[Footnote 103: The Magistrate, Umgeni division, was one of the first

to attempt collection. On 25th January, however, the Magistrate, Upper

Umkomanzi division (Mr. J.Y. Gibson), had made an unsuccessful attempt

at Mid-Illovo. The same officer tried again, before the outbreak, to

collect, this time at Richmond, but the Chief requested him to defer

collecting until some more powerful tribe had paid.]

[Footnote 104: One of them belonged to a different and adjoining tribe.]

[Footnote 105: Natives, in speaking of themselves collectively,

frequently use this phrase.]

[Footnote 106: This man belonged not to Mveli's, but another, tribe. He

was subsequently tried and convicted by the Magistrate on the evidence

of three witnesses.]

[Footnote 107: Act No. 36, 1903, secs. 69, 71. It will be observed the

force was to be distinct from the Active Militia or Reserves, but only

by reason of being a standing body.]

[Footnote 108: "Rules on the subject of Martial Law." Colonial

Regulations, _vide_ Colonial Office Circular, 26th May, 1867.]

[Footnote 109: The latter contingency did not arise. The presence of

troops, however, had the effect of interrupting public business during

April and May at Nkandhla, May, at Umsinga, and July, at Mapumulo,

magistracies.]

[Footnote 110: A, B and C troops were left to guard the Pondo border.]

[Footnote 111: This officer's services were:--Mashonaland, 1897

(medal and clasp). South African War, 1899-1902. Engaged in--Relief

of Ladysmith, including action at Colenso; operations of 17th to

24th January, 1900, and action at Spion Kop; operations of 5th to

7th February, 1900, and action at Vaal Krantz; operations on Tugela

Heights, and action at Pieters Hill; operations in Natal, March

to June, 1900, including action at Laing's Nek; operations in the

Transvaal, east of Pretoria, July to October, 1900.

In command 2nd Imperial Light Horse, November, 1900, to May, 1902.

Engaged in--Operations in the Transvaal and Orange River Colony, 30th

November, 1900, to 31st May, 1902; operations on the Zululand Frontier

of Natal, September and October, 1901.

Despatches, _London Gazette_, 8th February and 16th April, 1901, and

29th July, 1902. Queen's medal with five clasps. King's medal with two

clasps. Awarded C.B.; C.M.G.

The _Official Army List_, 1911. War Office. Wyman & Sons, Ltd., Fetter

Lane, London E.C.]

[Footnote 112: _Vide_, p. 149 note.]

[Footnote 113: The N.R.R. were withdrawn from Richmond in the middle of

March and demobilized.]

[Footnote 114: Miskofeli's mother is a daughter of the late Chief

Langalibalele of whom mention was made in Chapter I. This woman's

influence during 1906 was directed to inducing her son's tribe to pay

the poll tax.]

[Footnote 115: It should, however, be pointed out that the Magistrate,

Richmond, had previously been directed to proceed to the Ixopo division

to inquire of Miskofeli if it was true his tribe had armed and, if

so, for what reason. Mr. Gibson had an interview with the Chief near

Waterfall on the 14th February, when Miskofeli denied having armed or

that he intended attacking anyone; he added that he had duly proclaimed

the Act about the poll tax. The visit, carried out with much tact and

discretion, probably contributed in no small degree to the result

referred to in the text.]

[Footnote 116: Also called Ixopo.]

[Footnote 117: A remarkable stampede of about 1,100 horses took place

one night whilst the troops were at the village. Owing to its being

cold and rainy, the animals were driven, with some mules, into a

paddock near camp. The mules later on caused the horses to stampede,

when the whole started galloping wildly, _en masse_, round and round

in a great circle, part of whose circumference lay within a few yards

of the camp. The thunder of the rush as each time they swept madly by

was positively deafening, much to the dismay of the reclining warriors.

Once or twice they dashed through the picket lines, compelling the

sentries to take refuge helter-skelter in camp for fear of being

trampled to death. Not until dawn did the galloping cease, probably

owing to sheer exhaustion. It was found that many of the animals had

severely, and some even permanently, injured themselves by running into

barbed-wire fences in the dark.]

[Footnote 118: The foregoing took place although all the efforts of the

Chief himself were on the side of law and order.]

[Footnote 119: A Zulu word, meaning here 'affair.']

