Court dress.--Palace of Angolahlah.--Interview with Negoos.--
Memolagee.--Invited to house of Tinta.--Supplies from
palace.--Return to Ankobar.
_June 30th._--This morning, after a breakfast of bread and cayenne
pottage, which proved to be the contents of the little earthenware
jar carried back from the palace the day before, I was sent for, to
present myself immediately before the Negoos. Understanding that it was
etiquette to appear before royalty either with the upper part of the
body, above the waist, quite naked, or else, on the contrary, closely
clothed up, I chose the latter alternative, and put over my blowse
dress my black Arab cloak, and following the messenger, walked up the
side of the low hill upon which the Palace of Angolahlah stands. This
ridge, scarcely one hundred feet high, is a red ferruginous basaltic
dyke, which has here protruded through the general surface rock of grey
columnar porphyry. The rock of which it consists contains so much iron
as to render the compass completely useless in taking bearings, and
the oxidization, where it is exposed to the action of the atmosphere,
occasions the bright red colour of the hill. The circumscribed, but
nearly level summit, is occupied by the several courts of the royal
residence, the palace buildings, long thatched houses, standing in the
centre of all.
An irregular stockade of splintered _ted_ (a juniper pine), twelve or
fourteen feet high, is carried around the edge of the ridge, and the
enclosed area, in its longest direction, exceeds three hundred yards.
This is subdivided into courts, the first of which is entered from the
town by a low gateway that scarcely affords passage to a person mounted
upon a mule, although it is a privilege of the principal courtiers to
ride so far before they dismount, when they visit the Negoos.
Through this court we passed, for about twenty yards, between two rows
of noisy beggars, male and female, old, middle-aged, and young; who,
leprous, scrofulous, and maimed, exhibited the most disgusting sores,
and implored charity for the sake of Christ and the Virgin Mary. I was
glad to escape from their piteous importunity, and I passed quickly
through another row of palings by a narrow wicket into a second court,
something more extensive than the other, where I found a crowd of
people listening to an orator, who, with shoulders and body bare to his
middle, was addressing three or four turbaned monks who sat in an open
alcove, beneath the long projecting eaves of a thatched roof. This
I was given to understand by Walderheros, who followed close behind
me, was a court of justice, from whose decision, if the parties did
not feel satisfied, they appealed to the King. As we passed through a
third wicket, a small enclosure on one side attracted my attention,
from the circumstance of several prisoners, shackled by the wrists and
ancles with bright and apparently much-worn fetters, endeavouring to
get a peep at me through the interstices of their wooden prison. In the
next court was collected a great heap of stones, upon which a number
of people were sitting; and here also I was desired to be seated, as I
found out, among the noblemen of the country; for at first I objected
to such a lowly couch, until I saw the Wallasmah, whom I knew to be the
most powerful of any of the subjects of Sahale Selassee, sitting very
contented, wrapt up in his white tobe, his black bald head, little eyes
and snub nose, alone appearing from above its ample folds. There were
many others of nearly equal rank, who were waiting to see the Negoos;
so choosing the sunniest spot unoccupied, did in Shoa as I saw the
Shoans do, and sat down with the rest upon the hard stones.
I had scarcely comported myself so unassumingly when its due reward
followed, by being summoned immediately afterwards into the presence
of the Negoos. I found his majesty in the next court, which was
nearly circular, and surrounded by a low stone wall instead of the
high, ragged palisades, that three times before fence his retreat
about. Several long low houses stood around, serving as stores and
offices, and conspicuous among them was the little round cottage, about
twenty-two feet in diameter, that was then being erected by Capt.
Graham. One of the thatched houses was raised to a second story, open
in front, each side of which was ornamented with trellicework of very
rude carpentry. In this elevated alcove, upon a couch, covered with
red velvet, and reposing upon large cushions of yellow-coloured satin
lay the Negoos of Shoa, Sahale Selassee, whilst many-coloured Persian
carpets covered the floor, and hung over outside into the court.
I uncovered my head after the most approved court fashion, at least
as far as I knew anything of the matter, but a slight movement of the
considerate monarch instructed me that he desired I should keep my cap
on whilst standing in the sun, addressing me at the same time by an
Arabic expression, signifying “How do you do.”
