry,
and will be here to-night with them. I don't envy him his
new command, but he is a good man, and a brave soldier, and
if any man can get them over the mess, he will do it. Sir H.
Barnard is a fine gentlemanly old man, but hardly up to his
work. However, we must all put our shoulders to the wheel,
and help him over the crisis. I trust he will act with
vigor, for we have delayed far too long already.
_29th._--There is nothing new. I travelled eighty miles
between 2 P. M. yesterday, and ten this morning, besides
heaps of business. I am tired, I confess, for the heat is
awful. The treasuries are empty, and no drafts are to be
cashed, so how we are to get money I cannot imagine. We hear
that a request has gone to Lord Canning to send for Pat
Grant as Commander-in-Chief, pending instructions. I grieve
for poor General Anson, and I ought to do so, for he was a
good friend to me.
SUMALKA, _30th_.--My earnest representations and
remonstrances seem at last to have produced some effect, for
at 7 P. M. yesterday we got an order to move on. The
head-quarters follow us to-night from Kurnal. The "we" means
three squadrons of 9th Lancers, Money's troop of Horse
Artillery, and 1st Fusileers. Brigadier Hallifax is in
command, but so ill from heat and anxiety, that I begin to
be anxious about him, and whether he will be able to remain
with the force is doubtful. Colonel T. Seaton has gone on to
Rohtuck with the 60th Native Infantry, who, I have no doubt,
will desert to a man as soon as they get there. It is very
plucky of him and the other officers to go; and very hard of
the authorities to send them; a half-hearted measure, and
very discreditable, in my opinion, to all concerned;
affording a painful contrast to Sir John Lawrence's bold and
decided conduct in this crisis. The old Guides are to be
here on the 8th or 10th to join us. The heat here is a
caution, and writing in this melting climate anything but
easy, especially as chairs and tables are not common. This
regiment (1st Fusileers) is a credit to any army, and the
fellows are in as high spirits and heart, and as plucky and
free from croaking as possible, and really do good to the
whole force.
KUSSOWLEE, _May 31st_.--Here we are one more stage on our
road to Delhi; we are, however, to halt a couple of days or
so at the next stage (Raee), to await the arrival of General
Barnard. Poor Brigadier Hallifax was so ill that he would
clearly have died had he remained here, so we had a medical
committee, put him into my shigram (a travelling wagon), and
sent him off to Kurnal for Umbala and the hills. I sent a
telegraphic message for Mrs. Hallifax to meet him at Umbala.
This is but the beginning of this work, I fear; and before
this business ends, we who are, thank God! still young and
strong shall alone be left in camp; all the elderly
gentlemen will sink under the fatigue and exposure. I think
of asking for Mr. Macdowell as my second in command; he is a
gentleman, and only wants opportunity to become a gallant
soldier. The whole onus of work here is on my shoulders;
every one comes to me for advice and assistance, which is
purely absurd. I shall do all the work and others get the
credit, as usual; but in these days we cannot afford to
spare ourselves. The Empire is at stake, and all we love and
reverence is in the balance. I tried to persuade them to
send General Johnstone to Meerut to supersede Hewitt. I wish
he had been there and was here; we have few as good.
RAEE, _June 1st_.--I have just been roused up from the
first sleep I have had, for I don't know how long, (lying
under a peepul-tree, with a fine breeze like liquid fire
blowing over me,) by the news that the dak is going, so I
can only say that all is well, and that we are here, about
twenty miles from Delhi, and I hope ere night to capture
some of the rascals who stripped and ill-treated two ladies
near this the other day on their flight to the hills.
Colonel Hope Grant has arrived to command the force until
General Barnard comes, which will be on the 4th, and the
Meerut people also. The Delhi mutineers marched out ten
miles, and attacked Brigadier Wilson on the night of the
30th, at Ghazeenuggur, on his way to this place. He drove
them back, and captured all their guns. Some 8,000 or 10,000
of them came out, and he had only about 1,000 men. Long
odds, this; but of course all his men were Europeans. I fear
the 14th Irregulars have joined the mutineers. If they would
only make haste and get to Delhi, we might do something.
RAEE, _2d_.--You will have been as much shocked as I was by
the tidings of poor Brigadier Hallifax's death at Kurnal,
only a few hours after I had put him into the carriage, with
the comfortable assurance that his wife would meet him at
Umbala. He died from congestion of the brain. I have been
much affected by this, for I had a warm regard for him, and
his very helplessness the last few days seemed to strengthen
the tie. I feel deeply for his poor wife and children.
Colonel Mowat of the artillery is dead too, of cholera. The
weather is undoubtedly very trying for old and infirm men;
but we are all well here, and there is no sickness to speak
of among the troops. All will be here to-morrow.
Headquarters, 75th, Queen's, and remainder of 9th Lancers;
the heavy guns and 2d Fusileers are only a short way behind.
Colonel Hope Grant commands. The Meerut folks have had
another fight (on the 31st) with the Delhi mutineers, and
again beaten them; but this constant exposure is very trying
to Europeans. I wish we were moving nearer Delhi more
rapidly, as all now depends on our quickly disposing of this
mighty sore. I wish from my heart we had Sir Henry Lawrence
here; he is the man for the crisis. We are all in high
spirits; only eager to get at the villains who have
committed atrocities which make the blood run cold but to
think of. I trust the retribution will be short, sharp, and
decisive.
