Water cure.--Nearly killed by it.--Ordered to leave Shoa.--
Proceed to Angolahlah.--Courteous treatment of the officers
of the Negoos.--Entertainment.--Remarks upon the character
of Sahale Selassee.--The Mahomedan religion.
My illness increasing, each succeeding paroxysm of fever leaving me in
a more weakened condition, my servant proposed a remedy, boasted never
to fail in effecting a cure. I had but a scanty stock of medicines,
that I had brought with me from Aden, and these seemed to have little
or no effect upon my disease; so I determined to give Walderheros a
chance of distinguishing himself by conferring health upon his “gaitah”
(master).
To do this properly, it was deemed necessary that some water should
be fetched from a spring by a man, and as this is a species of labour
always performed by women, Walderheros, not to be seen at such
employment, undertook to take the water-jar for that purpose the next
morning before daylight. I also learnt that the cure was to be effected
by a kind of shower-bath, to which I was to submit, sitting down whilst
the water was poured from a height upon my head, during the attack of
the rigors which preceded the hot stage of the ague fit.
The next day, accordingly, the water having been properly procured, on
the first symptoms of the fit coming on, I sat down in the shade of a
large ankor tree, a variety of the myrrh, that grows at an elevation
of seven thousand feet above the sea, but yields no gum. Here, wrapt
up in an Abyssinian tobe, which upon the first fall of the water I was
to drop from my shoulders, I awaited the coming shower from above,
for Walderheros had climbed into the tree, whilst some assistants
lifted up to him the large jar which contained the water. The remedy,
however, when it did come down, immediately laid me full length upon
the earth, for what with the collapse of the system attendant upon
the cold stage and the cold falling water, it certainly cut short the
fever, but nearly at the expense of my life, for even when I recovered
from the first shock, and was taken back to my bed, I was delirious for
several hours after,--a circumstance that I have often had reason to be
thankful for, had not been a very usual symptom of my disease.
After this experience, that white men required a very different medical
treatment to the red Abyssinians (for in this manner Walderheros
endeavoured to account for the failure of his hydropathic remedy), I
was not asked again to submit to any more native means of cure for some
time; as my recovery, however, was of the greatest importance to me,
I commenced a regular course of quinine and James’s Powder, and had it
not been for a most disagreeable interruption in the quiet and retired
life I was leading in Aliu Amba, I might, perhaps, have been soon
restored to health.
On the tenth day after my last visit to Ankobar, the Negoos and the
members of the Embassy having, in the meantime, left that city for
Angolahlah, a message was brought to Miriam’s house for me to go
immediately to the Governor of the town, who had just arrived from the
Court on purpose to have me brought before him.
Feeling a little better than I had been for some time, and being
curious to know what business the Governor could have with me,
I followed his messenger, taking with me, as a present on being
introduced, an old pocket telescope. It was fortunate that I
recollected to do this, for on my giving it to him he was so highly
pleased, that he told me, through an Islam Hadjji named Abdullah, that
he was willing to serve me in any way he could in the very awkward
position I now learned I was placed in, by the order he had received
from the Negoos. For some reason or other, my presence in the kingdom
had raised a jealous feeling somewhere, and, in consequence, a most
arbitrary mandate, considering the then relations between Shoa and
England, was issued, and I was directed to leave the country the very
next day. Whilst we were speaking, two men were sent with Walderheros
for my boxes, to be brought at once to the Governor’s house, previous
to their being forwarded to Farree, where the Kafilah with which
I had come up, and which was now on the eve of starting, afforded
the opportunity of my proceeding to the sea-coast. Here was another
practical proof of the value of the commercial treaty, and bitterly I
commented, as may be supposed, upon the worthless parchment. I felt
quite assured that it would be of no use applying to our Ambassador for
redress, so considered it would be best to submit in peace, and made no
objections, therefore, to my boxes being taken to the Governor’s house.