This mode of commencing the conversation rather puzzled me, for simple
as was the salutation, I had forgotten the meaning of “_kiphanter_”
and fancying it to be some Amharic word, turned for assistance to
Walderheros, who, however, dropped his nether jaw, and looked a vacant
“I don’t know; don’t ask me.” Waarkie, who stood with numerous other
courtiers around the royal couch, came to the edge of the stage, and
repeated the word, upon which, recollecting myself, I bowed in return,
and taking out my letter I had received in Calcutta, held it up for
Waarkie to take it, and hand to the Negoos, as I hoped from his being
so conversant with Arabic, he might be able to decipher it without the
aid of an interpreter. This, however, I soon saw he could not do, for
upon looking at it, not being able to make anything of it the right
way, he turned it upside down, to see if it would read any easier in
that position. Two mollums, or learned Mahomedan scribes, attendants
of the Wallasmah Mahomed, were now summoned, but they soon confessed
themselves at fault with the Persian character. Very fortunately for
my reputation, a large round Government seal occupied one-third of
the paper, and some of the characters upon it being recognised as
Arabic, the document at length was reported to be genuine, or I should
have been set down as an impostor as well as an adventurer. The seal
having thus impressed them with the official character of the letter,
the mollums satisfied the King that they could make out that I was
represented in it to be a good man, and after one of them had been
instructed to ask me what presents I had brought for the Negoos, they
were ordered to depart.
Having understood from the members of the Mission, on my first arrival,
that it was an invariable custom, on introduction to the monarch, to
make him some present, I had accordingly provided myself with a few
yards of rich Chinese silk velvet, and a curiously-worked bead purse,
which contained a stone ring, cut out of a piece of green-coloured
jaspar. Each was handed up in succession to the Negoos for his
inspection; after having been duly described and registered upon a
strip of parchment by a scribe who stood at my elbow for that purpose.
As each was presented, the Negoos slightly bowed, and said, in his own
language, “_Egzeer ista_” (God return it to you).
A short conversation with his courtiers, who stood with the upper
parts of the body completely uncovered, was followed by a request on
the part of the Negoos, that I should ask from him whatever I desired.
I begged to be allowed to remain in Shoa until after the rains, and
then to have permission and his assistance to proceed to Enarea. A
slight inclination of assent, with an abrupt recommendation of me to
the care of heaven by his majesty, terminated the interview, and I
retired, followed by Walderheros, who appeared highly delighted with
the graciousness of my reception, and was evidently speculating upon
the bright prospects before him from the opportunities I might have of
pushing his fortunes at court, for the precincts of which he seemed to
have a great predilection.
Immediately after returning to my tent, a large goat was sent to me by
the Negoos, and an inconvenient command that I should remain for the
day at Angolahlah. There was nothing that I desired less, for the cold
weather, the thin shelter of the tent, and my expected attack of the
fever paroxysm on this day, made me anxious to proceed at once, after
my visit to the palace, to my comparatively comfortable quarters in
Aliu Amba, where the climate was so much more temperate and agreeable.
I sent Walderheros to report the circumstance of my being very ill, and
he fortunately met Tinta, who was coming down to see me, having been
appointed to act as my “balderabah.” This is an officer who attends to
the wants of a stranger guest, and is responsible to the Negoos for
any neglect of the duties of hospitality. He also is the channel of
communication between the monarch and his visitors, nor can any other
person of the royal household undertake the duties of, or become the
deputy of another in this office, so that it not unfrequently happens
that an inconvenient detention in one of the courts of the palace takes
place, if the balderabah happens not to be present to announce to the
Negoos the presence or the business of his client. As the balderabah is
always chosen from among the principal men about the court, the office
is somewhat analogous to that of the patrons which characterized the
state of society among the ancient Romans. The signification of the
name “balderabah,” in the Amharic language is, the master or opener of
the door.
