body, some hundred or so yards further on. What is known as an
_umkumbi_ or circle was now ordered to be formed,[167] when Sigananda,
accompanied by Mangati and one or two of his leading councillors,
entered the ring. Bambata stood apart in front of, but close to, his
own men, who also formed part of the enclosure. Everyone remained
standing, including the ninety-six-year-old Chief. The last-mentioned
addressed the gathering in these terms: "The drugs which have just been
used on and about you all have the power of preventing bullets fired by
Europeans from entering your bodies or doing injury of any kind. But
there will be immunity only on certain conditions, which are that you
abstain from womenfolk, and that you lie down to sleep, not on mats,
but on the bare ground. Anyone who ignores these directions will render
himself liable to injury or to be killed. From to-day, I have resolved
to take up arms against the white man! The pass-word and countersign to
be used when you happen to meet and interrogate others, especially at
night, is '_Wen' u tini?_' (= You, what do you say?); the one addressed
must then reply, '_Insumansumane!_'" (= It's all tomfoolery!) After
Sigananda had spoken, a Christian teacher named Paula endorsed what
the Chief had said, laying stress on the efficacy of the drugs. "I
have left my wife behind," he added, "also a waggon and oxen in Mpanza
valley. Why did I come away? Because I had made up my mind to fight.
The Government is casting aside its right of sovereignty and giving the
same over to us. Here (pointing at them) are my tribesmen! These men
will never turn back now, but will go resolutely forward. Once angered,
they are implacable and continue long in their wrath."
A man, Mmangwana, one of those who had just come from the Commissioner,
next mumbled, with the liquid he had sipped still in his mouth: "I
cannot accept the assertion that anyone, on being struck by a bullet,
will not be hurt or that a bullet will not enter. I never heard of
such a thing. Is, then, a man's flesh made of iron? Did not a certain
outlaw[168] not long ago find his way into the Umtetwa tribe and there
bring about the ruin of a whole country-side? Did he not declare that,
if the Europeans came to attack him, they would be stung by bees and
wasps, and be bitten by snakes? And when they (Europeans) did come,
were not many innocent people destroyed by the white people, whilst
this fellow escaped scot free?"
The keeper of Cetshwayo's grave here remarked, also speaking with great
difficulty, his mouth half-full of the talismanic draught, "How comes
it, in these days, that when the King[169] sees fit to direct anything
to be done, a lot of people come forward with all sorts of observations
and criticisms? Who ever heard of presumption of this sort in former
times?"
On the ring now breaking up, the whole party was led by Mangati to the
top of the nearest mountain-top (Ndundumeni). Here they were told
to cinsa, i.e. vigorously and defiantly spirt the charmed water from
their mouths towards the objects of their wrath, shouting as they did
so, _Íwa Kingi!_ _Íwa Mgungundhlovu!_ _Íwa Mashiqela!_ (May the King
fall![170] Fall, Pietermaritzburg! Fall, Saunders!) Everyone having
uttered these imprecations, came down the hill and, the mist coming on,
the gathering dispersed, with orders to meet on the following morning
in the neighbourhood of the grave.[171]
When the rebels met as arranged, accompanied by Bambata, they erected
other _amadhlangala_ or temporary shelters of wattles and branches.
Later the same day, probably the 16th, a body now between 700 and 1,000
strong, with Bambata and Mangati in command, marched up the ridge at
the rear of Enhlweni towards Nomangci, with the intention of attacking
the magistracy, or any of the small patrols that were then being sent
out daily. Sigananda, hearing of this, ordered Bambata to desist until
the messengers sent by him to Dinuzulu a couple of days before (to
obtain confirmation of Cakijana's communication to Mangati regarding
Dinuzulu's alleged wishes) had been received. Bambata returned to the
grave, where he continued to camp undisturbed for at least a fortnight.
The decision of Sigananda to rebel is surprising when one considers
that his district is one of the healthiest and most fertile in
Zululand. In many respects it is an ideal place to live in, especially
for Natives. Far from the larger European centres, it has an abundance
of firewood, wattles, etc., and is, moreover, peculiarly favourable for
raising stock. All these advantages became of no account as soon as
the blighting word arrived from the royal house that Bambata was to be
befriended. Dinuzulu's pleasure first, everything else nowhere. That
was the sole cause of this remarkable defection. It can be explained in
no other way. Where is the witchery that can be compared with this?
Between the 15th and 23rd, Sigananda sent messages to many neighbouring
loyally-disposed Chiefs, urging them to rebel. Although a number of
malcontents threw in their lot with the rebels, including members of
the tribe of Siteku (Dinuzulu's uncle) and Chief Gayede (of Natal),
the majority of the people remained loyal or neutral. Several, as far
off as Mahlabatini, went further and offered their services to the
Government against Bambata and Sigananda.