Not having made up my mind though, for all that, to leave the country,
I determined, after I had left Tinta (the name of the Governor) to go
and consult with a sincere friend of mine, an Edjow Galla named Sheik
Tigh, who had shown himself possessed of the kindest disposition by
his disinterested and patient attendance upon my sick bed during the
short period I had resided in Aliu Amba. He was a Mahomedan mollum, or
scribe, for his occupation was writing copies of the Koran, which he
used to sell to the slave merchants who came from the more barbarous
countries around Shoa. Either on account of the trifling sum that these
manuscript Korans can be purchased for in Abyssinia, or the excessive
neatness with which Amhara Mahomedans write Arabic compared with even
Arabs themselves, these Abyssinian copies are highly prized even along
the sacred or eastern coast of the Red Sea, and in Jeddah will command
an increased value of two hundred per cent. upon their original cost.
Sheik Tigh concurred immediately in my proposed plan, either of
endeavouring to remain in Shoa by a personal request to be made to the
Negoos; or of going away to Giddem, and from there to the court of
Beroo Lobo, the Mahomedan chief of that portion of the Argobbah, or
valley country that extends to the north of Efat, as far as the river
Tahlahlac, one of the most northern tributaries of the Hawash. The
state of my finances, however, I found would not admit of this latter
alternative; for, excepting the thirteen dollars remaining of the Hy
Soumaulee money, I had only seven dollars in the world.
It was at length determined amongst us, for Hadjji Abdullah had joined
in our consultation, that I should take another present to Tinta, as a
kind of bribe, and the real object of which Sheik Tigh was to explain
to him. I accordingly packed up a damask table-cloth, and provided
myself with three of the most favoured dollars I was possessed of, and
thus armed, went again in the dusk of the evening to the house of the
Governor. My offering was very quietly received and concealed, by which
I perceived the business had been properly managed by Sheik Tigh, and
that it was understood I was to have unmolested, three hours’ start of
him the next morning, to get over the most difficult portion of the
road to Angolahlah before he followed in pursuit; a little manœuvre
necessary to keep up appearances with the Negoos; for although it would
have been no very heinous offence to have permitted me the opportunity
of appealing to the justice of Sahale Selassee, Tinta might have
suffered for his generosity in permitting me to come to Angolahlah,
when he had received orders to accompany me to Farree. Tinta, like
most Abyssinians, was a really kind-hearted man, but his education as
a courtier, and that in a despotic court, had taught him dissimulation
and caution.
Walderheros, it may be supposed, was violently affected at the prospect
of losing his father, mother, brothers, sisters, uncles, aunts, and
cousins, all being, according to his account, rolled up in me. He often
used to observe, he was my child; though he was (beautiful boy) at
least ten years older than myself. He now protested he should never
survive our cruel separation. If it had not been for that “kaffu”
(wicked) Hawash, those “kaffu Adaloitsh,” (wicked Dankalli,) and that
“kaffu bahr,” (wicked sea,) he swore that he would have followed me
over the rest of the world. In this manner he went on talking during
the whole of the evening, with many imprecatory bursts of “woi Negoos,”
and “min Abat,” at the same time busying himself making preparations
for our sanctioned escape next morning to Angolahlah, and what with
cooking and expostulating with some imaginary evil destiny that pursued
him, he kept me awake nearly the whole night.
As Hadjji Abdullah, after it was dark, had brought me his own mule, it
was stabled for the night in my house, and long before cock-crow the
next morning we were carefully descending in the dark the step-like
road of rough stones which leads from the top of Aliu Amba into the
direct road to Ankobar. We were obliged to be very cautious in our
progress along the steep slippery bank, and the edges of deep muddy
pools produced by the first showers of the rainy season, which had
fallen the few days previously, and had not at all improved the
condition of the road.
The sun had risen before we reached Ankobar. On this occasion it was
unnecessary to go through that town; so having surmounted the long
ridge in front, instead of continuing along it, we crossed directly
over, leaving the little wooden cross and church of Goodis Gorgis (St.
George) in its encircling grove of quolqual and wild fig-trees, on
our left hand. The road we followed was exceedingly narrow, and fell
very gradually in a prolonged sweep down the steep descent into the
valley of the Airahra. Half way down is a broad terrace of considerable
extent covered with immense boulders from the destruction of the ridge
above, and which appears to be more rapidly denuded upon this face than
upon the opposite one looking towards Aliu Amba. On a mound of the
detached rocks and soil in this situation is built a church, dedicated
to “Abbo,” the father, the only one I have ever seen so situated except
the meeting-houses of the Tabibe sect, who do not pay that respect to
ancient superstitions that still influences the other Christians of
Abyssinia. A sufficient reason, however, accounts for its low elevation.