Another batch of half-starved, half-naked Europeans, men,
women, and children (a deputy collector and his family),
were brought into camp to-day, after wandering twenty-three
days in the jungle.
RAEE, _3d_.--Things are so quiet in the Punjaub that I begin
to hope that, if we do but make haste in disposing of Delhi,
the campaign may not be so long, after all. Everything
depends on that; we dare not, however, calculate on such
good fortune either to our arms or ourselves. The
head-quarters' people joined this morning; they seem to
stand it better than I expected. Congreve complains a good
deal, but Keith Young and Arthur Becher are well. I have not
yet seen Sir H. Barnard. I was kept up and out half the
night, and then out again at daybreak, so I am too tired and
busy to pay visits. There has been no further fight that we
know of. Charlie Thomason rejoined us this morning; he has
picked up a little since his starvation time ended, and does
not look so like a wild beast as he did. Still good news
from Agra; there are, however, reports which tend to show
disturbances in the Allyghur and Bolundshur districts.
ALEEPORE, _5th_.--You must not be anxious on my account; I
am in as good a position as possible for a subaltern to be,
unless, indeed, I had my regiment ready for service. I am
second only to Becher in the Quarter-master-General
Department, and the Intelligence Department is entirely my
own. I feel deeply for poor Mrs. Hallifax and her large
family, and am delighted that you are able to aid them. I
have tried everywhere to get a bearer, but the natives will
not serve us now, and I could get no one even on double pay.
Only two days ago I succeeded in getting a Bheestie. If we
could but get all the seventy-four native infantry regiments
in one lump we could manage them, but they will never stand
after we get our guns to work. I rode right up to the Delhi
parade-ground this morning to reconnoitre, and the few
Sowars, whom I met, galloped away like mad at the sight of
one white face. Had I had a hundred Guides with me I would
have gone up to the very walls.
ALEEPORE, _6th_.--All the force is assembled to-day save the
Meerut portion, and they will be up to-night; the heat is
severe, but not unhealthy. The siege guns came in this
morning, and the 2d European Bengal Fusileers, and we are
all ready to move on. About 2,000 of the rebels have come
out of Delhi, and put themselves in position to bar our
road. Even your pride would be satisfied at the cry when I
ride to the front or start on any little excursion. I think
I am more than appreciated by the head-quarters' people. I
had barely finished the word when I was sent for by the
General, and had a pretty strong proof of the estimation I
am held in. He had been urged to one particular point of
attack; and when I went into the tent, he immediately turned
to the assembled council, and said, "I have always trusted
to Hodson's intelligence, and have the greatest confidence
in his judgment. I will be guided by what he can tell me
now." So the croakers, who had been groaning, were
discomfited. This is of course for your own eye and ear
alone, but it is pleasant, as the General has only known me
since he has now joined the force.[22]
ALEEPORE, _June 7th_.--I have little to do with the "Jheend
Rajah's troops," further than that I am empowered to demand
as many as I want, and whenever I want them. I have
twenty-five men on constant duty with me, and to-day have
asked for double that number for extra duty; beyond this, I
have not, and do not wish to have, further to do with them.
All Rohilcund is in mutiny. In fact, the district of Agra is
the only one in the Northwest Provinces now under our
control. What a terrible lesson on the evils of delay! It
will be long yet, I fear, ere this business is over. Oh for
Sir Henry Lawrence! Yet personally I have no reason to
complain.
CAMP, DELHI, _June 8th, 1857_.--Here we are safe and sound,
after having driven the enemy out of their position in the
cantonments up to and into the walls of Delhi! I write a
line in pencil on the top of a drum to say that I am
mercifully untouched, and none the worse for a very hard
morning's work. Our loss has been considerable, the rebels
having been driven from their guns at the point of the
bayonet. Poor Colonel Chester killed at the first fire.
Alfred Light (who won the admiration of all) wounded, but
not severely. No one else of the staff party killed or
wounded; but our general returns will, I fear, tell a sad
tale. Greville slightly hurt. The enemy's guns captured, and
their dispersion and rout very complete. God has been very
good to me. May His gracious protection still be shown!
FOOTNOTES:
[18] They afterwards mutinied.
[19] His bearer.
[20] _Letter from an Officer._
"When the mutiny broke out, our communications were completely cut
off. One night, on outlying picket at Meerut, this subject being
discussed, I said, 'Hodson is at Umbala, I know; and I'll bet he will
force his way through, and open communications with the
Commander-in-Chief and ourselves.' At about three that night I heard
my advanced sentries firing. I rode off to see what was the matter,
and they told me that a party of enemy's cavalry had approached their
post. When day broke, in galloped Hodson. He had left Kurnal
(seventy-six miles off) at nine the night before, with one led horse
and an escort of Sikh cavalry, and, as I had anticipated, here he was
with despatches for Wilson! How I quizzed him for approaching an armed
post at night without knowing the parole. Hodson rode straight to
Wilson, had his interview, a bath, breakfast, and two hours' sleep,
and then rode back the seventy-six miles, and had to fight his way for
about thirty miles of the distance."