[Footnote 120: This officer's services were as follows:

South African War, 1899-1902--In command Umvoti Mounted Rifles.

Operations in Natal, 1899; Relief of Ladysmith, including operations

on Tugela Heights; operations in Natal, March to June, 1900, including

action at Laing's Nek; operations in the Transvaal, east of Pretoria,

July to October, 1900; operations on the Zululand Frontier of Natal,

September and October, 1901.

Despatches, _London Gazette_, 16th April, 1901. Queen's medal with four

clasps. King's medal with two clasps. C.M.G.

The _Official Army List_, 1911. War Office. Wyman & Sons, Ltd., Fetter

Lane, London, E.C.]

[Footnote 121: Cd. 2905, p. 20.]

[Footnote 122: General authority to administer martial law had, as

in the case of McKenzie, been specially delegated to Leuchars by the

Commandant. The latter had, in his turn, been deputed by the Governor

to administer it. At a later date, the Governor decided to reserve to

himself exercise of the authority granted to the Commandant.]

[Footnote 123: One of these was Mjongo, but he was unable to attend,

not having sufficiently recovered from his wounds. He was, however,

subsequently tried by the Supreme Court, convicted and sentenced to

death by hanging; the sentence was carried out in September.]

[Footnote 124: Revocation took place on the 16th March.]

[Footnote 125: There had been only two, viz. the two rebels captured by

McKenzie's column on the 13th February.]

[Footnote 126: Cd. 2905, pp. 32, 34.]

VII.

OUTBREAK AT MPANZA.

Whilst McKenzie was demonstrating in the south-west, and Leuchars

was similarly occupied at Mapumulo, a state of affairs was rapidly

developing in the Mpanza valley,[127] not more than sixteen miles from

Greytown, destined soon to alter the whole character of the situation.

Owing to the fact that neither McKenzie nor Leuchars had met with

any opposition whatever when dealing, as has been seen, promptly and

effectively with all cases of disaffection that came to their notice,

it was, by the end of March, generally supposed that all further

trouble was at an end, at any rate, for the time being. This conviction

was strengthened by the execution of the murderers of Hunt and

Armstrong. This execution, however, proved to be not the end, but only

the end of the first phase of the Insurrection.

How far the Trewirgie affair can be associated with what was taking

place in Mpanza valley is for the reader to judge, after consideration

of the facts that will be laid before him. To understand it, it is

necessary to examine the character and antecedents of the man who,

on the 4th of April, became the initiator of the second and far more

vigorous phase of the Rebellion. This is all the more necessary, not

only because the Natives generally refer to it as _his_ Rebellion,[128]

but because he was the Chief of a comparatively small, low-class tribe

and almost unknown, either by Europeans or Natives, beyond the division

in which he lived. The rôle he took on was one which a far more

imposing man like Mehlokazulu (of Zulu War fame), or even Zibebu (had

he been living),[129] might have been proud to assume, had opportunity

favourable for so hazardous an enterprise presented itself. Indeed,

the general belief of the Natives of Natal and Zululand in regard to

the poll tax was that, if there was to be any overt action at all,

Dinuzulu himself would take it as head of the Zulu House. But for his

imprisonment and banishment to St. Helena, it is quite possible he

would have taken it. As he failed, or at any rate preferred to remain

in the background, it fell, of all Chiefs in this portion of South

Africa, on one Bambata to step forward as protagonist on this unique

and dramatic occasion.

As a section of the Native public appeared desirous of a change in the

way in which they were being governed, it devolved, of course, on some

one to take the lead. Who should this be? A Chief? Of course, for, in a

matter such as this, it would be altogether foreign to Native sentiment

for a mere commoner to do so. Look how Makanda and Mjongo had failed.

What Chief, then, so far forgetful of his own interests, as well as

of those of his tribe, would dare to translate into action the spirit

of resistance innate in the people? Who, in short, would have the

temerity to start an insurrection against a Government which, however

much it might be regarded as oppressive, had yet, as Bambata well

knew, delivered his ancestors, and those of a million other Natives,

from the wrongs, cruelties and inhumanity of Tshaka and Dingana, and

enabled every man, woman and child to sleep peacefully in their homes

for upwards of two generations, undisturbed by death-dealing, predatory

raids?