Two or three stores, close to the forests, were looted during this
period (that at Sibudeni, as early as the 16th), besides cattle
belonging to loyalists.
The two messengers that had been sent to Dinuzulu got back on the
evening of the 23rd. Unfortunately, there was a difference between
them as to the purport of 'the Prince's' message. One man, the senior,
said Dinuzulu had denied all knowledge of Bambata's doings, and had
remarked: "they have already begun fighting; let them do just what
they want, it is no affair of mine. I do not want to be mixed up in
the business." The other man, agreeing whilst in Sigananda's presence,
afterwards went among the rebels and encouraged them by declaring that
Dinuzulu's _real_ wish was that they should fight the white man. The
construction put on the communication by the latter messenger was that
which, readily finding favour, was accepted. These men, moreover, had
heard of the Government having arranged with Dinuzulu on the 17th to
allow Mankulumana to go and act as "peace-maker," a matter that will be
noticed later. The second messenger interpreted Mankulumana's mission
into his having been "bought by the Europeans"; his coming, therefore,
was simply to try and hoodwink Bambata.
Mankulumana arrived at Empandhleni on the 23rd, and after interviewing
the Commissioner for Native Affairs, proceeded, on the following
morning, to see Sigananda.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 144: Gabangaye, with a large following, formed a portion of
the Native contingents that assisted the Imperial troops.]
[Footnote 145: These men had received orders to mobilize only the
morning before.]
[Footnote 146: The Reserves, with part of the U.M.R., one Maxim
detachment, and one field gun, passed the night at Wintershoek; the
Police, with one troop U.M.R. and Maxim detachment, camped at Botha's
quarries.]
[Footnote 147: See "The Causes, Superstitions and other Characteristics
of the Matabele Rebellion, 1896." Appendix X.]
[Footnote 148: Ntshelela is one of the many younger sons of Godide, son
of Ndhlela, one of Dingana's two principal indunas. Ndhlela was one of
the two indunas in power when Piet Retief and his party were massacred
at Mgungundhlovu in 1838.]
[Footnote 149: By this time, Cakijana had temporarily detached himself
from the force.]
[Footnote 150: The Magistrate specially appointed to try the case, took
a surprisingly lenient view of the matter. What had occurred was this:
The Chiefs of the district were directed to bring their people to pay
the poll tax. All, to begin with, were nervous and averse to paying
until Sitshitshili came forward in the presence of the others and made
his tribe pay, remarking, as he did so, that, having always obeyed the
Government, he was not going to be afraid of doing so on that occasion.
Other Chiefs then followed the example. Sigananda's people, of whom
about 200 were present, declared they had no money and could not pay.
When told that, as such was the case, they might go home, they "rushed
up to the court-house fence brandishing their sticks, shouted out
their tribal war-cry _Yayize!_" and began to dance in a defiant manner
(_giya_) within the precincts of the court-house, action which at once
terrified all the Native police, as bloodshed appeared to them to be
imminent. No physical violence, however, occurred.]
[Footnote 151: Cd. 3027, p. 31.]
[Footnote 152: These forests are very extensive and difficult of access
when approached from Natal. They are mainly on the eastern slopes
of Qudeni mountain, and about twenty miles from those of Nkandhla.
Bambata, however, does not appear at any time to have had them in view.]
[Footnote 153: Enhlweni, from inhlwa, _a poor or indigent person_,
may be rendered _the pauper's retreat_, no doubt in allusion to the
'destitute' condition Cetshwayo found himself in on his return from
exile,--'destitute,' that is, as compared with his former affluence and
popularity.]
[Footnote 154: This man Muntumuni was later on shot in the Mome valley
whilst climbing one of the steepest parts of the gorge. He was fired at
many times, being in an exposed position. On being hit, he rolled to
the foot of the mountain from a height of over 1,200 feet.]
[Footnote 155: Besides 182 N.P., 92 Z.N.P., 106 Z.M.R. and 20
civilians, there were 30 women and children at Empandhleni.]
[Footnote 156: This regiment got orders to mobilize on the 17th April.
The orders applied to the Left Wing and 150 men of the headquarters
squadrons (Right Wing). The latter section (under Captain E.W. Barter),
joined the Left Wing at Dundee, the whole force being taken command
of by Lt.-Col. D.W. Mackay. The remainder of the Right Wing, with the
exception of D squadron, mobilized on the 1st May and proceeded to
Helpmakaar under Lt.-Col. J. Weighton, who then took command of the
regiment. D squadron was mobilized in June, and, as will be seen later,
accompanied B.M.R. first to Dundee, then to Mapumulo where, until the
arrival of Mackay's column early in July, they formed part of that
of Leuchars. The total strength of the regiment was 918 (all ranks),
including special service men, _i.e._ the largest volunteer corps Natal
had ever placed in the field.]