Another officer, writing to his wife at this time, says:--
"Hodson's gallant deeds more resemble a chapter from the life of
Bayard or Amadis de Gaul, than the doings of a subaltern of the
nineteenth century. The only feeling mixed with my admiration for him
is envy."
[21] At Bhagput.
[22] I am told that, one day about this time, General Barnard said at
the council table, "We must have our best man to lead that
column;--Hodson, will you take it?"--_Ed._
CHAPTER II.
SIEGE OF DELHI.
CAMP BEFORE DELHI, _June 9th_.
I wrote you a few hurried lines on the field of battle
yesterday, to say that we had beaten the enemy, and driven
them back five miles into Delhi. How grateful rest was after
such a morning! The Guides came in to-day, and it would have
done your heart good to see the welcome they gave
me--cheering and shouting and crowding round me like frantic
creatures. They seized my bridle, dress, hands, and feet,
and literally threw themselves down before the horse with
the tears streaming down their faces. Many officers who were
present hardly knew what to make of it, and thought the
creatures were mobbing me; and so they were,--but for joy,
not for mischief[23]. All the staff were witnesses of this,
and Colonel Becher says their reception of me was quite
enough to contradict all the reports of my unpopularity[24]
with the regiment. There is terrible confusion all along the
road, and we can only get the daks carried at all by
bribery, stage by stage.
_June 10th._--When I hastily closed my letter yesterday, I
hoped to be able to write a long one for to-day's dak, and
to have had some hours' quiet to myself; but before the post
had well started, our troops were again under arms, the
mutineers having thought proper to attack our position;
consequently I was on horseback the whole day, and thankful
to get at night a mouthful of food and a little rest. I had
command of all the troops on our right, the gallant Guides
among the rest. They followed me with a cheer for their old
commander, and behaved with their usual pluck; but I grieve
deeply to say that poor Quintin Battye was mortally wounded.
He behaved most nobly, Daly tells me, leading his men like a
hero. Poor Khan Singh Rosah, who had come down from the
Punjaub to join me only the same morning, was badly shot
through the shoulder. Indeed, I did _not_ expose myself
unnecessarily, for, having to direct the movements of three
or four regiments, I could not be in the front as much as I
wished. God has mercifully preserved me, and I humbly pray
will continue His gracious care. The warmth of the reception
again given me by the Guides was quite affecting, and has
produced a great sensation in camp, and had a good effect on
our native troops, insomuch that they are more willing to
obey their European officers when they see their own
countrymen's enthusiasm. Numbers of the men want to come and
join my new regiment,--in fact, the largest proportion of
the cavalry; but of course I cannot take them now, nor until
this business is over. I am wonderfully well, and only a
little anxious about the hill stations, though I have full
confidence in Lord William Hay's management. There is not
much sickness in camp, though many wounded, and there will
be many more, I fear, before we get into Delhi. We have
been fortunate in the weather hitherto.
The enemy are at least four or five times our strength, and
their numbers tell when we come near them, despite their
want of discipline. They are splendid artillery-men,
however, and actually beat ours in accuracy of fire.
Light works on magnificently, despite a severe and painful
wound in the head. I was very nearly coming to grief once
this morning, for the sabre I thought such a good one went
the first blow, and the blade flew out of the handle the
second, the handle itself breaking in two. I had to borrow a
sword from a horse artillery-man for the remainder of the
day.
The Jheend men with me fought like excellent soldiers. The
good General came up when it was over and shook hands with
me, and then with the men nearest. Their Rajah has given the
native officer a pair of gold bangles, and doubled his pay.
This is the way to encourage soldiers, European as well as
native: reward them, if but with thanks, on the spot.
Colonel Thomas Seaton is at Rohtuck, in command of the 60th
Native Infantry. How much longer they will refrain from
mutiny one cannot say; certainly not long; though if any man
can keep them steady, Seaton will. I hear some 300 or 400
men are ready for me; a few have already arrived with Khan
Singh. Meantime my position is Assistant
Quartermaster-General on the Commander-in-Chief's personal
staff. I am responsible for the Intelligence Department, and
in the field, or when anything is going on, for directing
the movements of the troops in action, under the immediate
orders of the General; I have no other master, and he
listens to my suggestions most readily. Charlie Thomason is
here, working away as an engineer. Macdowell is well and
merry, and much gratified at my having asked for him.
_June 14th._--We were roused up three times during the
night, and I have been deep in business with the General all
the morning. I was also interrupted by the mournful task of
carrying poor Battye to his grave; the brave boy died last
night, with a smile on his lip, and a Latin quotation on his
tongue, "Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori." Poor fellow!
he had quite won my heart by his courage and amiable
qualities, and it is very, very sad, his early death. It was
a noble one, however, and worthy of a soldier. We have just
been excited in camp by the hasty arrival of Colonel Seaton
and the officers of the late 60th Native Infantry, which
mutinied yesterday, and, spite of all Seaton could do, they
fired on their officers, who, however, all escaped and came
into camp safe, after a ride of fifty miles. Seaton is with
me, looking terribly worn and harassed, but he says quite
well in health, though disgusted enough. Dr. Coghlan (75th
Regiment) died of cholera last night, but, thank God! there
are no other cases in camp. I am much vexed at the _Lahore
Chronicle_ "butter," and wish people would leave me alone in
the newspapers. The best "butter" I get is the deference and
respect I meet with from all whose respect I care for, and
the affectionate enthusiasm of the Guides, which increases
instead of lessening.