Tinta came down, and after announcing to me that I had permission to
remain in his town, and that he was appointed my “friend at court,”
gave into my hand a little piece of parchment, about an inch and a half
square upon which was written in the Geez language, “Give to this Gypt,
eating and drinking,” nothing more, but which constituted me a “_balla
durgo_,” that is, master or receiver of rations. “Gypt,” the Amharic
for Egyptian, is the cognomen generally applied to all white men who
visit Abyssinia, they being supposed to come from Egypt.[8]
The durgo, or rations, supplied to strangers whilst resident in their
country, is a general custom among Abyssinian princes, and is of very
great antiquity. It is considered that all persons visiting the kingdom
come only as friends of the monarch, who, in the exercise of his
hospitality, takes upon himself the whole expense of their sustenance,
so that no excuse may be made for intriguing or interfering in the
ordered state of things, as regards the rule or security of the kingly
power. A deviation from the policy of non-interference on the part of
the guest would then be justly considered an act of great ingratitude;
nor when such a conservative principle is involved in the observance of
hospitality towards strangers, can we be surprised at the indignation
which marks several tirades in the productions of the ancient poets,
when this custom was more general than in modern times, against
individuals who have thus erred in their duties to the hosts who have
entertained them.
Moreover, when departing from an Abyssinian country, the audience of
leave-taking is supposed to terminate with a blessing bestowed upon
the king by the guest, who acknowledges in this manner the kindness
with which he has been received. The blessing being withheld implies
the reverse, and no little uneasiness and superstitious alarm would
be occasioned in the mind of a monarch, by the idea that the stranger
would revenge himself by a curse, for any neglect he may suppose
himself to have been treated with.
These customs being borne in mind, to apply our knowledge of them
usefully, we must compare them with similar observances which did, and
still do, characterize some oriental courts; and readers perhaps will
recall to mind some in the histories of ancient and modern Asiatic
monarchies, that may have originated from some former connexion in
one extensive empire, of the now very different and widely separated
countries in which such customs are still retained. I shall content
myself, however, with pointing out their strict accordance with similar
usages at the court of Pharaoh, as recorded in Genesis, and which is
well illustrated in the reception of the patriarch Jacob, at the court
of that monarch. In the forty-seventh chapter of that book, Joseph
from his connexion with the monarch, introduces his five brethren, but
he first reports their arrival and obtains leave; and in nearly the
same manner he acts as balderabah of Jacob, and the remainder of the
family whom we find on their arrival were constituted _balla-durgoitsh_
“receivers of rations,” for we read in the same chapter that Joseph
“nourished his father, and his brethren, and all his father’s household
with bread according to their families.” We are also told when Jacob
retired from the presence of the monarch, “that Jacob blessed Pharaoh,
and went out from before Pharaoh.”
At the hazard of being considered tedious, I shall here allude to two
other instances of customs existing at the present day in Abyssinia,
and which are intimately connected with the subject we are upon. The
only public oath used by the inhabitants of Shoa, is of a remarkable
character. “Sahale Selassee e moot.” ‘May Sahale Selassee die,’ if
such a thing be not true! is the constant ejaculation of a protesting
witness, or a positive informant; and if upon a serious business, the
immediate confiscation of property, and incarceration in prison,
would be consequent upon a perjured imprecation made against the life
of the Negoos. Joseph, accusing his brethren, in the fifteenth verse
of the forty-second chapter of Genesis, says, “Hereby shall ye be
proved: _By the life of Pharaoh_ ye shall not go forth hence, except
your youngest brother come hither;” and again, in the next verse, “or
else _by the life of Pharaoh_ surely ye are spies.” The very language
substituting the name Sahale Selassee for that of Pharaoh, under
similar circumstances, which would be used in the court of Shoa at the
present day.
