belief among the Europeans (including those with expert knowledge of
the Natives), that actual rebellion was imminent.
But although sullenness is characteristic of the people, it would be
a libel to describe them as otherwise than exceedingly patient and
long-suffering, equable and philosophic. Once conquered, they become
loyal and devoted subjects, even of a race radically different from
their own. They are profoundly conservative--the conservatism of
ages--content with a simple life, simple pursuits and pastimes. But
once such ideal has been destroyed or abandoned, they become restless,
unstable and unhappy.
From what has been said, it can be seen that the direct and indirect
association of Dinuzulu with the incidents immediately preceding the
Insurrection was of the deepest and most subtle character. The part
actually played by him during the rising, in some respects that of
a kind of Zulu Hamlet, will be gradually unfolded as the narrative
proceeds. A brief account of his antecedents has already been given.
It is proposed now to consider the kind of life led by him in Zululand
after returning from St. Helena, because an understanding thereof will
enable the reader to appreciate the position better than he might
otherwise do.
Attention should, in the first place, be drawn to the fact that
during his stay at St. Helena (1889-1897), Dinuzulu was subjected
to influences that contributed in no small degree to his subsequent
undoing. The Governor of the island, with no sense of the fitness of
things, treated him just as he might have done Napoleon. The result was
that when he returned to the land of his fathers, he was neither savage
nor civilized. He had been "spoilt."
With a "spoilt" young Zulu the Government of Natal had to get on as
well as it could. Without going into the terms of his repatriation,
which will be dealt with later, it may be pointed out that, after
spending a few weeks at Eshowe, he was allowed to return to his tribe
near Nongoma, where he erected his Usutu and other kraals.
As soon as he got away from the restraining influences of civilization,
he relapsed more or less into a state of barbarism. He became a
"freethinker." He married more wives than one, and kept more concubines
than a dozen. He cast aside the European clothes he had so long worn,
not, however, to don once more the picturesque garb of his youth, but
something which was neither one thing nor the other. His morals became
lax. He grew indolent. His life, being of an unsettled, invertebrate
and isolated type, caused many of his actions to appear ambiguous
and mysterious. This, in a man naturally cunning, was ascribed to
duplicity. He wallowed in such luxury as the £500 a year allowed by
the Government and what remained of his patrimony could command at his
semi-barbarous, semi-civilized kraal, and sated himself with inordinate
quantities of European spirits. He presently became so extraordinarily
obese, that it was with difficulty he could move about unassisted. The
affliction of "expansion," to which members of the Zulu royal house are
notoriously liable, came upon him at an age earlier than usual.
The sorry picture that has been drawn of a man, not without estimable
qualities, could not, we venture to think, have existed had better
judgment been exercised by the authorities and his friends in St.
Helena, and, to some extent, those in Zululand as well. And yet, in
St. Helena, counter influences had not been wanting. Ndabuko, for
instance, strenuously resisted all endeavours for his own so-called
"improvement"; if Tshingana was less obdurate, he had sufficient
judgment and sagacity to prevent his benevolent preceptors from
carrying him too far.
This aspect of Dinuzulu's private life, well known to many Europeans
and thousands of Natives in Natal and Zululand, has not been repeated
for the sake of blackening his character, but--by showing that his
European friends were primarily responsible for the _debâcle_--to serve
as a warning, for it was out of conditions such as these that the
crime, of which he was later on convicted, came to be hatched.
It was in these ways, as well as in attending to the affairs of his
tribe, and meddling in other matters that did not concern him, that
Dinuzulu passed his time at Usutu between 1898 and 1906.
In 1903-4 there were persistent rumours as to the possibility of
Manzolwandhle taking the field against him on the ground of his being
an usurper.[84] A remark commonly made by Zulus is: "The Zulu crown is
won by force." Instances of this are: Tshaka, who, though not the heir,
wrested it from Sigujana; Dingana--by assassinating Tshaka; Mpande--by
defeating Dingana in a pitched battle; and Cetshwayo--by defeating
Mpande's heir, Mbuyazi, in 1856. Had the crown been worth fighting for
in earlier days, it is not unlikely Manzolwandhle would have taken up
arms against his brother.