At the commencement of the reign of the present Negoos, a great
portion of the ancient grove of Abbo and its church still occupied
the highest point of the ridge over which we had just come. The
denuding operations of the conjointed actions of earthquakes and
rainy seasons overcame every endeavour that was made to protect the
sacred spot from being encroached upon, it having been one of the most
ancient and most revered of the sacred edifices in Shoa. Annually
large portions were precipitated into the valley of the Airahra; and
ultimately the last portion of the walls of the church disappeared,
after a violent convulsion of the earth, and a single line of trees,
the remains of a once extensive grove, now marks its former site. The
spot is still considered sacred, and so attached were the monks upon
the establishment, to the ancient edifice, that, observing that the
greater portion of the debris had fallen upon the terrace beneath,
they determined to erect upon it a representative of the old church,
although on so low an elevation compared with the numerous heights
around.
This is, however, the only instance I know of a church of the
Abyssinian Christians being so situated, for it is a particular feature
of the worship in this country that all religious buildings should
surmount “some earth o’ertopping mountain;” and to such an extent is
this feeling carried, that sacred hills which have become lowered in
consequence of the greater denudation of their summits, is a reason
sometimes for changing the site of the church to some neighbouring
hill that, from more favourable causes, has preserved its height
undiminished. A striking instance of this change, and its assigned
cause, is found in the circumstances connected with the erection of
the new church of St. Michael, which stands upon a hill to the east
of the Negoos’s residence, in the valley of the “Michael wans.” Here
two groves are observed standing on hills near to each other, the
more modern one being of much greater elevation than the other. Both
are dedicated to the same saint, and on asking Walderheros why there
should be two, he pointed out the difference in the height of the hills
upon which they stood as a reason why the lower should be deserted,
and preference given to the higher hill for the site of the “bate y
Christian,” and the residence of the monks.
Looking upon these groves surrounding temples of religion, and serving
as retreats for officiating priests, each of whom has his little
cottage among the trees, it is impossible to help reflecting upon the
changes in man’s history, recalled by observing such existing monuments
of former feelings and religious prejudices. The question naturally
suggested itself, what could have been the popular belief when the
more ancient of the St. Michael’s groves was first planted; for a long
period must have elapsed to have occasioned, by the disintegrating
action of its vegetation, so much denudation of the hill it crowns, as
to make it more than one hundred feet lower than the present frequented
one; and originally it must have been the highest in the neighbourhood.
I have observed other customs existing in Abyssinia that strongly
reminded me of Druidism and of similar characteristic observances
among the ancient Persians; and I certainly looked with some degree
of interest upon a grove, that might once have been the scene of the
celebration of religious ceremonies, of a very different character to
those which distinguish the modern faith.
Although it was so early when we reached the church of Abbo,
Walderheros proposed breakfasting. I accordingly dismounted, and after
a gaze upwards at the largest tree I had seen since I left England,
took my seat beneath its widely-extended branches, upon one of a number
of small boulders which had rolled from the rocks above. A quantity of
long strips of grilled mutton, was produced, and some teff bread, a
large manuscript-like roll of which Walderheros carried tied up in his
mekanet or girdle. This useful part of an Abyssinian dress is only worn
by the men when engaged out of doors. It is one long piece of cotton
cloth, about one cubit, or from the point of the elbow to the ends
of the fingers, broad, and fifteen, twenty, or sometimes even thirty
cubits long. A girdle similar to this was worn by the Jews. Sometimes
in Abyssinia it is taken from the loins of a prisoner to secure his
hands, exactly as it is said to have been done in Judea.
After breakfast we proceeded along the base of the large hill upon
which Ankobar stands, the road winding around its south and west
aspects. We then fell into the usual high road on the west of the town,
which proceeds along the steep face of the valley, midway between
its crest and the level of the stream below. We crossed, by gentle
undulations of the road, several short projecting spurs, all of which
seemed to be the productive farms of industrious individuals. Thatched
residences of mud and sticks, with yellow stacks of grain, were perched
upon their extremities, overlooking the sudden cliff-like termination
of these subordinate ridges, cut by the action of the constantly
running water of the Airahra.