In the years 1830 and 1831, when cholera made its circuit of the
whole earth, it visited the kingdom of Shoa. It was preceded for two
successive years by a great failure of crops, both of grain and cotton,
and the people in consequence, were reduced to the greatest extremity
for food and clothing. Numbers fell victims from hunger alone, and
to relieve their necessities, numerous acts of violence and robbery
disturbed the usually peaceful state of society in Shoa. The Negoos,
at this time, secured to himself the love of his subjects by the
liberality of his frequent distributions of grain; but another calamity
made its appearance, the cholera commenced its ravages, and he began
to fear that his bounty must end by the exhaustion of his means. The
famine increasing from want of the cattle which had died, to cultivate
the land, the difficulty of obtaining food began also to be felt by
those who had the means of purchasing it, and these intruding with
their applications were supplied at a price, whilst the wretched poor
were left to die. In this position, having nothing to dispose of but
their labour, a starving multitude of some thousands appealed to the
Negoos to grant them food, and in return to receive their freedom,
or at least their services for life. This was granted, and even
after the cholera had swept off nearly two-thirds of their number,
above a thousand such individuals were found to be in bondage to the
Negoos, and duly registered as slaves. This condition was certainly
little more than nominal, for, except upon extraordinary occasions,
such as constructing the bridge dams over the streams on the roads
to Angolahlah, and to Debra Berhan, or when employed building stone
enclosures for the Negoos, a service scarcely ever exceeding three
days in three months, this class of slaves were never called upon for
regular or long-continued labour.
In the course of the ten succeeding years, however, children were
born to these people, and the question then arose, as to whether they
shared the bondage of their parents, or were free. This was brought to
issue by the Negoos bestowing certain lands, upon which were domiciled
several of these bondsmen, upon a courtier, who made a demand of
service from the children, which the parents refused to admit as his
right, and an appeal was made to the Negoos in consequence. The court
of “_Wombaroitsh_,” or judges of an inferior kind, who relieve the
king of all first hearings of cases, except in most important ones,
and who sit in judgment in one of the courts of the palace, decided
in favour of the children; but this decision, on an appeal by the
courtier, was negatived by the Negoos himself, without any hearing
of those unfortunates who were most interested. The “_Wombaroitsh_”
put in a plea, however, founded upon the canons of their Church, and
the numerous solicitations of the free relations of the bondpeople,
induced the Negoos to acknowledge himself to have been in error, and to
proclaim that the people alone, whom he had fed and clothed in the time
of the famine, were his slaves for life, and that their children for
the future must be considered free.
These circumstances I became acquainted with in consequence of having
the daughter of one of these very bondsmen in my service, and who was
old enough, at the time of the famine, to recollect the sad miseries
that fell upon her own family during its continuance, until her father
and two brothers sold themselves for their food, in the manner I have
above related, to the future service of the Negoos.
Among others who addressed the Negoos in favour of the children, whose
numbers amounted to scarcely more than five hundred, were the officers
of the British Mission, a fact, however, of which I never heard until
my arrival in this country, nor is it, I am afraid, very generally
known to have been the case by the inhabitants of Shoa, who have no
other idea but that it was the effect of religious feeling, and of the
great sense of justice, for which their sovereign, Sahale Selassee,
is celebrated all over the eastern horn of Africa, and far into the
interior towards the west.
I was never given to understand that the proclamation that announced
the freedom of the children at all affected the condition of their
parents, who, I believe, still are and will continue until death the
bond servants of the Negoos.
When these circumstances were first related to me, I could not help
being struck by the exact correspondence they exhibit, with the
proceedings of Joseph acting as the steward of Pharaoh towards the
starving Egyptians, during the infliction of the seven years’ famine
upon that country; and which is another instance of the similarity of
custom and of situation between that ancient people and the modern
Abyssinians. The appeal, indeed, of the former to Joseph, expresses
exactly the request made to the Negoos of Shoa by his subjects;
“Wherefore shall we die before thine eyes, both we and our land? Buy
us and the land for bread, and we and our land will be servants unto
Pharaoh, and give us seed that we may live and not die, and that the
land be not desolate.”
FOOTNOTES:
[8] It is rather a singular circumstance that in England
we apply the term Gipsey to the descendants of an
outcast people, and that a name of similar origin
should designate ourselves among the only remnant of
an Egyptian people that have preserved a national
independency in the country whither they had fled.
It reminded me of another ethnological fact I
had observed in Aden, where the flaxen-haired,
light-coloured Jews, so different in appearance from
the darker complexioned Arabs among whom they lived,
were oppositely contrasted with those dark-eyed,
dark-haired descendants of Israel, who have retained
these characteristics of an eastern origin, although
long resident among the fair-skinned inhabitants of
northern Europe.