The question, therefore, arises as to how it came about that one so

petty and obscure as Bambata should stand forth, practically alone, as

the redresser of the nation's alleged wrongs. Who and what was he?

Bambata was born about the year 1865 in the neighbourhood of Mpanza

valley. His father was Mancinza, _alias_ Sobuza, member of the Zondi

tribe,[130] and his mother the daughter of Pakade, a well-known Chief

of the Cunu tribe, now for the most part living in Weenen division.

This woman was Mancinza's principal wife. In regard to the principal

wife, a tribe is, by custom, called on to contribute towards her

_lobolo_; an attempt was made to do this in the present instance. The

tribe, however, objected to the Chief taking a girl of the Cunu tribe,

and refused to assist in _lobola_-ing her.[131] Determined to marry the

girl, Mancinza delivered the necessary forty or more cattle out of his

own herd. A few months after the wedding, the bride became so averse to

living with her husband's three other wives that, after accusing them

of wishing to kill her, she deserted and took up her abode at the kraal

of another man of the same tribe. It was at this establishment that

Bambata was born. His mother then insisted on a kraal being specially

erected for her. This was done, the result of the unusual action being

that the former place was well-nigh wrecked, for the other wives

complained of their husband devoting too much attention to Bambata's

mother.

As a boy, Bambata was headstrong and fond of fighting. He frequently

neglected the cattle he had to herd. When chastised, he took the

beating well, never crying out or shouting as boys sometimes do. He

became expert in the use of the assegai, and was an exceptionally fine

runner. Owing to the latter qualification, he earned the sobriquet

of "Magadu" (short for _Magaduzela, o wa bonel 'empunzini_),[132]

which stuck to him all his life. His father had a double-barrelled,

muzzle-loading shot gun. This the youth soon accustomed himself to, and

became a good shot. When he was about 25 years of age, his father died.

His uncle, Magwababa, to whom there will be further reference later,

was appointed to act as Chief. After a few years, he was formally

superseded by Bambata himself. A year or two after becoming Chief,

Bambata committed a daring theft of three head of cattle belonging to

a Boer. He was tried and severely punished, though not imprisoned. On

the amount of the fine being raised by members of the tribe, he was

released.

As Chief, he was harsh, extravagant and reckless, selfish and

domineering. On one occasion he fined a man, but, as the latter

would not pay, he attacked him with an armed body of men and forced

him to comply. He rapidly squandered the property his father had

left and, like his father, ran counter to the wishes of the tribe

in selecting his principal wife. The elders were in favour of his

promoting a particular woman, and opposed to his own choice, on the

ground that the woman was a twin. He ignored their wishes and, after

one of his wives (there were four in all), had committed adultery and

been expelled, whilst another had deserted, he erected a solitary

hut for the principal one--calling it Emkontweni (_the place of the

assegai_)--thereby following once more the irregular example set by his

father.

In the meantime, the relations he stood in towards his European

neighbours were even less satisfactory. The total strength of his

tribe at the end of 1905 was 910 huts in Umvoti, 120 in New Hanover,

21 in Umgeni, and 91 in Lion's River, divisions, or 1,142 in all;

representing a total approximate population of 5,000 men, women,

and children, or about 500 capable of bearing arms. The system of

recruiting regiments was followed in this as in some other tribes of

Natal and Zululand. Owing, however, to limited numbers, there were

incorporated into each regiment men of widely differing ages. During

the twenty-four years Bambata was nominally Chief, he recruited only

two regiments.

Most of the kraals of the tribe, as well as his own, especially

in the Umvoti division, were distributed over a number of private

farms. The landlord of the farm on which he personally lived, viz.

Aangelegen,[133] demanded a rental of £3 per hut, this, of course

being apart from Government taxation. Such rent was undoubtedly high,

although on other farms in the same district a similar, and even

heavier, charge was not uncommon. Notwithstanding these obligations,

he continued in his career of extravagance. He illicitly purchased

European liquor and drank freely thereof, as well as of Native beer,

though not so as to become a confirmed drunkard. In order to make good

what he had squandered in drink and in other ways, he borrowed from

lawyers who, not being less importunate or exacting than other people,

usually got back their own with interest through the local Magistrate's

court. Bambata was constantly being sued, either on account of loans

or for outstanding rent, and to such indebtedness there seemed to be

no end. Instead of bracing himself up and endeavouring to meet his

obligations, he persisted in his reckless conduct, until he became a

nuisance to Europeans, on the one hand, and the members of his tribe,

on the other. A more perturbed spirit than he was at the close of 1905

it is scarcely possible to conceive. He, hereditary Chief of a tribe,

which, though of humble origin as compared with many of the adjoining

ones in Zululand and Natal, was of no mean size, seemed to be daily

losing his grip over the people and coming within measurable distance

of utter ruin. This prospect he was smart enough to realize, and it

was because he knew such end to be sooner or later inevitable that his

despondency grew to despair.