Fording this river, we commenced the fatiguing ascent of the Tchakkah,
and after little less than an hour’s trot were breathing ourselves at
the “resting stone,” Koom Dingi. After a short halt, we continued our
journey over the moor-like solitary fields that, unbroken by hedge,
stone fence, or ditch, appeared in endless succession before us. But
the reader must understand that, although the general appearance of
the country is so flat, he is only reminded of it by the long level
lines that bound the view on each side, for, generally speaking, the
road lies in broad shallow water-worn channels, which, like hollow ways
with banks ten or twelve feet high, have intersected in all directions
this formerly undeviating level country. I always fancied that at one
time it must have been the bottom of a deeply rolling sea, and what
adds considerably to this impression is, the almost total absence of
trees, and the bald, gray, stony, appearance of the stratum of light
coloured porphyritic trachyte which overlies the whole country, and
which looks as if it had only been raised from the waters a short time
before. This super stratum of rock is very easily decomposed, and forms
a fertile soil for the cultivation of wheat and barley, but its general
appearance, unless covered with the crops, is quite the reverse.
About half way to Angolalah we crossed two or three of the earlier
tributaries of the Barissa, which is a small river that collects the
waters falling to the west of Tchakkah, and conducts them to the
Abi or Nile of Bruce. All streams to the east of Tchakkah descend
precipitously to join the Hawash. The Barissa derives its name from
having been, previous to the reign of the present Negoos, the
“boundary” between the Gallas and the Christian inhabitants of Shoa.
It passes to the west of Debra Berhan, flowing towards the north, and
joins the Jumma in the district of Marabetee. The Jumma also receives
the Tcherkos river, or Lomee wans, which is now the western boundary
of the kingdom of Shoa, the district intervening between it and the
Barissa, a distance of about sixteen miles, having been annexed to his
dominions within the last few years by Sahale Selassee. The Jumma,
after receiving the Barissa, and other streams, of the kingdoms of
Amhara and of Shoa, joins the Abi near where that river, after flowing
to the south from Lake Dembea, turns suddenly to the west, and forms
the southern border of the province of Gojam.
We arrived at Angolahlah before noon, and Walderheros took me to the
house of a friend of his, named Karissa. The weather, although only the
latter end of June, was dreadfully cold, and being very tired and ill,
I preferred rolling myself immediately up in my bed-clothes, consisting
of two Abyssinian tobes, which my servant had carried with him in a
skin-bag, rather than sit up to eat of some hard parched corn which was
set before me by one of the women of the house.
In the mean time, Walderheros went to the palace to announce my
arrival, and to request an interview with the Negoos. It was a long
time before he returned, and I began to think, that like Mr. Krapf’s
servant at Farree, he might have been imprisoned for aiding me in
coming to Angolalah without permission. In about two hours, however,
he made his appearance, bearing on his head a large conical covered
straw basket, which contained a flat loaf of excellent wheaten bread.
With one hand he steadied this load in its elevated position, whilst
in the other, he carried by a strong loop handle of rope, a round
earthenware pot, the contents of which were as yet a secret to me.
Across one shoulder was also slung an enormous bullock’s horn, the
diameter of the base of which was not less than seven inches, full of
an agreeable sweet wine, called “tedge,” made of honey, and not at
all a bad beverage. I was astonished at the ease with which he seemed
to have procured these provisions; and the visions of my Dankalli
servant in Adal and the representation I had seen of the Egyptian
god, Harpocrates, similarly burdened, recurred to my mind, as the
abundance of the land I was in, was illustrated by the appearance of
Walderheros on his return from the palace. Besides the refreshments
that he bore himself, he was followed by a stream of people, two of
them carrying a tressel for my bed, another an oxskin to throw over
it, then came others with fire-wood, also two women with large jars of
water, and the procession closed by four men bearing a small black tent
of coarse woollen cloth, which was set up in a very short time, for my
accommodation.
