district, viz. at Butler's Store, Insuze, on the 29th and 30th January,
and, on the 1st February, at Gaillard's Store, Umvoti, by the members
of three other tribes.
Behaviour of this kind called, of course, for immediate action.
Ngobizembe was ordered to appear before the Minister for Native Affairs
at Pietermaritzburg on the 1st February, and a strong body of police
(under Inspector O. Dimmick) was dispatched on the 3rd to keep order at
Mapumulo.
The position in Zululand on the 26th January was that out of 83 Chiefs,
62 had been called on to pay; of these, 46 (including Dinuzulu) had
responded, with the result that over £1,400 had been collected, and
other payments were being made daily. The other 16 Chiefs appeared to
be offering a passive resistance. At Empandhleni (Nkandhla), however,
the people of one of these Chiefs behaved in a violent and insolent
manner to the Magistrate when called on to pay the tax. The Minister
for Native Affairs, who was at Nongoma on the date referred to,
expressed the view that such success as had been achieved was "in a
measure due to the good example set by Dinuzulu."
On the 7th February, the date fixed for collecting the poll tax from
the Chief Mveli and his tribe at Henley--a small railway station
on the Pietermaritzburg-Umzimkulu line--and about 11 miles from
Pietermaritzburg--the Magistrate of Umgeni division (Mr. T.R. Bennett)
went out to keep his appointment. Whilst at that place, the Chief
called attention to the fact that a section of his tribe had taken
up a position on a hill about two miles off and were armed with
assegais.[94] The Magistrate sent a European trooper (W.A. Mather) and
two of the Chief's relatives to ascertain what truth there was in the
statement. A party of twenty-seven armed Natives was come upon. When
an attempt was made to record their names they assumed a threatening
attitude, and presently rushed at the messengers with their assegais.
The latter, to avoid being killed, retired at a gallop. Depositions
were taken and warrants for arrest issued on the charge of "taking
part in an assembly of armed men without the authority of the Supreme
Chief." It transpired, on a later date, the party had intended, on
being called up to pay, to murder the Magistrate and his staff.[95]
Early on the day following the acting District Police Officer,
Sub-Inspector Sidney H.K. Hunt, armed with the warrants, left
Pietermaritzburg with eleven mounted police for Richmond, where he
was joined by four others, including two Native constables. Another
small patrol, under a non-commissioned officer, proceeded towards
Thornville Junction. Hunt's party, owing to delay on the railway,
could not move on before noon, when they proceeded viâ Byrnetown to
the farm "Trewirgie." Owing to the guides not knowing the way, their
difficulties being increased by a thick mist which came on early in
the afternoon, slow progress was made. The nearer the men got to their
destination, the more it was noticed that only women and old men were
in evidence at kraals along the route traversed.
It was not until 5.30 p.m. that the house of Mr. Henry Hosking, owner
of "Trewirgie," near where the accused were reported to be, was
reached. The Natives required lived but half a mile from, though out of
sight of, the homestead. Hunt resolved, contrary to the advice given
him by Hosking, to try and effect the arrests and afterwards put up for
the night at the farm house. At 6 p.m. he, with twelve Europeans and
two Natives, went to the kraal indicated as that at which the accused
would be found, that is to say, one within sight of which the police
had passed a few minutes before. A man and two women were found to be
the only occupants. Inquiries as to where the young men who were wanted
had got to met with no success. Hunt now directed the man to shout for
them. This he did. Two Natives were presently caught in the vicinity
and, happening to be among those wanted, were handcuffed. A third and
older man was found near by. This turned out to be Mjongo, one of the
ringleaders. He, too, was handcuffed. At this moment, Trooper George
Armstrong was sent to investigate a suspicious object some way up a
steep incline in the immediate rear of the kraal, and about 80 to 100
yards off. No sooner had he gone up than he shouted to his comrades:
"Come on, there's an armed party here." Leaving a couple of troopers
with the prisoners, Hunt proceeded up the hill with the rest of the
men, where he found some 40 or 50 fully armed Natives.