Actions of political significance in Dinuzulu's life, and more or less
connected with the Insurrection, will now be considered.
Towards the end of the Boer War, a most regrettable and at the
same time highly significant incident occurred near the town of
Vryheid. During the early stages of the War, there had been a tacit
understanding between the contestants that the Zululand-South African
Republic border should not be violated, seeing the Natives on both
sides, who formed the great bulk of the population in those regions,
were taking no part in the hostilities, the War being, as was explained
to them, a "white man's war." This spirit prevailed for a considerable
period, good order being maintained as in times of peace. Later, when
guerilla tactics were resorted to by the republican forces, orders
were issued (without reference, however, to the civil authorities of
Natal and Zululand), for the destruction or seizure of the enemy's
property by way of depriving him of all sources of supply. These
instructions drew to that part such commandoes as had been recruited
there, including General Botha himself, the men individually desiring
to protect their families as well as their homesteads and stock from
possible aggressive action by the Zulus. In these circumstances,
British troops not being sufficiently near to afford assistance,
authority was given Dinuzulu and the Natives of Zululand generally to
protect themselves and their stock by force of arms should they, at any
time, be attacked by the Boers.
Some twenty miles from Vryheid, but much further from Dinuzulu's kraal,
there lived a Zulu tribe, known as the Baqulusi, under the Chief
Sikobobo. The antecedents of the tribe are not without interest. It was
established many years previously by a woman, a notable member of the
royal house. It became the rule for no war to be waged by the nation,
except with this Chieftainess's approval.
So keenly did the Boers resent the manner in which, as they averred,
the Baqulusi were assisting the British, that they began to harass them
by burning their kraals. Sikobobo, having taken refuge with his tribe
at Vryheid, resolved to retaliate. He ascertained that a party of some
70 Boers, known as Potgieter's commando, were bivouacking on ground at
the base of a mountain called Holkrantz (Mtatshana), some 12 miles from
the town. He marched out one night with some 300 followers, surrounded
the party at dawn, and massacred all but about 16. The Boers, it must
be remarked, did not expect attack by Natives, who were regarded as
neutral in a war between white races. The Boer rifles were, of course,
taken. Some at any rate are said to have been carried off to Dinuzulu.
This affair naturally created a profound impression on the Native mind
(to say nothing of that of the Boers), particularly as, only in 1838
and 1879, had Zulus succeeded in defeating a considerable number of
Europeans. It remains to add that, although the Baqulusi were formerly
a Zulu tribe, they were no longer a tribe of Zululand at the time of
this affair (they were Boer subjects and living in Boer territory),
hence, Dinuzulu's alleged acceptance of the guns went to show he was
dealing in matters lying beyond the position and jurisdiction assigned
him.
In the year 1904, Zibebu demanded of Dinuzulu the return of certain
cattle owed him by the latter's father. After Cetshwayo's defeat in
1879, that King's enormous estate, consisting of marriageable girls
and cattle, was not dealt with and disposed of. To a large portion of
this Zibebu, second cousin of Cetshwayo, claimed to be owner. Dinuzulu
opposed. The animosity formerly existing between them was revived,
accompanied by rumours of possible further bloodshed. About the same
time, Dinuzulu built a fort on top of a high hill a mile or so from his
kraal Usutu. The fact of his having done this was freely talked about,
as also his keeping regiments of young men at Usutu, notably one known
as his bodyguard and called "Nkomondala." These he required to undergo
military exercises. But what right had a Chief to erect fortifications
and train warriors without the authority of Government?
There were, moreover, rumours among the Natives that Dinuzulu had
dispatched messengers to the Swazi Queen to solicit help against
Zibebu. Others were that he contemplated fighting his brother
Manzolwandhle, and that messages had accordingly been sent by him to
Chiefs in the Northern Districts,[85] also to others in the Transvaal.
Further, he was reputed to be in communication with the Basutos of
Basutoland and the Natives of Rhodesia.