_June 12th._--We were turned out early this morning by an
attack on our outposts and position generally by the rebel
army. A sharp fight ensued, which lasted some four hours.
The enemy came on very boldly, and had got close to us,
under cover of the trees and gardens, before they were seen;
however, the troops turned out sharp, and drove them back
quickly from our immediate vicinity; they were then
followed up, and got most heartily thrashed. They have never
yet been so punished as to-day. I estimate their loss in
killed alone at 400, while our loss was comparatively
trifling. The Guides behaved admirably, so did the
Fusileers, as usual. Jacob's wing was the admiration of all;
one officer (Captain Knox, 75th) was killed, and one or two
wounded, I do not know how many European soldiers; but on
the whole the affair was a very creditable one. I am safe
and sound still, and again have to thank the Almighty for my
preservation.
Yesterday, I was ordered by the General to assist Greathed,
and one or two more engineers, in forming a project of
attack, and how we would do to take Delhi. We drew up our
scheme and gave it to the General, who highly approved, and
will, I trust, carry it out; but how times must be changed,
when four subalterns are called upon to suggest a means of
carrying out so vitally important an enterprise as this, one
on which the safety of the Empire depends! Wilberforce
Greathed is next senior engineer to Laughton. Chesney is
Major of the Engineer Brigade, and Maunsell commands the
Sappers, so they had official claims to be consulted.
I was added, because the General complimentarily told me he
had the utmost value for my opinion, and though I am known
to counsel vigorous measures, it is equally well known I do
not urge others to do what I would not be the first to do
myself. It is a much more serious business than was at first
anticipated. Delhi is a very strong place, and the vast
resources which the possession of our arsenal has given the
mutineers, has made the matter a difficult one to deal with,
except by the boldest measures; the city should be carried
by a _coup-de-main_, and that at once, or we may be many
weeks before Delhi, instead of within it. All is safe at
Agra, and the 3d Europeans are quietly under cover. A large
party of us have just been listening to a letter from Lord
W. Hay, in which he speaks in the highest terms of the
conduct of some of the ladies at Simla, and says that the
sense and courage exhibited by one or two of them has given
a severe lesson to those who ought to know better than to
require it from the weaker sex.
_June 13th._--We were to have taken Delhi by assault last
night, but a "mistake of orders," (?) as to the right time
of bringing the troops to the rendezvous, prevented its
execution. I am much annoyed and disappointed at our plan
not having been carried out, because I am confident it would
have been successful. The rebels were cowed, and perfectly
ignorant of any intention of so bold a stroke on our part as
an assault; the surprise would have done everything. I am
very vexed, though the General is most kind and considerate
in trying to soothe my disappointment,--too kind, indeed, or
he would not so readily have pardoned those whose fault it
is that we are still outside Delhi.
_June 14th._--There was another smart engagement last night,
the 60th Native Infantry having thought fit to signalize
their arrival at Delhi by an attack upon our position; they
suffered for it, as usual, but also, as usual, we lost
several good men whom, God knows, we can ill spare. Mr.
Kennedy was wounded, and a Subadar and some men of the
Guides killed. I was not very much under fire, though I had
to run the gantlet now and then of a rain of shot and shells
with which the rebels belabored us. Our artillery officers
themselves say that they are outmatched by these rascals in
accuracy and rapidity of fire; and as they have unlimited
supplies of guns and ammunition from our own greatest
arsenal, they are quite beyond us in many respects. I am
just returned from a long ride to look after a party of
plunderers from the city, who had gone round our flank; I
disposed of a few.
_June 15th._--I have had a night and day of great anxiety,
owing to fresh rumors of an outbreak at Simla. I have much
confidence in Lord W. Hay's judgment and management of the
natives, but this would not be sufficient, were the station
once attacked. The dak, however, has arrived, and quieted
our apprehensions. There was a sharp fight again this
morning, which lasted some hours; our loss was not great,
but every man is a loss. Our project for the assault is
still approved of and entertained, but put off from day to
day, till it will be too late. It is now noon, and I have
been out since daybreak, and must get breakfast.
_June 16th._--Everybody here is infinitely disgusted at
learning the truth about the report of a riot at Simla, and
the opinion is universal that ---- ought to be removed.
Neville Chamberlain is Adjutant-General of the army, and Pat
Grant Commander-in-Chief. I do not think either of them will
approve of any "soldier" showing his prowess in fighting
helpless women and children, or of one whose only courage is
exhibited on a peaceful parade, or when an unfortunate
subaltern is to be bullied. The weather is intense to-day,
and I am uncomfortable from having caught a heavy cold, but
it will soon go off, I dare say. I mentioned that four of us
had been ordered to prepare a project of attack, and that we
had suggested and arranged a bold but perfectly feasible
_coup-de-main_; it was approved and ordered, but in
consequence of ----'s not bringing up his troops, was
forced to be abandoned; it has again been ordered,
countermanded, and finally abandoned. A council of war sat
yesterday, and resolved to wait for reinforcements!! our
scheme, however, is on record, and our names attached.