The ground there was very steep and covered with rocks. Hunt went in
amongst the Natives and asked what they meant by being armed. They
were most excited and kept rushing up to the troopers, flourishing
assegais, knobsticks and small shields, exclaiming, "You have come for
our money; you can shoot us; we refuse to pay." Hunt's interpreter was
at first unable to make himself heard, because of the hubbub. After
it had subsided, Hunt again tried to persuade them to lay down their
arms and move to the kraal, where he would speak to them. Several then
shouted: "If we put down our assegais, you'll make us prisoners, and
we'll have to work in gaol," "You put away your revolvers and we'll
put down our assegais," and so forth. All this time they kept backing
up the slope towards a dense bush, yelling, "Come on, you're afraid."
It must then have been past 7 o'clock. Hunt was advised to desist.
He, however, released Mjongo, but, as soon as the latter attempted to
address the infuriated savages, they rushed at, caught, and dragged
him in amongst themselves. The police now retired towards the kraal.
The Natives followed, jeering at and taunting the former in the most
insolent manner. On reaching the kraal, Hunt ordered his two remaining
prisoners to be brought along. These were put between two mounted
men at the head of the party, which had not gone ten yards before a
sudden rush was heard in the rear. The two prisoners were thereupon
dragged away by the Natives. Hunt and two or three others, rushing
at their assailants, attempted recapture. The others resisted. A
disturbance arose, but, owing to mist and darkness, it was impossible
to see exactly what took place. One of the rebels was seen holding
on to Hunt's bridle. Hunt hesitated a few seconds, then, raising his
revolver, fired. The conflict became at once sharper and fiercer, use
being made of revolvers on the one side and assegais on the other. Hunt
and Armstrong were stabbed to death on the spot. Sergeant F.W. Stephens
was wounded. Of the remainder, most galloped off on their horses being
startled. To engage the rebels further at that time of night was out of
the question. All that remained was to report what had occurred. This
Stephens did in the speediest manner.
[Illustration:
_W.B. Sherwood, Pietermaritzburg._
H.M. STAINBANK,
Magistrate, Mahlabatini.
OLIVER E. VEAL,
of the Public Works Department.
SUB-INSPECTOR S.H.K. HUNT,
Natal Police.
TROOPER G. ARMSTRONG,
Natal Police.
CIVIL SERVANTS MURDERED DURING THE REBELLION.]
This unfortunate incident would possibly not have occurred had the
police, instead of going to Trewirgie viâ Richmond and Byrne, proceeded
direct from Thornville Junction, thereby saving at least 20 miles.
Instead of arriving at Byrne at 11 a.m., unknown to the accused, as
they might have done, they did not do so until late in the afternoon.
Had Hunt been better acquainted with the Native character and language,
he would not have done what he did. This lack of knowledge may be
excused; the same, however, cannot be said of his attempting to arrest
people at the time he did.
Hearing from one of the troopers of what had taken place, the Hoskings
left their house forthwith for Pietermaritzburg, though, as it turned
out, there was no intention on the part of the rebels (who included
one of Hosking's own servants) to interfere with him, his family or
property in any way.[96]
As soon as the news of the murder was received by the Government, a
force of about 50 police, under Inspector W.F. Lyttle, was sent to
Trewirgie to recover the bodies of Hunt and Armstrong. These were found
on the 9th at the scene of outbreak, each with 12 to 15 wounds, but not
otherwise mutilated. In the meantime, the rebels left the small bush
where the police had been murdered and took refuge near by in the Enon
forest.
The police remained at Trewirgie, patrolling and searching for the
fugitives.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 76: This tax of 14s. per hut had, of course, to be paid in
respect of huts on private lands, regardless of the rent charged by the
farmer or landlord.]
[Footnote 77: An important Act, regulating claims against Natives for
interest, was passed by the Natal Legislature in 1908. It has proved
very beneficial to the Natives.]
[Footnote 78: As the contracts were never for less than six months, and
labourers had not acquired the habit of banking their earnings, it can
be seen that losses from theft or otherwise at a mining centre must
have been considerable.]
[Footnote 79: Ordinance 20, 1902, sec. 2 (Transvaal).]
[Footnote 80: Silwana's tribe consisted of about 30,000, that of
Ngqambuzana of about 28,000, souls.]
[Footnote 81: Cd. 2905, p. 11.]