In common with all other Chiefs throughout the Colony, including

Zululand, he was required, in April, 1904, on coming with his people

to pay the hut and dog taxes, to give information in connection with

the census. He was the man who, as has been stated, protested to the

Magistrate against furnishing a few matter-of-fact details, concluding

with the remark: "If there be anything behind all this, we shall be

angry." The threat was uttered at Marshall's hotel, exactly two years

and a day before his starting the Insurrection not a mile from the

same hotel. Mr. J.W. Cross, the Magistrate, by way of pacifying and

convincing him that the Government had no sinister motive, said: "You

may as well expect the sun to fall from the heavens as imagine that

harm will come to you." "That was just what we wanted to hear," he

exclaimed in reply.

In August, 1905, a faction fight occurred in the ward. Owing to having

taken part in it himself, Bambata was charged before the Magistrate,

but the case was not disposed of till early in 1906, as one of those

assaulted was too unwell to appear. He was convicted and sentenced to

pay a fine of £20, with an alternative of three months' imprisonment.

The Government was advised to depose him, as being unfit for the

position of Chief, and because he was always being sued. About this

time he visited his lawyer in Pietermaritzburg, from whom, it seems, he

learned that his deposition was in contemplation.

When, in September, 1905, the Poll Tax Act was proclaimed in Umvoti

division, no opposition was raised by the Zondi or other local tribes;

the headmen, however, complained that the law would result in complete

loss of the small control kraal-owners still retained over their

sons. Bambata took the opportunity of reminding the Magistrate of the

statement the latter had made when the census was being taken, asking

that official to reconcile the assurance then given with the demand for

the poll tax that was being made. The Magistrate was unable to do this

to Bambata's satisfaction.

As a matter of fact, there was considerable and general objection to

the tax, though not given expression to in the presence of officials as

at other magistracies. Among those who objected in the Zondi tribe was

the headman, Nhlonhlo. He assumed a determined and defiant attitude.

But for the part he took, Bambata might not have broken into rebellion.

Nhlonhlo called together the people about him, proceeded with them to

Bambata and declared they would not pay. Bambata apparently did what he

could to persuade, but without success. The only reason why Nhlonhlo

made the stand he did was because he had five taxable sons, and did not

see why all of these should be liable. Like Bambata, he had got into

difficulties with his own landlord, and when, some years previously,

the latter had sought to eject him, he borrowed money of Bambata, more

than half of which is said to be still owing.

* * * * *

Towards the end of 1905, confidential information was received by the

Magistrate to the effect that Bambata was in league with the Zulus, and

that he had agreed to bell the cat by putting to death the Magistrate

and his staff on their visiting Mpanza to collect poll tax. As a result

of this, the collections were begun in another part of the division

instead of, as was usual, in Bambata's ward. So far, then, from being

the first, Bambata was the last Chief to be called on to pay. More than

this, he and his people were ordered to attend for the purpose at the

Magistrate's office in Greytown. The date fixed was the 22nd February.

After receiving the instructions, he requested the Magistrate to come

as usual to collect in Mpanza valley. Mr. Cross, however, said he was

unable to countermand the order.

On the day appointed, the people appeared at the Magistrate's office.

They arrived about 11 instead of 9 a.m. The Chief was not with them,

as he should have been. An induna appeared in his stead, apologizing

for the Chief's absence on the ground of ill-health. (He was said to

be suffering from a stomach-ache.) The Magistrate naturally concluded

Bambata was at his kraal some thirteen or fourteen miles away, whereas,

as was afterwards reported, he and a number of young men had concealed

themselves in a wattle-tree plantation, overlooking, and about two and

a half miles from, Greytown. Those who came up to pay were chiefly

elderly men. They at first appeared very surly. In reply to a question

as to where the young men, i.e. those liable for the tax, were, the old

men said they had gone out courting.