General Barnard told me yesterday he wished I was a captain,
for he would pledge himself to get me a majority for what I
had already done; he thought he "might safely promise _that_
at least." But, alas! I am not a captain.
_June 18th._--I was not able to write yesterday, for the
cold I mentioned as having caught in common with many others
in camp, turned into a sharp attack of bronchitis, or
inflammation on the chest, and I was really very ill for
some hours. To-day I am thankful to say I am much better,
though very weak; the inflammation has disappeared, and I
hope to be on my horse again to-morrow, in spite of all the
doctor says. Every one is very kind, the General
particularly so; he insists on having me in his own tent, as
being so much larger than my own, and he takes the most
fatherly care of me. I can see no reason strong enough to
induce me to consent to any ladies coming to camp; it is
true that a Captain ----, who with his wife escaped from
Delhi to Umbala, has dragged the unfortunate woman back here
again, though expecting her confinement, and with not a
shadow of comfort or shelter, except a tent. Even Mrs.
----,[25] and all the others of her sex, have been sent back
to Meerut; they never ought to have been allowed to come
with us; the greatest consolation to us here is the thought
that those dearest to us are in safety, and free from the
heat and dangers and annoyances of our life here. Poor Brown
was badly wounded last night in the shoulder. I much fear
that Dr. Hay has been murdered at Bareilly; his name is
among the missing, and scarcely a hope remains.
_June 19th._--I am up and dressed, and crawling about a
little to-day, but much weaker than I fancied, and dizzy
with quinine, and vexed at being useless at such a time. The
General nurses me as if I were his son. I woke in the night,
and found the kind old man by my bedside, covering me
carefully up from the draught. The delay and absolute want
of progress here is very disheartening. There have been
repeated attacks upon us; all of course with the same
result, (but, for that matter, we are as nearly besieged as
the rebels themselves are,) and we lose valuable lives in
every encounter, the sum total of which would swell the
catalogue to the dimensions of that of a general engagement.
Our plan of carrying the city by a _coup-de-main_ was
frustrated the first night by the fears and absolute
disobedience of orders of ----, the man who first lost
Delhi, and has now by folly prevented its being recaptured.
The General has twice since wished and even ordered it, but
has always been thwarted by some one or other; latterly by
that old woman ----, who has come here for nothing,
apparently, but as an obstacle; ---- is also a crying evil
to us. The General knows this, and wants to get rid of him,
but has not the nerve to supersede him; the whole state of
affairs here is bad to a degree; it is true we always thrash
the fellows when we can get at them, for they are
contemptible as an enemy in the open field, being formidable
in numbers only; but the immense resources placed in their
hands, by the possession of our magazine and arsenal, inside
a walled and fortified town, make it very difficult for an
army, unless provided with a proper siege equipment and
engineer park, to drive them out in orthodox fashion we
have certainly plenty of guns, but we have not men to work
them; and of the latter, thanks to ----, we have absolutely
nothing, so we do nothing but fire away long shots at the
distance of a mile, and repel the enemy's attacks; instead
of which we ought to have had our batteries close up to the
walls, and been through them, days ago. It was from the
conviction that we had no regular means of reducing the
place by the fire of our artillery, and at the distance we
now are from the walls, and that it was vain to expect our
commandant of artillery to attempt any bolder stroke than
ordinary with the few guns for which he had hands, which
induced me to press the capture of the place by assault,
blowing open the gates with powder bags, and rushing in with
the bayonet. All was arranged, and under Providence I
venture to believe success was certain, but as I say, all
was frustrated by terror and disobedience. I fear now
nothing can be done for many days, and until other troops
arrive; meanwhile the evil is spreading, and disaffection,
to use a mild term, increasing. I fear there is no room to
doubt that Dr. Hay is dead; he was actually hung, with other
civilians, in the market-place at Bareilly, after going
through a mock form of trial. All the Europeans at
Shahjehanpoor have, we hear, been murdered while they were
in church, at the same moment, as nearly as possible, that
the Bareilly tragedy was going on.
_June 20th._--I am much better to-day, but still very weak,
yet work I must. There was a sharp fight again last evening.
The enemy came down and attacked our rear, and a sharp
conflict ensued between some 2,000 Sepoys with six guns, and
300 Europeans with one gun. The result was as usual, but two
events occurred which were important for me. Colonel Becher
was shot through the right arm, and Captain Daly badly hit
through the shoulder.
The consequence is, that I have in effect to see to the
whole work of the Quartermaster-General of the army; and in
addition, the General has begged me as a personal favor to
take command of the Guides until Daly has recovered. I at
first refused, but the General was most urgent, putting it
on the ground that the service was at stake, and none was so
fit, &c. &c. I do feel that we are bound to do our best just
now to put things on a proper footing, and after consulting
Seaton and Norman, I accepted the command. How ---- will
gnash his teeth to see me leading my dear old Guides again
in the field. If I can but keep it till Delhi is taken I
shall be satisfied, for I think I shall be able to do
something towards so favorable a result. Shebbeare was
appointed second in command at my request. He is an
excellent soldier. General Barnard[26] has written most
strongly in my favor, and has voluntarily pledged himself to
get me my majority as soon as ever I am a captain. I confess
I feel a little proud at being earnestly requested to take
again the command of which the machinations of my enemies
had deprived me. Our loss altogether last night was not more
than 50 killed and wounded; we took two guns;--enemy's loss
about 500.