When I had taken possession of my new quarters, the tent was thronged
for the rest of the day by curious or busy people, some bearing
messages for Walderheros from the palace; others, making anxious
inquiries as to my reasons for coming to Angolalah; and not a few were
begging of me to intercede for them with the Negoos, to reinstate them
into his good graces, which, for some dereliction of duty it seemed,
they had lost; and now hoped that by my mediation their sins would be
forgiven. Two superior officers of the household of the Negoos, also
sat with me nearly the whole day, Waarkie, an Armenian, long resident
in Shoa, and Sartwold the chief of the “affaroitsh,” or distributors
of the rations to stranger guests. The former understood a little
Arabic, and we managed to converse together very well. He told me, that
instead of my being sent out of the kingdom, he was quite certain I
should become a great favourite with the Negoos. The order sent for my
removal from Aliu Amba, was occasioned by the ill-natured un-English
representations of the officers of the Embassy who had told Waarkie
himself, that I did not belong to their party, that they did not know
who I was, and adding, to assist me still more, that I was very poor,
and could give no presents to the Negoos. I felt very much hurt, and
annoyed, at these unfair representations, and produced a letter which
I had received from the Indian Government in Calcutta, addressed to
the princes in Africa, who were friendly disposed to England. This
I had previously kept back from a feeling of delicacy towards our
representative at the Court of Shoa, but now determined to forward it
to the Negoos by Sartwold, who readily consented to carry it up to
the palace, Walderheros accompanying him to bring me back the answer.
Waarkie, who could not read the Persian character, in which the letter
was written, went in search of some Islam visitor at Court, who would
be able to translate it for the Negoos.
As evening now closed in, I retired to rest; sometime after which my
servant returned with the letter, and a couple of lemons sent by the
Negoos, with a message that I should be called on the morrow to an
interview with him.
Long before it was light, I was awakened by loud shouts of “abiad,”
“abiad,” raised at short intervals, and apparently at some distance.
On applying to Walderheros for an explanation of this uproar, he made
me understand with some difficulty, that it arose from the petitioners
for justice, calling upon the Negoos to hear them. It appears that
after a case has been heard in the lower courts, if they may be so
called, held before the governors of the town in which the conflicting
parties reside, if either complain of his decision, an appeal may be
made to the king himself. A company of the friends of the dissatisfied
assemble, in as great a number as the influence of the party or the
justice of the case can collect. These sometimes, so early as midnight,
take up a position on a height overlooking the town, and opposite to
that on which the palace stands. Half-a-mile, at least, intervenes
between the two places. Here they keep up a continual shouting “abiad,”
“abiad,” (justice,) until a messenger from the Negoos comes to know the
nature of their complaint, and to introduce them into his presence.
On this occasion, I did not understand sufficient of the language to
learn the particulars of the case, but as the Negoos is the most easily
accessible, the most patient listener, and the most upright judge
that I ever heard praised by word of mouth, or read of among the most
laudatory history of kings, I have no doubt that the cry of his people
that awoke me this morning was duly attended to, the case investigated,
and the strictest justice awarded.
The Dankalli may well style Sahale Selassee, “a fine balance of gold,”
for even now, when thinking of his character, the most lively pictures
recur to my mind of instances of his kindness and feeling for the
happiness of his subjects, which I have witnessed myself. Excepting the
cruelty, and dissimulation, practised towards the unfortunate tribes
of Gallas who surround his dominions, and which he has been taught to
consider from his childhood, to be praiseworthy acts, which will secure
the approbation of God; excepting this, nothing in his character can, I
think, be justly assailed. The fears of his Christian, and the hopes
of his Islam subjects, that he would renounce the faith in which he
has been brought up, and profess Islamism, redounds considerably to
his character as a reflecting man, and a proof of the really capacious
mind he possesses; for none who are aware of the gross superstition
and confusion most confused, of the tenets of the Greek Church as
professed in Abyssinia, can feel surprised that a naturally sagacious
mind, should refuse the trammels of absurdity and error, to embrace the
reasonable simplicity of the profession of one true and only God, which
is the real basis and great recommendation of the Mahomedan belief.
It is the false consolation of an easily-satisfied Christianity to
believe, that the licentiousness, which an abuse of the Mahomedan
religion most certainly encourages, is the chief inducement which
converts so rapidly, whole states to the profession of the Islam faith.
A little observation soon proves, that although the sensual indulgences
it sanctions, and the promises contained in the Koran, enlist the worst
passions of man in favour of its continuance, when once that religion
has obtained a firm hold upon the opinion of a people; still, that
these causes have but little influence in effecting a change from a
previous belief.