[Footnote 157: Well armed, especially from Sigananda's point of view.]
[Footnote 158: The position, at the time, seems to have been this:
As soon as Bambata, fleeing from Mpanza, was known to have entered
Zululand, the local authorities applied the principle of communal
responsibility, under which every Chief and his adherents became bound
to co-operate with Government officials (if any) and one another in
apprehending the fugitive. No Government officials being available on
the spot at the outset, Chiefs were expected to assist one another.
When, however, instead of running from district to district, Bambata
made for the Nkandhla forests and there concealed and established
himself, it devolved, under Native law, on Sigananda to make the
arrest if he could. Mr. Saunders regarded this Chief as able to at
least drive the rebels out of the forests by a process of starvation.
Hence, qualification of the first order, by Chiefs in general being no
longer required to assist Sigananda, but being held responsible merely
for arresting Bambata should he escape to or through their respective
wards.]
[Footnote 159: Commissioner for Native Affairs to Prime Minister, 28th
April, 1906. Cd. 3027, p. 32.]
[Footnote 160: Commissioner for Native Affairs to Prime Minister, 28th
April, 1906. Col. 3027, p. 31.]
[Footnote 161: Had van Rooyen's Reserves been retained, the aggregate
would have been over 400.]
[Footnote 162: Van Rooyen and Vanderplank reached Empandhleni at 6 a.m.
and 6.45 p.m. respectively on the 9th, whilst Mansel got to Middle
Drift at 4.30 p.m. on the same day.]
[Footnote 163: These were simply the bushy part of ox- or cow-tails of
white hair or white and red mixed, with the skin cut so as to enable
them to be bound round the head. They were arranged so as to stand
erect, lie on the head (front to back), or fall from the back part of
the head on to the neck. They were also tied round the neck so as to
hang down the back. No one was required to wear more than one. As the
wearers ran, the 'tails' continually bobbed up and down,--done possibly
with the object of inspiring the enemy with fear.]
[Footnote 164: The explanation is that blank cartridges were used for
the first two shots.]
[Footnote 165: Bambata and at least one of his men rode horses.]
[Footnote 166: Charms for warding off evil. Different ones are used
according to the character of the evil to be averted.]
[Footnote 167: That is, the men drew up in this formation.]
[Footnote 168: The speaker referred to Sitimela, a notorious upstart,
whose example had been quoted by Mr. Saunders, and of which fact
Mmangwana had just told Sigananda privately as above related.]
[Footnote 169: A hyperbole. The reference is to Dinuzulu.]
[Footnote 170: That is, the King of Great Britain and Ireland.]
[Footnote 171: Cetshwayo's grave.]
IX.
THE NKANDHLA FORESTS.--SIGANANDA AND HIS TRIBE.--DINUZULU'S
ATTITUDE.--EARLY OPERATIONS AT NKANDHLA.--MURDER OF H.M. STAINBANK.
Some account is now necessary of the locality within which the rebel
bands took refuge, shortly to become the focus of more than a month's
operations by some 2,000 European troops and a like number of Native
levies.
The name Nkandhla is probably derived from the verb _kandhla_, meaning
"to tire, exhaust, or prostrate," and is applied collectively to the
various great and more or less connected forests that clothe the
mountains, spurs and valleys of that part. The area in question, as
will be seen from the map, is about eleven miles long by five broad.
Separate names are given to about ten of the forests, among them:
Dukuza (_wander about_), Elendhlovu (_the elephant one_), Elibomvana
(_the little red one_), and Kwa Vuza (_the dripping one_). The slopes
of the mountains are remarkable for their steepness, especially when
approached from the low ground in the vicinity of Cetshwayo's grave.
The altitude of the slopes, of course, varies, but the steepness is
practically uniform, whether the height be 2,000, 3,000, or 3,500
feet. The bed of the Insuze River, from the Tate to the Halambu, would
average about 1,100 feet--where the Mome enters the Insuze, it is
1,122. In many parts, the peaks and ridges rise to a height of 1,500 to
2,000 feet from the nearest stream bed, and within a distance of less
than a mile, measured from the foot of the perpendicular.
Three streams flow through the forests into the Insuze, viz.: Mome,
Nkunzana, and Halambu, and, of these, the Nkunzana traverses the heart
or densest part of the forests.