_June 21st._--I have been on horseback to-day for the first
time since this attack of illness, so I may be considered
finally recovered, only I still feel considerable weakness.
It is very annoying not to be quite up to the mark in these
stirring times, especially when so much work has fallen to
my lot. I am fortunate, however, in not being, like many of
our poor fellows, laid up with wounds and serious ailments.
God has been very good to me, and in nothing more so than in
preserving what is most precious to me from the horrible
danger and suffering of so many of our poor countrywomen and
children. How thankful I am now that Reginald exchanged into
an European corps. I never see any of these unhappy
refugees, as we call the poor officers whose regiments have
mutinied, wandering about the camp, without uttering a
mental thanksgiving that he is safe from that at least. I
feel more strongly every hour that I should not have been
justified in refusing the command of the Guides under
present circumstances. We are, in point of fact, reduced to
merely holding our own ground till we get more men. The
drain on our resources has been enormous, while those of the
enemy have proved so much greater, both in men, ammunition,
and strength of position, than we expected, and they have
fought us so much more perseveringly than was deemed
possible, that it has become imperatively necessary to be
stronger before striking the final blow. The plan for
carrying the city[27] by assault, which I feel convinced
would then have been successful, has now become
impracticable. The enemy are stronger, we are weaker;
besides that, they would be prepared for any _coup-de-main_
now. General Johnstone is to be here by the 23d, we hope
with considerable reinforcements, and more will follow. I
trust that a few days then will end this business, as far as
Delhi is concerned, and so enable a part, at least, of the
force to move on towards Allygurh, and reopen the roads and
daks, and restore order for the time; but when the end will
be, who can say?
The rising in Rohilcund will, I fear, assume formidable
proportions and give us much trouble, as I think we shall
scarcely be able to do anything there before the cold
weather. There is, in fact, every prospect of a long and
tedious campaign. May God's wisdom direct and His mercy
defend us!
_June 22d._--The hottest day we have had yet; but while I
know that the hill stations are quiet, I can bear anything
with equanimity. The rumors down here, of all that has been
doing and feared at Simla, have been enough to unnerve any
one who does not know the truth. Lord W. Hay's judgment and
energy deserve every praise. Personally, I cannot but feel
gratified at the marked pleasure all hands, high and low,
have shown at my renewed command of the Guides. All
congratulate me as if they were personally interested; and
as to the men themselves, their vociferous, and I really
believe honest, delight is quite overpowering. The wounded
generally are doing well, poor fellows, considering the
heat, dirt, and want of any bed but the dry ground. Their
pluck is wonderful, and it is not in the field alone that
you see what an English soldier is made of. One poor fellow
who was smoking his pipe and laughing with the comrade by
his side, was asked, what was the matter with him, and he
answered in a lively voice, "Oh, not much, sir, only a
little knock on the back; I shall be up and at the rascals
again in a day or two." He had been shot in the spine, and
all his lower limbs were paralyzed. He died next day.
Colonel Welchman[28] is about again; too soon, I fear, but
there is no keeping the brave old man quiet. Poor Peter
Brown[29] is very badly wounded, but he is cheerful, and
bears up bravely. Jacob[30] has "come out" wonderfully. He
is cool, active, and bold, keeps his wits about him under
fire, and does altogether well. We are fortunate in having
him with the force. Good field-officers are very scarce
indeed; I do not wonder at people at a distance bewailing
the delay in the taking of Delhi. No one not on the spot can
appreciate the difficulties in the way, or the painful truth
that those difficulties increase upon us. The very large
reinforcements which the enemy are receiving, (the whole
Bareilly and Rohilcund force, some 5,000 men, are on their
way to join,) more than counterbalance the aid which can
reach us, so that when the last party arrives the odds will
still be immensely against us. It would not so much signify
if we could but get them into the open field, but for every
gun we can bring to bear upon them they can bring four
heavier ones against us. We drive them before us like chaff
in the field, but they can and do attack us in two or three
quarters at once, and our unfortunate soldiers are worked
off their legs. I do not say this to make matters look
gloomy, for I am as confident as ever of the result; but we
may be a long while yet, and a weary while too, before that
result is arrived at. Baird Smith will be here as Chief
Engineer in a day or two, and if we can manage to get some
batteries made suddenly, we may carry the city shortly; but
there are great obstacles. I regret more than ever that the
assault was not made on the night of the 11th, when they
were unprepared for us, and so much fewer in numbers. Now
they increase daily, and the city is so overflowing, that
the rascals are encamped outside the gates under cover of
their formidable batteries, and in the glacis; so much for
giving our arsenal into native keeping. All is well at Agra;
beyond that, we know nothing.
_June 23d._--The rebels came out again this morning in
considerable force, with the avowed intention of attacking
us on all sides. They have been frustrated, however, save on
one point, and firing is still going on. They do little more
than annoy us, and the only great evil they cause, is the
keeping our men out for hours in this scorching heat. The
worst of all is, that we can do but little harm to them, as
they are well under cover. The rascals most forward to-day
are the Jullundur troops, who ought never to have been
allowed to join the king of the rebels here at Delhi; why
they were not pursued and cut up, is at present a mystery,
but indignation is strong in camp against those who suffered
their escape.