Some of these rumours and many others, circulating at that time and up
to the outbreak of rebellion, were either untrue or exaggerated; their
mere existence, however, shows the great importance that attached to
Dinuzulu in the estimation of Natives far and wide. Here is another
sample, taken from a despatch by the Governor to the Secretary of
State:[86] "For some little time past, rumours have been current of
unrest and disaffection amongst the Natives.... The name of Dinuzulu
has been freely mentioned as promoting the unrest, and as putting
himself at the head of a Native army to invade Natal proper from
Zululand."
To show the strangeness and absurdity of some of the rumours, the
following, which (except the last) can be vouched for as widely current
in 1906, may be cited: that Dinuzulu was in the habit of visiting Natal
_incognito_, notwithstanding that his physical condition incapacitated
him from travelling; that he once visited Pietermaritzburg and went to
the top of the Town Hall tower, when he was observed at one moment to
turn into a cow, at another into a dog; that, when in Pietermaritzburg,
he was presented with a beast by the Government. This was taken to the
market square, where some white man fired at it twice without effect,
owing to Dinuzulu having charmed it. On Dinuzulu firing, however, it
fell dead. Here we have one of the origins of the rumour, subsequently
to be referred to, that bullets fired at Natives by Europeans would
not 'enter'; that, on the conclusion of the Boer War, the Europeans
intended to compel Native girls to marry the soldiers then still in the
country, whilst unmarried Native youths would be compelled to serve in
the British Army. In consequence of the foregoing, many girls, though
still quite young, had their hair done up and were married off before
attaining the customary age.
The content of mere rumour is, of course, of no value as history,
but, in the history of a Native rising, that rumours of a disturbing
or unsettling character were constantly afloat, and nearly always
associated with a particular person, is a fact of considerable
significance, and, therefore, worthy of record. When any rumour arose
likely to agitate Europeans or Natives, it became the duty of the
Government to trace and contradict it in the best way it could. This,
indeed, was done as effectively as possible on several occasions.
Those who are not familiar with Native character cannot well appreciate
the difficulty of dealing with these rumours, especially such as
betoken hostility. There is almost always some foundation in fact, but
the fact is generally insignificant as compared with the inferences
drawn therefrom by the people at large. In many cases, Dinuzulu was
nothing more than the victim of circumstances, the mere fact of being
the eldest son of the king of a once famous Native state serving to
attach to the least of his acts an importance that did not and possibly
was not intended to belong to them. Much that was laid to his charge
was the outcome of perfervid imagination on the part of tribes in
various parts of South Africa ready to espouse his cause. It has also
to be borne in mind that the great majority of Natives are unable to
read or write; they, therefore, do not, like Europeans, depend on
newspapers for their news. It has, from time immemorial, been customary
for them to live in a state of chronic alertness, when even the most
absurd rumour of a warlike or disturbing character was spread within
twenty-four hours over an enormous area. The media whereby this news,
or rather _warning_ is spread, are the incessant travelling to and
fro of men and women, who again, living as they do under a system of
polygamy, have wide circles of relations and acquaintances. Thus a
warning brought, say, twenty miles and communicated at a kraal, is
swiftly transmitted by the receiver to those within his immediate
neighbourhood, only to be borne still further and further by others,
leaving the original messenger to pursue his journey, repeating the
intelligence as before wherever he goes. It can, therefore, be seen
that facts, before long, become greatly exaggerated, leading to
extravagant inferences being drawn therefrom.
Natives, as a rule, when employed as messengers, are careful in
conveying messages. Dinuzulu probably never employed anyone on an
important occasion who was not discreet and thoroughly trained in such
duty. Rumours, therefore, are not always a true version of what was
originally said, but of what those at a kraal, men or women, believed
was said.