[Footnote 82: The niece, Nongqause by name, stated: "This talking of
the new people commenced after my having reported to Mhlakaza that I
had seen about ten strange Kafirs in the gardens. [The first meeting is
said to have occurred about 2-1/2 years before the date of giving the
information.] ... I told him I was afraid to go there. The people I saw
were Kafirs--young men. I was afraid of them, because I did not know
them. Mhlakaza told me not to be afraid of them, as they would do me no
harm. He told me to speak to them, and ask them what they were doing
there. I did so. They replied: 'We are people who have come to order
you to kill your cattle, to consume your corn, and not to cultivate any
more.' Mhlakaza asked them through me: 'What are we to eat when we kill
our cattle, etc.' They answered: '_We_ will find you something to eat.'
The people then said that was enough for that day--they would return
some other day. We asked who sent them; they answered: 'We have come of
our own accord, as we wish everything in the country to be made new.'
They said they had come from _a place of refuge_. I asked them where
this place of refuge was. They said: 'You will not know if we even told
you.' I always pressed them to tell me where this place of refuge was,
but they gave me the same answer. The next day Mhlakaza killed one
head of cattle. He then called a meeting of the people and told them
that strangers had come to tell them to kill their cattle--to destroy
their corn, and that great plenty would be provided for them hereafter.
The people dispersed, and from that day they commenced killing their
cattle, etc.; and Mhlakaza continued killing his cattle, one a day. The
people killed more cattle than they could use...."
The same, as well as other, strange men--commonly believed by the
Natives to be spirits of the departed--came on other occasions and
conversed with Nongqause and Mhlakaza on the foregoing lines. Their
object was "to change the country" by "driving the English out" and
"making them run into the sea." Such intention was to be communicated
to the Paramount Chief Kreli (Sarili) and other Chiefs. On Mhlakaza
reporting to Xito (Kreli's uncle), the latter directed him to spread
the news throughout the country. This was done. Kreli and others had
confidential meetings with Mhlakaza, the latter eventually leaving
his kraal to live on roots and shell-fish. Mhlakaza often blamed the
Paramount Chief as the sole cause of the widespread cattle-killing that
then went on. Nongqause, too, declared that Kreli had said "the English
were in his way," and that he looked to the strangers to assist him in
fighting and driving them out of the country. "I have been at a loss,"
he added, "to know what to do with the English, as they have been
stronger than the Kafirs."]
[Footnote 83: That is, to become filled with an angry, vengeful spirit.
The countenance of a person or animal that has _qunga_'d is abnormally
dark and forbidding. Clouds are said to have _qunga_'d when,--charged
with thunder, lightning and rain,--a violent storm is imminent.]
[Footnote 84: And this rumour arose notwithstanding that both were
subjects of the British Government.]
[Footnote 85: This is the name given to five or six magisterial
districts taken from the Transvaal and annexed to Natal subsequently to
the Boer War.]
[Footnote 86: 5th January, 1906. Cd. 2905, p. 1.]
[Footnote 87:
I.
Who is going to die among the Whites?
Stand firm, O King!
Heed not their mutterings,
They are but finding fault.
(_Note._--The meaning probably is that Dinuzulu is the last person that
will die among Europeans, as his own people are determined to prevent
his being taken.)
II.
Great must be this people,
Who carry loads of goods around,
To barter salempore for cattle here and there.
About It a song, methinks, I'll sing.
It will o'erspread th' entire land.
A long thin frame It has, bending to and fro.
Starting from earth, It makes towards the sky,
Like that huge snake which ate the white men's sheep;
They set a trap for it and caught it,
Pulled at it two, and three, days long;
Cut it through with knives, when lo! a flame
Leapt from out its pool and scorched them.
Clouds of dust straightway broke forth,
And streamed throughout the land,
Which thereupon was set ablaze!
And here at Mbilane, too,
From whence (as every pool, 'twas said, was full thereof)
They thought it must spring forth.
(_Note._--Like the foregoing, this song is in the form of an enigma.