About 8.30 p.m. the same day, information was received from Native

sources that Greytown was to be attacked during the night "after the

white people had gone to bed," for Bambata had gathered together an

_impi_ and was with it in the trees overlooking Greytown, meaning Mr.

Layman's and Dr. Wright's plantations. It was explained that payment

of the tax that day was simply a ruse 'to hoodwink the Europeans,' and

that Bambata intended to recover the money paid in. A similar rumour

came from another quarter. Steps were thereupon taken to warn and

protect the inhabitants. There happened that night to be a dance on in

the town hall. The electric light was purposely kept burning all night

in the building as well as in the streets. The hall, in the meantime,

was quickly transformed into a lager. Arms were issued and pickets

posted in various directions.

This 'scare,' for such it was, was based on incorrect or insufficient

information. Careful inquiry of those actually with Bambata on the day

in question has resulted in the following explanation:--As directed,

the Chief called on his people to proceed to Greytown to pay the tax.

He instructed them all to assemble on the ridge just before coming

within sight of the town. Such procedure was not irregular, as Chiefs,

when calling on their people to pay hut tax, often direct them to

assemble at a given spot to afford an opportunity for preliminary

inspection. Quite contrary to Bambata's orders, it would seem, a number

of young men came up from Mpanza valley led by Nhlonhlo, all being

armed with shields and assegais. They proceeded to the vicinity of a

kraal beside the road, a couple of miles further away from Greytown

than where Bambata had directed them to assemble. On learning this,

Bambata, then some little way off, sent a messenger to order the young

men to put down their arms and go to Greytown with the others and pay.

They refused point-blank. "If," they said, "we are to throw away our

assegais and go empty-handed, we certainly shall not comply." Bambata

now borrowed a horse and moved to inspect the other section of his

people who were in front. As he went off, Nhlonhlo's party were heard

to shout to the lender of the horse, "If, after your supplying him

with a horse, Bambata should be arrested by the white people, we shall

stab you." When the Chief reached the rendezvous, he found his uncle,

Magwababa, had already been driven into Greytown by Mr. Botha, whilst

a number of others had followed him. Of those present, some were not

properly dressed[134] and, moreover, had not the necessary money. He

ordered them home, telling them to sell their goats and so find the

amount of the tax. Others were sent into Greytown with a message to the

man in charge to say that Bambata was absent owing to a headache.

Already apprehensive as to what might happen, especially as he had,

contrary to custom, been summoned to Greytown without knowing why such

course had been adopted, and, again, finding that a few hot-bloods, who

had by then heard all about the Trewirgie affair, had taken up arms

for the purpose of protecting him, and, if need be, resisting by force

any attempt to arrest him, can anyone be surprised that Bambata showed

some hesitation about going forward? He was in a dilemma. The course

he took was, questionable as it seems, on the side of law and order,

at any rate for the time being. His people were obviously inclined

to get out of hand, and it required his personal presence to check

any rash or hostile demonstration. Had he gone into Greytown and been

apprehended, it is quite possible an effort at rescue would have been

made. As it was, nothing occurred. Nor would anything have occurred,

because his arrest was not contemplated. It was, of course, bad enough

that a body of young men should have assembled where they did, armed

with assegais, in much the same way that those of Mveli's had done when

Mr. Bennett went to collect at Henley, but, at that time Bambata had

apparently no intention of attacking Greytown. Where he made a fatal

mistake was in not reporting the incident at once, as Mveli had done,

thus placing on the Government the onus of preserving peace. Rather

than sacrifice the lawlessly inclined he, by inaction at a critical

moment, caused himself to be identified with them in every respect. "If

we fail to denounce the crime, we become participators in it."[135]

From the moment he excused himself from appearing on the lying pretext

that he had a headache, it became more and more difficult for him to

do otherwise than rebel. At that moment he unfitted himself for the

position of Chief. This the Government, some days later, recognized,

whereupon Magwababa was appointed to act as Chief as _from that date_.

A history of the Zulu Rebellion, 1906, and of Dinuzulu's arrest, trial, and expatriation · 第 14 / 51 段