Wherever a patriarchal, or even a feudal government exists, there
the mass of the people are directed in their conduct, and in their
ideas of right and wrong, entirely by the leading minds that
circumstances have made their superiors. The doctrine that “the
king can do no wrong,” appears to be a traditional continuance of
this blind confidence in the ruling powers which characterized the
state of society in Europe, at an early date; and which is still,
to this day, the universal principle of government in all native
African states. In that Continent, sagacious and intelligent princes,
concentrate the energies of extensive empires, but at their decease,
revolutions occur to re-adjust the limits of power again, according
to the capabilities of the various ambitious claimants that may
spring up. The greatest minds obtain the largest dominion, and when
these appear among the professors of superstitious religions, soon
feel a contempt for the absurd pretensions and the moral falsehoods
their superior mental powers instinctively detect. Too frequently,
having no idea of a rational system of theology, but aware of the
value of religion as an engine of state policy, they wisely profess
and encourage the ancient faith. Let, however, a doctrine be preached
that is more adapted to reason and common sense, and which promises
equal security to the continuance of social order and of kingly rule:
its professors in that case are always found to be received into the
highest favour by wise and sagacious princes, who perceive in the new
opinions upon an important subject, that satisfaction of the reason
which the absurd representations of superstitious religion have only
disgusted or amused. Such princes converted to a rational belief, have
but to promulgate their adhesion to be followed by the whole of their
courtiers, who again impose it upon their dependants, from whom the
process passes on to their slaves, and one universal obsequiousness
characterizes the conversion of people so situated.
This was the principle that led whole states of Europe, in the earlier
feudal ages, to be baptized together, and which, at the present time,
is the chief cause of the fast progress of Mahomedanism in Africa.
Princes of extraordinary powers of intellect are first converted, who,
in the simple unembodied unity of the Deity perceive no absurdity, nor
yet dare to deny. Atheism is a sin peculiarly of civilization, for
the nearer man approaches barbarism the more predisposed he becomes
to a belief in a Providence; and this, in fact, distinguishes him, in
his most abject state, from the beasts of the field who defile the
inanimate idols he in his ignorance bows down to and worships. The
Christianity of Abyssinia is a religion spoiled by human intervention;
it appears to be a faith too pure for the nature of the inhabitants,
and they have accordingly disfigured it to reduce it to their
condition. Abyssinians have, by their abuse of the revered name of the
Redeemer of mankind, brought his religion into contempt; whilst the
professors of Islamism respect Jesus as a prophet, and profess to
worship the Deity he adored. Is it, therefore, to be wondered at, that
princes of superior intellects should reject the former and adopt the
latter faith, as we know to have been the case with the previously
Christian King of Enarea, who, within the last few years, has professed
the Mahomedan belief. Sahale Selassee, the monarch of Shoa, universally
acknowledged to be the greatest of Abyssinian potentates, was on the
verge of a similar repudiation of the religion of his predecessors,
when the worthy and exemplary missionaries, Messrs. Isenberg and Krapf
appeared in his country. I am too apt to feel the zealot, but every
one must admit with me, that that important visit was not a human
ordination, for Sahale Selassee’s conversion would have been the
downfall of the Christian religion in Abyssinia. Even the political
mission to Shoa, which has failed in its proposed objects, yet affords
some consolation by supposing that the evidences of our wealth and
power, demonstrated by the presents which were laid at his feet by
our representative, will confirm him in his renewed attachment to our
religion, which only requires his countenance, to contend successfully
in Abyssinia against the encroachments of the Islam faith, until fresh
efforts shall be made by the friends of the Gospel in this country,
more firmly to establish the pure faith of Christ in that _benighted_
land.
Among more savage tribes, again, Islamism has other recommendations,
for the missionaries of that religion, the merchants from the
sea-coast who journey in to the interior of Africa, are immeasurably
more affluent than the chiefs whose territories they visit. Besides,
the imposing effect of publicly praying, the apparent devotion of their
many genuflections and prostrations, the splendid finery of their large
rosaries, added to which, their great ostentation of wealth where
personal security is assured, soon influence the poor, ignorant, and
wondering natives. The Islam factor is confessedly the greatest man
among them; and his manners are copied, and his creed adopted, by the
operation of the same human feelings, which in England or France make a
_lion_ or constitute a fashion, with this recommendation on the part of
the savages, that their admiration is by far the most permanent.