The word "It" evidently refers to an _impi_, which, when on the march,
very much resembles a snake. The object of the song was, no doubt, to
promote a spirit of defiance against Europeans. It is possible the word
"snake" in line 8 is used metaphorically. Mbilane refers to a pool near
Nodwengu, Mpande's principal kraal on the White Umfolozi. Mpande was
Dinuzulu's grandfather. That such a song should have been sung at Usutu
is clear evidence of the atmosphere of disloyalty that prevailed there.)
The Zulu version of the above translations appears in Appendix IX.]
[Footnote 88: Principal Under-Secretary to Magistrates, 28th Dec. 1905.
Cd. 2905, p. 2.]
[Footnote 89: Cd. 2905, p. 2.]
[Footnote 90: On the occasion of the hut tax being raised from 7s. to
14s., Sir Theophilus Shepstone officially informed the people of the
Government's intentions, and discussed with them the necessity for
taking the step.]
[Footnote 91: The following is a case that occurred at Durban in
September, 1905, though unknown to the Chief Magistrate when convening
his meeting of 4th November: "Mditshwa and other Natives held
meetings" at which the poll tax and other matters were discussed, and
inflammatory and seditious speeches were uttered.... The result of the
deliberations was a resolution to write to their Chiefs on the subject.
A letter was produced in Court [Native High Court], written by Mditshwa
to his Chief.... The following are extracts therefrom. "They refuse
to submit to this money on any account, and they say that you should
advise one another throughout the whole country. To-day you are given
manliness, and it will be proved which man is persevering.... Day after
day we find fault with your fathers, and say that they submit to every
law. To-day the matter is upon yourselves. We, in Durban, say let the
white people do what they will. I have two ideas: an irresistible army
or hooligans, it is they who trod on a white man on the day we were
gathered together to be told this law," (referring evidently to one of
the other already held magisterial meetings). _Decisions, Native High
Court_, Natal, March, 1906--January, 1907, p. 34.]
[Footnote 92: The hut tax, on the other hand, was payable only to the
Magistrate of the district in which it became due.]
[Footnote 93: A gross breach of etiquette and a matter that would at
once excite suspicion.]
[Footnote 94: The Native Code prohibits, on pain of severe penalty, the
carrying of lethal weapons by persons other than constables on duty.]
[Footnote 95: When going about a district collecting taxes, a
Magistrate's staff hardly ever exceeded three or four Europeans and
half-a-dozen Native police and messengers.]
[Footnote 96: According to the late Mjongo, a curious phenomenon
occurred almost simultaneously with the commission of this murder. "The
matter I am now going to tell you (the writer) about," he said, "is
of a strange or miraculous description. I am a _Kolwa_ (Christian),
and would not tell anyone, but in the most confidential manner.... The
instant the firing started, I saw a ball of fire fall from the sky to
earth, near where the fighting was going on. It was so brilliant that
a darkness arose after it, continuing some little while.... In size,
this ball was about 9 or 10 in. in diameter. I was not deceived in any
way. It was in no way connected with revolver or rifle fire. Moreover,
I was not the only one who observed it. Those present, including the
Europeans, must have noticed it. Whilst in gaol in Richmond, I heard
Native warders referring to the matter.... The ball fell to earth and
disappeared immediately.... When this occurred, it was misty, but still
quite light."
We believe Mjongo regarded this as a supernatural intervention,
ordained to mark a most unusual incident. It is probable that the other
Natives who are said to have seen it hold similar views.]
VI.
MOBILIZATION AND DEMONSTRATIONS IN FORCE: (_a_) IN THE SOUTH-WEST;
(_b_) AT MAPUMULO.--EXECUTIONS AT RICHMOND.
The news that the Police had been attacked and two of them murdered,
came to everyone in the Colony as a bolt from the blue. Nothing of
the kind had been experienced since the affair in Polela district in
1892.[97] But, strange though occurrences among Natives sometimes
appear to be, they are almost invariably capable of explanation.
In this particular instance (1906), so far as we have been able to
ascertain, the explanation seems to be briefly as follows:
In 1895 a dispute arose between Chief Mveli's father, Hemuhemu, and
several of the tribe, of both sexes (connected with the group that
attacked the police at Trewirgie). They had recently become converts
to Christianity. The Chief, having taken exception to disrespect shown
by one of them, as well as to immoral behaviour by women and girls
through remaining out after dark on the pretext of attending Christian
services, imposed a penalty under his ordinary tribal authority.