General Johnstone has met with a serious accident at
Paneeput, I hear; most unfortunate indeed.
_June 23d._--An amusing story is told _a propos_ of the
fight this morning. A rascally Pandy, thinking all was over,
put his head out of the window of one of the houses, in the
shade of which a few Europeans and Goorkhas were resting.
One of the latter jumped up, laid hold of the rebel by his
hair, and with one chop of his "kookrie" took off his head.
Atkinson should make a sketch of this for the _Illustrated
News_. Sarel, of the 9th Lancers, came in this morning, in
an incredibly short space of time, from his shooting
expedition in the interior, ten days' journey beyond Simla.
He reports all quiet there, thank God! I am sadly weak, I
find, and have been obliged to change my work from the
saddle to the pen more than once to-day. This want of
physical strength depresses me. It is a burden to me to
stand or walk, and the excessive heat makes it difficult for
me to recover from that sharp attack of illness. The doctors
urge me to go away for a little to get strength,--as if I
could leave just now, or as if I would if I could.
_June 24th._--I have been in the saddle nearly all day,
though obliged occasionally to rest a bit when I could find
shelter. One of my halts was by the side of Alfred Light,
who has behaved magnificently under trial and difficulty. It
does me good to see the "Light of the ballroom" working away
at his guns, begrimed with dust and heat, ever cheery and
cool, though dead beat from fatigue and exposure. He is one
of a thousand, and a host in himself.
The enemy turned us out very early, and the firing continued
without intermission till dark, and such a day; liquid fire
was no name for the fervent heat. Colonel Welchman got an
ugly wound in the arm, and Dennis was knocked down by the
sun, and numbers of the men; but nothing less than a
knock-down blow from sun, sword, or bullet, stops a British
soldier. How well they fought to-day; and to do them
justice, so did my old Guides and my new Sikhs, while the
little Goorkhas vied with any in endurance and courage; but
the mismanagement of matters is perfectly sickening. Nothing
the rebels can do will equal the evils arising from
incapacity and indecision.
Fortunately, Neville Chamberlain has arrived, and he ought
to be worth a thousand men to us. I can but remember when
Lord Dalhousie gave me the command of the Guides, how
anxious he was for me to exchange it with him for the
Military Secretaryship at Lahore. Spite of all, I can never
regret not having yielded, for I feel that these two years
of persecution and suffering have been of service to me. I
can truly say, it is good for me to have been afflicted, and
I am conscious of being more fitted either for the Victoria
Cross or the soldier's grave! I do not think either that
Chamberlain bears me any ill-will, rather the contrary; but
did he do so, I would lose anything personally, for the sake
of having his influence predominant at head-quarters. I am
neither downhearted nor desponding when I say that with our
present chiefs I see no chance of taking Delhi. It might
have been done many days ago, (certes, it was not for want
of a distinct plan being before them or a willing leader,)
but they have not the nerve nor the heart for a bold stroke
requiring the smallest assumption of responsibility. Horses
are very scarce here, and I have the greatest difficulty in
getting my own men mounted. Mr. Montgomery is helping me
wonderfully with men, and I receive offers for service
daily, but in these mutinous times it is necessary to be
cautious. A telegraph from Agra says, "Heavy firing at
Cawnpore: result not known."
_June 25th._--There is little doing to-day, save a vain fire
of long shots, and I fear nothing effective will be done
till the 8th and 61st arrive. I hope much from Chamberlain.
The General, though one of the kindest and best of men, has
neither health nor nerve enough for so responsible, and
really very difficult, a position as that he is now in. Our
loss in officers and men bears a sadly large proportion to
our successes. In the 1st Fusileers it is, too, melancholy:
Colonel Welchman with a very bad hit in the arm, in addition
to his sickness when he came to Delhi from Dugshai; Greville
down with fever; Wriford with dysentery; Dennis with
sunstroke; Brown with wounds. Jacob and the "boys" have all
the work to themselves, and well indeed do the boys behave,
with a courage and coolness that would not disgrace
veterans. Little Tommy Butler, Owen, Warner, all behave like
heroes, albeit with sadly diminishing numbers to lead. I am
vexed at the mistakes or falsehoods of the newspaper
reports. So far from having been wounded in the fight of the
19th, I was not even present, but ill in bed. When Colonel
Becher came into camp wounded, I got up and struggled into
the saddle, and tried to get far enough to send up fresh
troops; but I had not got ten yards before I fell from my
horse, and was all but carried back to my tent again.
I am more and more convinced that I was right not to persist
in my refusal to take again the command of the Guides. It
was so pressed on me, and surely the best eradication of the
reproach of removal was the being asked to reassume it in
times of difficulty and danger like these.
That this is the general view of the case is shown by the
warm and hearty congratulations I meet with on all sides.
There is but one rule of action for a soldier in the field,
as for a man at all times: to do that which is best for the
public good; to make that your sole aim, resting assured
that the result will in the end be best for individual
interest also. I am quite indifferent not to see my name
appear in newspaper paragraphs and despatches; only content
if I can perform my duty truly and honestly, and too
thankful to the Almighty if I am daily spared for future
labors or future repose.