It is, we say, right to set but small value on mere rumours, but
having regard to their exceedingly widespread circulation, they
are apt to be believed and acted upon, as was, for instance, the
pig-and-white-fowl-killing one. This characteristic of the great
majority of the people should be clearly grasped, and especially the
anomalous position in which, at such a time and in such circumstances,
a man like Dinuzulu would have found himself. Having regard, however,
to his remarkably subtle and far-reaching influence, it can easily be
seen how any actually seditious tendency on his part could have been
exerted with the minimum risk of detection. Indeed, it is within the
power of one like him to pull the strings so as to compass rebellion
without the Attorney-General being able at a later date to obtain
any tangible evidence which, in a court of law, would be regarded as
admissible or, if admissible, as satisfactorily establishing guilt.
Thus, though, on the one hand, Dinuzulu might have been the victim
of circumstances, on the other, assuming him to have been really at
fault, he could have so urged the circumstances in which he stood that
the court could not have done otherwise than presume his innocence,
although actually believing him to be guilty.
That he was responsible for some of the unrest associated with his name
before the Rebellion, will be gathered from the translations hereunder
of two somewhat remarkable songs sung at Usutu.[87]
When the "order" about killing off pigs, white fowls, white goats,
etc., became widely current and was being complied with by the Natives
in various parts, the Government found it necessary to issue the
following instructions to Magistrates: "It has come to the knowledge
of the Government that numerous disturbing reports concerning the
loyalty of the Natives of the Colony are being spread abroad by
irresponsible persons, both Europeans and Natives. These reports are
most mischievous, causing unnecessary alarm among all classes of the
community, and careful investigation has proved that no real ground
for them exists. You are, therefore, requested to reassure the people
of your district and to urge them to discountenance the spreading of
all such reports."[88] In the same month, the Commissioner in Zululand
assured the Government of Dinuzulu's unwavering loyalty, adding that
the Chief had declared an intention of doing all he could to ensure
payment of the poll tax.[89] Dinuzulu, indeed, was one of the first to
pay the tax, he paid before being actually obliged to do so.
In August the Minister for Native Affairs issued instructions to
Magistrates to convene meetings of Chiefs and the principal men
of their tribes, and to explain thereat such provisions of the
Poll Tax Act as applied to Natives. These meetings were nearly all
held in September and October. Whilst, at some, no more took place
than expressions of regret at its having been found necessary to
impose additional taxation, of which Natives had not been advised
beforehand,[90] at others there was loud remonstrance, accompanied
with disrespect to the Magistrates. The meetings at Durban and
Pietermaritzburg, owing to not having been authorized till late in
October, for the reason that there were practically no Chiefs there,
were not held until the 4th and 28th November respectively. By that
time, however, dissatisfaction in regard to the Act had been freely
expressed in different parts of the Colony.[91] The convening of these
further meetings, however, appeared necessary although no Chiefs could
be present, seeing the law provided that payment could be made at _any_
labour centre.[92]
It is easy to be wise after the event. Probably the better course would
have been to hold no meetings at all at Durban and Pietermaritzburg,
and to have taken other steps to inform Natives working in those towns
of the law's requirements.
On the 22nd November the Magistrates were instructed to inform the
Natives that the _collection_ of the poll tax would take place on
the 20th January, 1906, or as soon thereafter as possible. The date
and order in which the tribes were to attend were, however, left to
the Magistrates' discretion. A further circular (26th January), in
calling attention to a proviso in the law that "no Native shall be
deemed to have been guilty of a contravention of the Act until after
the 31st day of May in any year," went on to direct that there was "no
need for Natives who are not now prepared to pay the tax to visit the
magistracy, branch courts or centres; only those desirous of paying
the tax ... should be allowed to do so," also that where notices had
already been issued calling on Chiefs to bring up their men, such were
not to be countermanded, but "the Chiefs or representative headmen
alone should be interviewed by the Magistrate and the result of the
interview conveyed to the men by the Chiefs or such headmen."