The principal forest, as well as the deepest and darkest, is Dukuza,
no doubt deriving its name from the fact that one is liable to lose
his way therein and go wandering about unless acquainted with the
secret that, to find his way, he must climb the nearest ridge to see
in what direction to make.[172] The trees are not, as a rule, higher
than sixty feet, though, near the bottom of some of the gorges, they
rise to seventy and eighty. Generally speaking, there is but little
undergrowth, and the trees stand rather wide apart. Here and there a
precipice or _donga_ is met with.
Notwithstanding the sharp ascent so characteristic of Nkandhla ridges
and spurs, comparatively few stones or boulders are to be found. The
ground is covered with damp, decaying substances, such as leaves and
branches; here and there, especially along the beds of streams, are
to be seen moss-covered, slippery rocks, ferns and monkey-ropes, all
tending to give an impression of the immense antiquity and majesty of
the forest. Beautiful glades, varying in size and shape, are suddenly
come upon in parts, with all the freshness and evenness of some lowland
meadow. A look-out must be kept for snakes, such as rocky cobras,
_mambas_ and puff-adders. Leopards are also to be found. Of birds,
lories, red-necked partridges and eagles will frequently be seen. And
superstitious people will be interested to know that ghosts have, for
generations, haunted and are said still to haunt the dense, precipitous
forest Eziwojeni, immediately below Sigananda's kraal "Enhlweni."
Above and at the rear of the Mome waterfall (which has a drop of fifty
feet) is a natural stronghold, the one used by Cetshwayo in 1883.
Owing, however, to a feeling of insecurity, especially on account
of the presence of artillery, the rebels did not use it in 1906,
they preferred to take refuge in the Mome gorge and the adjoining
forest-covered valleys. A favourite, though unhealthy hiding-place, is
in the vicinity of Manzipambana (a tributary of the Nkunzana), which
never issues into open daylight. The peculiar vagaries of its course,
which, in parts, seems to proceed one way and then in exactly opposite
direction, are ascribed to perverse and occult powers emanating from
the still and sombre forest depths.
The Mome gorge, to be often referred to later, takes its name from a
stream that flows through it. It is about one and a half miles long,
with great mountain walls on either side. At the head of the valley is
the waterfall already referred to. Near the fall, the ground rises on
either side to an altitude of over 3,000 feet, but at the mouth of the
valley drops away with remarkable suddenness. Within a radius of 200 to
300 yards of the fall, the earth is covered with a dense forest which,
extending outwards on either side, connects with the various other
forests referred to above, especially on the east. A couple of isolated
forests are to be seen within the valley, particularly the Dobo or
'pear-shaped' one on the west near the mouth. So steep are the sides of
the gorge, like the letter V, that the sun in the morning and afternoon
is shut out to such an extent that the day appears to be considerably
shorter than it is.
Altogether the Nkandhla, with the Mome gorge as practically the key
of the position, could hardly be surpassed as a place of refuge. Nor
could the beauty and attractiveness of the district as a whole be
easily excelled. There is a cleanness and definition as well as natural
grandeur about Nature's handiwork hereabout that immediately appeal to
the imagination. The purity and coolness of the air are exhilarating,
so much so that one becomes oblivious to the cares of life as he
wanders about the woodlands, toils up the sharp ascents, or bends over
one of the many brooks to regale himself with some of the clearest
crystal water to be found on the face of the globe. The Nkandhla should
never become a field of war, and anyone who visits it will realize
the pettiness of man's strife which, for a moment, disturbs its
awe-inspiring stillness, and gentle, peaceful slumber.
* * * * *
The history of the tribe that lived about these forests, and especially
its relationship to the royal house of Zululand, are naturally matters
of greater interest. Called by some amaCube, by others amaNcube, the
tribe is a Lala one,[173] closely related to that of Butelezi, to
which Mnyamana, son of Ngqengelele, belonged. Mnyamana was Cetshwayo's
prime minister, whilst Ngqengelele was the great Tshaka's guardian,
adviser and friend. Mnyamana, subsequently to the Zulu War, became
unequivocably loyal to the British Government, and, on more than one
occasion, publicly dissociated himself from the acts of Cetshwayo,
as well as of his successor Dinuzulu. This detachment was maintained
during the Rebellion by his son Tshanibezwe, a fact which had no small
influence in restraining and even checkmating Dinuzulu. The history
of these sister tribes during the last thirty years is remarkable in
that, whilst the Butelezi was unquestionably loyal to the Imperial
Government, the amaCube was persistently sullen and disloyal. In other
words, Butelezi threw in its lot once and for all with its acknowledged
conquerors, in opposition to the rebellious tactics followed by
Cetshwayo and Dinuzulu, whilst the amaCube declared as resolutely
in favour of the royal house, though embarked on a mad career after
palpably impossible goals.