The story prevalent in the hills, that 7,000 of the enemy
are pitched in the open plain, is a mere magnification of
the simple fact, that a surplus portion of the rebels have
encamped under cover of their guns, and close up under the
wall of the city, and remain there all night, but this is on
the side opposite us. We are not very well off, _quant a la
cuisine_. I never had so much trouble in getting anything
fit to eat, except when I dine with the General. Colonel
Seaton[31] lives in my tent, and is a great companion; his
joyous disposition is a perpetual rebuke to the croakers.
Don't believe what is said about our batteries doing no
harm. The same was said of Muttra, yet, when we entered,
scarcely a square yard was unploughed by our shot. One of
the native officers of the Guides (you know how ingenious
they are at disguise) got into the city as a spy, and
remained there four days. He reports great dissension and
quarrelling among themselves. Robbery and fighting and
everything that is bad, between the newly arrived rebels and
the city people. This account my own native newsletters
confirm. The 9th Native Infantry had already decamped, and
thousands would follow if they dared. This last, I doubt;
the spirit of bravado, if not of bravery, is as yet too
strong. The rascals in the last engagement came out in their
red coats and medals!
_June 26th._--I have been so hard at work the whole day,
that I can only find time to say the enemy has made no
sortie to-day, but Pandy amuses himself with firing long
shots incessantly; all well, however.
_27th._--We were turned out before I had hardly turned in,
by another attack of the rebels. This time a faint one,
which has been already repulsed with trifling loss on our
side. For a short time, however, the cannonade was very
heavy, and I have seldom been under a hotter fire than for
about three quarters of an hour at our most advanced
battery, covered every moment with showers, or rather
clouds, of dust, stones, and splinters; but we kept close,
and no one was hurt. There has been an outcry throughout
camp at ----'s having fled from Bhagput, the bridge which
caused me so much hard riding and hard work to get, some
time ago. A report came that a portion of the mutineers were
moving in that direction, and he fairly bolted, leaving
boats, bridge, and all! Yet he had with him all the Rajah of
Jheend's men, horse, foot, and guns, and never even saw the
twinkle of a musket. In fact, it is not at all sure that an
enemy was ever near him. By this conduct he has not only cut
us off from all communication with Meerut, but actually left
the boats to be used or destroyed by the enemy. Our
reinforcements are in sight, at least the camp of the 8th,
and I do trust no further delay will take place in our
getting possession of Delhi. The insurgents are
disheartened, and I have no doubt but that the moment we get
possession of a single gate the greater portion of them
will run out through the opposite ones. The only formidable
part of the enemy is their artillery, which is amazingly
well-served, and in prodigious abundance, as my experience
this morning abundantly proved. Harris, of the 2d European
Bengal Fusileers, was wounded this morning, but not
dangerously. All quiet at Agra, we believe, but no
particulars known.
_June 28th._--I have just got orders to proceed to Bhagput,
some twenty-five miles off, on the Jumna, and see what the
real state of affairs is, and try to save the boats, so I
have only time to say I am much better and stronger, which
is a great comfort, for I could not have ridden the
distance, a few days ago. The rains have begun, and the air
is colder and more refreshing, though not exactly what one
could wish. Certainly the hot season in India is not the
pleasantest time in the year for campaigning, and this the
rascally mutineers were fully aware of before they began.
Colonel Greathed and the 8th came in this morning, and the
61st will be here to-morrow.
_June 29th._--I was thirteen hours and a half in the saddle
without intermission yesterday, and got back to camp after
midnight, very tired, but none the worse; fortunately, I had
a cloudy day and a tolerably cool breeze for my work. I
recovered the boats and found all quiet, in spite of ----'s
disgraceful flight. He had not even the sense or courage to
draw the boats over to our side of the river, consequently,
three were burnt and the whole place plundered. So much for
acting on native reports, without at least attempting to
ascertain their accuracy. The consequences are bad and
discreditable to a degree.
I doubt whether General Barnard used the exact expression
reported regarding Tombs, but he did say, and well he might,
that he was as gallant and good a soldier as any in camp,
and so indeed he is.
The fight of the 23d was a much more severe one than was
reported. It was not over till dark, and our loss was the
heaviest we have yet had to deplore, since we got here on
the 8th.
Reports must not be depended on. The fact was, Major
Olpherts arrived early in the morning. I myself galloped out
to meet him, and as he passed, when the fight had just
commenced, he fired once at the enemy, and then came into
camp to rest his men after their long march. We were out the
whole day until dark, and half dead with fatigue. Colonel
Welchman suffers severely from his wound, but bears it
bravely, as does Peter Brown.
Everything quiet to-day, no firing on either side. I do hope
this part of the business will soon be over, and that they
will only wait for the 61st and Coke's regiment, both of
which will be here to-morrow or next day. Colonel Seaton
himself recommended the disarming of his old Corps, the 35th
Native Infantry. To-day we hear it has been done. All was
safe at Cawnpore and Lucknow up to our last news.
_July 2d._--I have been quite unable to write since the
29th, on the night of which I was ordered off again to
Bhagput, to try to bring the boats down to camp, either to
make a bridge here or a "stop" for the enemy. The order was
given with the complimentary addenda from the General,
"because I can trust your judgment quite as much as your
energy." I expected to be back in good time on the 30th, but
the winds and waves were against me, and I could not get my
fleet of boats down the river.