Thus every precaution was taken by the Government to conform to the
requirements and spirit of the Act. But, in conveying to uneducated
savages the information that, although the tax became _due_ on 1st
January, and would begin to be collected after the 20th of that
month, there was no _compulsion_ to pay before 31st May, the greatest
difficulty was experienced by the Magistrates. So used are Natives,
under tribal rule, to regarding instructions from competent authority
as peremptory that anything in the shape of a concessive order is
extremely liable to be construed as requiring compliance on the day
first notified by the Magistrate as that on which he would be prepared
to receive the tax. This is evidently what happened in the case of a
Chief shortly to be dealt with, otherwise he would not have called on
his people to pay in the way he did.
On so important an occasion it would, perhaps, have been wiser to have
adopted a different procedure, such, for instance, as was followed by
Sir Theophilus Shepstone when the first tax of 7s. was imposed, and
when, many years later, it was raised. That officer, as head of the
Native Affairs Department, was, of course, familiar with the whole
position. The same could not be said of any of the Magistrates. As the
communication to be made was obviously one of delicacy and called for
thorough explanation, he resolved to make it himself, and considerably
in advance of any attempt at collection. In so acting he secured both
accuracy and uniformity, besides keeping a firm hold on the situation.
It is true that the Minister for Native Affairs, whose position was
very different to that of Sir Theophilus Shepstone, having arrived at
somewhat similar conclusions, toured most parts of Natal and Zululand
to hold meetings with the Native Chiefs, etc. These were effective and
pacifying; but, when the action was taken, most of the Magistrates
had already explained the law to the best of their ability, with the
results already indicated.
Anxious that those in his employ should conform to the new law, Henry
Smith, a farmer of Umlaas Road, personally conducted his Natives to the
magistracy, Camperdown, on the 17th January. This was but three days
before that on which Magistrates had been instructed to begin their
collections. The tax was paid. One of the boys thereafter obtained
permission to go to his kraal on the pretext that his child was ill.
The same evening, about 8 p.m., Smith was standing on his verandah
when he heard a shuffling noise by the wall. He thought it was a dog,
but saw a Native, who, putting his head round the corner, exclaimed:
"Nkosi!" (ordinary form of salute), and handed him an envelope.
Turning to read the address by the light of the window, Smith was
at once stabbed by the Native with an assegai and mortally wounded.
Circumstantial evidence led at the trial proved that the boy who got
permission to go home was the one who had committed the murder. He was
convicted. Apart from having been induced to pay the poll tax, no
other motive for the murder could be discovered. That Smith was a good
master was abundantly proved by the testimony of his other servants.
The following significant incident occurred at Mapumulo on the 22nd
January. The Magistrate (Mr. R.E. Dunn) proceeded to Allan's store,
some 9 miles from the magistracy, to collect the poll tax as previously
arranged. Shortly after his arrival, a Chief, Ngobizembe, came up
with about 100 men, each armed with several sticks and some carrying
shields. These sticks and shields they placed beside them as they
sat in the presence of the Magistrate.[93] On the latter saying that
he had come to collect the tax, all exclaimed: "We won't pay!" Some
200 other members of the same tribe, the largest in the district,
now approached Dunn from behind, chanting a song as they advanced.
They were dressed in their war dress, and fully armed with shields,
knobsticks and ordinary sticks. As they failed to accord the customary
salute, their Chief remarked, "Why don't you salute?" "Why should we?
We shan't!" they roared in reply. They then sat down, practically
encircling the Magistrate and the three European and six Native police
who were with him. Many of the Natives who wore hats did not remove
them. The Magistrate again stated why he had come, and was about to
make other remarks when all present, as with one voice, shouted him
down with "Shut up! we refuse to pay!" In spite of further efforts
to bring them to reason, the men became more and more uproarious and
unruly. Their shouting became 'terrific.' They got up, danced about
and gesticulated with their sticks in that defiant manner which only
Natives are capable of doing, a form of effrontery indicative of
trouble. They eventually came close up to the Magistrate and his staff
from the rear, as if contemplating assault. Only by the Chief and some
of the older men vigorously using their sticks, could they be made to
fall back. In these and other ways the Magistrate, notwithstanding his
being a perfect Zulu linguist, was treated with the grossest insolence,
contempt and defiance. Only by exercising the greatest care was an
outburst of violence averted.