One sometimes hears from some lady the remark that very few people “in

society” believe in any movement to enlarge the rights or duties of

women. In a community of more marked social gradations than our own,

this assertion, if true, might be very important; and even here it is

worth considering, because it leads the way to a little social

philosophy. Let us, for the sake of argument, begin by accepting the

assumption that there is an inner circle, at least in our large cities,

which claims to be “society,” _par excellence_. What relation has this

favored circle, if favored it be, to any movement relating to women?

It has, to begin with, the same relation that “society” has to every

movement of reform. The proportion of smiles and frowns offered from

this quarter to the woman-suffrage movement, for instance, is about that

offered to the anti-slavery agitation: I see no great difference. In

Boston, for example, the names contributed by “society” to the

woman-suffrage festivals are about as numerous as those formerly

contributed to the anti-slavery bazaars; no more, no less. Indeed, they

are very often the same names; and it has been curious to see, for

nearly fifty years, how radical tendencies have predominated in some of

the wellknown Boston families, and conservative tendencies in others.

The traits of blood seem to outlast successive series of special

reforms. Be this as it may, it is safe to assume, that, as the

anti-slavery movement prevailed with only a moderate amount of sanction

from “our best society,” the woman-suffrage movement, which has at least

an equal amount, has no reason to be discouraged.

But on looking farther, we find that not reforms alone, but often most

important and established institutions, exist and flourish with only

incidental aid from those “in society.” Take, for instance, the whole

public-school system of our larger cities. Grant that out of twenty

ladies “in society,” taken at random, not more than one would personally

approve of women’s voting: it is doubtful whether even that proportion

of them would personally favor the public-school system so far as to

submit their children, or at least their girls, to it. Yet the public

schools flourish, and give a better training than most private schools,

in spite of this inert practical resistance from those “in society.” The

natural inference would seem to be, that if an institution so well

established as the public schools, and so generally recognized, can

afford to be ignored by “society,” then certainly a wholly new reform

must expect no better fate.

As a matter of fact, I apprehend that what is called “society,” in the

sense of the more fastidious or exclusive social circle in any

community, exists for one sole object,—the preservation of good manners

and social refinements. For this purpose it is put very largely under

the sway of women, who have, all the world over, a better instinct for

these important things. It is true that “society” is apt to do even this

duty very imperfectly, and often tolerates, and sometimes even

cultivates, just the rudeness and discourtesy that it is set to cure.

Nevertheless, this is its mission; but so soon as it steps beyond this,

and attempts to claim any special weight outside the sphere of good

manners, it shows its weakness, and must yield to stronger forces.

One of these stronger forces is religion, which should train men and

women to a far higher standard than “society” alone can teach. This

standard should be embodied, theoretically, in the Christian Church; but

unhappily “society” is too often stronger than this embodiment, and

turns the church itself into a mere temple of fashion. Other opposing

forces are known as science and common-sense, which is only science

written in short-hand. On some of these various forces all reforms are

based, the woman-suffrage reform among them. If it could really be shown

that some limited social circle was opposed to this, then the moral

would seem to be, “So much the worse for the social circle.” It used to

be thought in anti-slavery days that one of the most blessed results of

that agitation was the education it gave to young men and women who

would otherwise have merely grown up “in society,” but were happily

taken in hand by a stronger influence. It is Goethe who suggests, when

discussing Hamlet in “Wilhelm Meister,” that, if an oak be planted in a

flower-pot, it will be worse in the end for the flower-pot than for the

tree. And to those who watch, year after year, the young human seedlings

planted “in society,” the main point of interest lies in the discovery

which of these are likely to grow into oaks.

But the truth is, that the very use of the word “society” in this sense

is narrow and misleading. We Americans are fortunate enough to live in a

larger society, where no conventional position or family traditions

exert an influence that is to be in the least degree compared with the

influence secured by education, energy, and character. No matter how

fastidious the social circle, one is constantly struck with the

limitations of its influence, and with the little power exerted by its

members as compared with that which may easily be wielded by tongue and

pen. No merely fashionable woman in New York, for instance, has a

position sufficiently important to be called influential compared with

that of a woman who can speak in public so as to command hearers, or can

write so as to secure readers. To be at the head of a normal school, or

to be a professor in a college where co-education prevails, is to have a

sway over the destinies of America which reduces all mere “social

position” to a matter of cards and compliments and page’s buttons.

XLII.

THE BATTLE OF THE CARDS.

The great winter’s contest of the visiting-cards recommences at the end

of every autumn. Suspended during the summer, or only renewed at Newport

and such thoroughbred and thoroughly sophisticated haunts, it will set

in with fury in the habitable regions of our cities once more. Now will

the atmosphere around Fifth Avenue in New York be darkened—or

whitened—at the appointed hour by the shower of pasteboard transmitted

from dainty kid-gloved hands to the cotton-gloved hands of “John,”

through him to reach the possibly gloveless hands of some other John,

who stands obsequious in the doorway. Now will every lady, after John

has slammed the door, drive happily on to some other door, re-arranging,

as she goes, her display of cards, laid as if for a game on the opposite

seat of her carriage, and dealt perhaps in four suits,—her own cards,

her daughters’, her husband’s, her “Mr. and Mrs.” cards, and who knows

how many more? With all this ammunition, what a very _mitrailleuse_ of

good society she becomes; what an accumulation of polite attentions she

may discharge at any door! That one well-appointed woman, as she sits in

her carriage, represents the total visiting power of self, husband,

daughters, and possibly a son or two beside. She has all their

counterfeit presentments in her hands. How happy she is! and how happy

will the others be on her return, to think that dear mamma has disposed

of so many dear, beloved, tiresome, social foes that morning! It will be

three months at least, they think, before the A’s and the B’s and the

C’s will have to be “done” again.