The year in which Sigananda's ancestors first came to settle in the
neighbourhood of the forests is wrapped in obscurity. Natives have no
good means of fixing time, especially in regard to events more than a
century old. One of the best methods, indeed about the only one, is
to ascertain the Chief's genealogical tree, the whereabouts of former
Chief's graves, etc., and, from these and related facts, draw such
inferences as appear reasonable. In the case of Sigananda, the known
positions at Nkandhla of the graves of six of his ancestors, enable us
to conclude with tolerable certainty that the first Chief died about
250 years ago.
Tradition seems to carry the arrival of the people still further back.
It is safe to say it is one of the oldest tribes in Zululand and was
already long _in situ_ when the migration of the great Xosa family to
Cape Colony took place in the seventeenth century.
Although Tshaka attacked and defeated many tribes, he was unable to
conquer that over which Mvakela, grandfather of Sigananda, presided.
Later, however, he succeeded in putting Mvakela to death. This man
took refuge in the Manzipambana section of the forests. It proved so
detrimental to his health that he was obliged to leave and expose
himself, thus affording the enemy an opportunity of which advantage was
swiftly taken.
It so happened that Mvakela had married a sister of Nandi, Tshaka's
mother. Mvakela's son, Zokufa (father of Sigananda), was thus Tshaka's
first cousin. This connection with the royal house of Zululand plays a
most important part in regard to the Rebellion. It shows the character
of the blood relationship between Dinuzulu and Sigananda.
Zokufa was allowed to become Chief. The tribe continued, as in former
ages, to practice the art of iron-smelting, and the manufacture of
hoes, axes, knives and assegais of every shape and size. Owing to
special aptitude in these respects, the people were largely patronized
by the King who, from time to time, called for supplies of the articles
manufactured. The national army depended to no small extent on the
assegais made by the tribe, which came to fill much the same kind
of place in the body politic that Woolwich arsenal does in England.
Large quantities of the domestic articles referred to were, moreover,
bartered to the general public far and near. When the white man arrived
in 1824, and, in the years that followed, introduced hoes, axes and
knives, the demand for more serviceable wares soon caused this once
famous handicraft to die out. But, although the Zulus were content
to use European hoes (which were lighter and cheaper), and axes and
knives (which were harder and sharper), they never lost faith in their
own smiths for the making of assegais and other implements of war. To
this day the assegai forged in Birmingham has been unable to supersede
that of the ordinary Native blacksmith who, in these days, is not
above using European pig-iron, instead of smelting his own with those
quaint old bellows of his from the ironstone so frequently to be met
with. Sigananda himself was an excellent smith, his reputation for
barbed, large stabbing, as well as throwing, assegais being by no means
confined to members of his own tribe.
In Cetshwayo's day, we find Zokufa holding the position of induna at
that Prince's Mlambongwenya kraal. It was there that the famous Usutu
party was first created by Cetshwayo. The Usutu became his personal
adherents in opposition to the Izigqoza of the rival claimant to the
throne, Mbuyazi. The party was made up of men from many tribes, and not
recruited merely from the Zulu one, of which its leader was a member.
Zokufa, and after him Sigananda, together with the amaCube tribe,
belonged to the Usutu faction. Sigananda accordingly fought on the
Usutu side during the great Ndondakusuka (Tugela) battle on the 2nd
December, 1856.
Shortly after, owing to disturbances in the tribe, Sigananda fled to
Natal. He took refuge in the tribe of Mancinza, father of Bambata.
He became a policeman at the Magistrate's office, Greytown, but,
about 1871, was invited by Cetshwayo to live in Zululand, when, after
fourteen or fifteen years' absence, he became Chief over the tribe.
During the Zulu War, Sigananda naturally fought for his King.
Cetshwayo's restoration to Zululand occurred in January, 1883, and,
as has been seen, was the signal for violent conflict between his and
Zibebu's forces. Cetshwayo was obliged to find a place of refuge. He
fled to the Nkandhla forests, where he was harboured in one of the
amaCube kraals immediately overlooking the Mome waterfall. A small
kraal, known by the name of Enhlweni, was constructed for the ex-King's
use on the eastern side of the waterfall, and only three hundred yards
from it, whilst a covered path was specially made through the forest
that stood between the two kraals. The Government succeeded, through
the influence of Mr. Henry F. Fynn (son of the earliest pioneer of
Natal), in inducing Cetshwayo to leave his place of hiding and reside
at Eshowe, and there he died in 1884.