Against this decision they appealed; first to the Native High Court,
then the Supreme Court. The latter decided, _inter alia_, that, as the
appellants were Christians, the Chief had no right to treat them as he
did the rest of the tribe. He was reminded that, as a deputy of the
Supreme Chief (Governor), he was bound to conform to the instruction
the Governor had received from the Queen to the effect that religion
was to be fostered to the utmost of his power amongst the Natives,
and that such steps were to be taken by the Governor as appeared to
him necessary for converting the people to the Christian faith. The
appellants were, therefore, declared to be independent of the Chief's
control, in certain important respects, though allowed to continue to
live within his ward.[98]
This case, and the highly unsatisfactory influence it began forthwith
to exert on those concerned as well as on others, had, by 1906,
passed almost out of the recollection of Europeans; not so with the
Natives. The Christians referred to and their children, having been
accorded certain liberties by the highest legal authority, were not
slow in assuming a more complete independence than the said authority
had supposed they would do. In short, they became what are commonly
known as Ethiopians, that is, a class whose church organization, like
their social life, is wholly free from European control.[99] Their
denomination was the African Congregational Church. They then became
a set of "free-lances," socially, politically and religiously. Is it
surprising, then, that a group of barbarians with the merest veneer
of Christianity, cut off from all effective controlling influences,
should, in course of time, have developed rebellious tendencies?
The rigid application of the principles of European civilization to
ordinary heathen life, without regard to after-effects, is one of the
most subtle dangers to which Natal, in common with all other countries
in which there are lower races subject to Christian government, has
constantly been exposed.
Among the Ethiopians referred to, but especially in connection with
the Trewirgie outbreak,[100] two names--Makanda and Mjongo--stand out
prominently. These men were the ringleaders of the attack in question.
The former, otherwise known as David, had, years before, been turned
out of the tribe by the Chief on account of seditious practice, but,
during the last Boer War, he associated with Mjongo, a member of the
same tribe, and returned to his old haunts near Byrnetown, under the
guise of a sawyer. As such, he worked in the Enon forest along with
Mjongo, but, in addition, claimed to be a 'teacher of religion.' So
zealous was he in this respect that he was soon recognized as the
local leader of the Ethiopians,--a position he held, in conjunction
with another Native, until 1906. As sawyer, he resorted to dishonest
practices; as preacher, his influence was subversive of law and order.
Mjongo, at this time, was a man of about 58 years of age. For more
than thirty years he had been employed, off and on, as a sawyer. "By
skill and assiduity," says Mr. Frank Gordon of Enon, one of his oldest
masters, "he was early taken note of by bush-owners, and must, during
all these years, have broken in some hundreds of sawyers. Many of these
set up on their own account no doubt; many formed a sort of gang who
followed Mjongo, and who, in a measure, relied on him to support them
with suitable work.... This gave him a certain ascendancy over this
class of industry throughout the district." Although an intelligent and
competent workman, and in receipt of high wages, he was never free from
debt.
* * * * *
The gravity of the assault on the police at once impressed itself on
the Government, already alive to the necessity of detecting and dealing
promptly with any tendencies towards actual hostility.
Ministers communicated with the Governor, who, at the time, was
temporarily residing in Durban. Sir Henry McCallum returned to
headquarters and discussed the situation with the ministry, when it was
decided immediately to call out a portion of the Active Militia to deal
with the outbreak, and to proclaim martial law over the whole Colony.
The Militia were accordingly mobilized on the 9th February, and martial
law proclaimed on the 10th.
This calling out of troops and application of martial law have been
frequently discussed, different opinions being expressed. Some good
people, especially those living beyond the borders of the Colony,
although knowing very little of the facts, came to the conclusion
that there was no spontaneous rising at all, but that such hostility
as had occurred was due to the Government having goaded the Natives
by a reckless display of force into arming, more in self-defence than
for any other purpose. As this point is of importance, amounting
almost to an accusation of tyrannous practice or, at least, of being
panic-stricken, an attempt will be made to set forth some of the
principal reasons that induced Ministers to advise a resorting to such
measures.