Ah! but who knows how soon these fatiguing letters of the alphabet,

rallying to the defence, will come, pasteboard in hand, to return the

onset? In this contest, fair ladies, “there are blows to take, as well

as blows to give,” in the words of the immortal Webster. Some day, on

returning, you will find a half-dozen cards on your own table that will

undo all this morning’s work, and send you forth on the war-path again.

Is it not like a campaign? It is from this subtle military analogy,

doubtless, that when gentlemen happen to quarrel, in the very best

society, they exchange cards as preliminary to a duel; and that, when

French journalists fight, all other French journalists show their

sympathy for the survivor by sending him their cards. When we see,

therefore, these heroic ladies riding forth in the social battle’s

magnificently stern array, our hearts render them the homage due to the

brave. When we consider how complex their military equipment has grown,

we fancy each of these self-devoted mothers to be an Arnold Winkelried,

receiving in her martyr-breast the points of a dozen different cards,

and shouting, “Make way for liberty!” For is it not securing liberty to

have cleared off a dozen calls from your list, and found nobody at home?

If this sort of thing goes on, who can tell where the paper warfare

shall end? If ladies may leave cards for their husbands, who are never

seen out of Wall Street, except when they are seen at their clubs; or

for their sons, who never forsake their billiards or their books,—why

can they not also leave them for their ancestors, or for their remotest

posterity? Who knows but people may yet drop cards in the names of the

grandchildren whom they only wish for, or may reconcile hereditary feuds

by interchanging pasteboard in behalf of two hostile grandparents who

died half a century ago?

And there is another social observance in which the introduction of the

card system may yet be destined to save much labor,—the attendance on

fashionable churches. Already, it is said, a family may sometimes

reconcile devout observance with a late breakfast, by stationing the

family carriage near the church-door—empty. Really, it would not be a

much emptier observance to send the cards alone by the footman; and

doubtless, in the progress of civilization, we shall yet reach that

point. It will have many advantages. The _effete_ of society, as some

cruel satirist has called them, may then send their orisons on

pasteboard to as many different shrines as they approve; thus insuring

their souls, as it were, at several different offices. Church

architecture may be simplified, for it will require nothing but a

card-basket. The clergyman will celebrate his solemn ritual, and will

then look in that convenient receptacle for the names of his fellow

worshippers, as a fine lady, after her “reception,” looks over the cards

her footman hands her, to know which of her dear friends she has been

welcoming. Religion as well as social proprieties will glide smoothly

over a surface of glazed pasteboard; and it will be only very humble

Christians indeed who will do their worshipping in person, and will hold

to the worn-out and obsolete practice of “No Cards.”

XLIII.

SOME WORKING-WOMEN.

It is almost a stereotyped remark, that the women of the more

fashionable and worldly class, in America, are indolent, idle,

incapable, and live feeble and lazy lives. It has always seemed to me

that, on the contrary, they are compelled, by the very circumstances of

their situation, to lead very laborious lives, requiring great strength

and energy. Whether many of their pursuits are frivolous, is a different

question; but that they are arduous, I do not see how any one can doubt.

I think it can be easily shown that the common charges against American

fashionable women do not hold against the class I describe.

There is, for instance, the charge of evading the cares of housekeeping,

and of preferring a boarding-house or hotel. But no woman with high aims

in the world of fashion can afford to relieve herself from household

cares in this way, except as an exceptional or occasional thing. She

must keep house in order to have entertainments, to form a circle, to

secure a position. The law of give and take is as absolute in society as

in business; and the very first essential to social position in our

larger cities is a household and a hospitality of one’s own. It is far

more practicable for a family of high rank in England to live

temporarily in lodgings in London, than for any family with social

aspirations to do the same in New York. The married woman who seeks a

position in the world of society, must, therefore, keep house.

And, with housekeeping, there comes at once to the American woman a

world of care far beyond that of her European sisters. Abroad, every

thing in domestic life is systematized; and services of any grade, up to

that of housekeeper or steward, can be secured for money, and for a

moderate amount of that. The mere amount of money might not trouble the

American woman; but where to get the service? Such a thing as a trained

housekeeper, who can undertake, at any salary, to take the work off the

shoulders of the lady of the house,—such a thing America hardly affords.

Without this, the multiplication of servants only increaseth sorrow; the

servants themselves are commonly an undisciplined mob, and the lady of

the house is like a general attempting to drill his whole command

personally, without the aid of a staff-officer or so much as a sergeant.

For an occasional grand entertainment, she can, perhaps, import a

special force; some fashionable sexton can arrange her invitations, and

some genteel caterer her supper. But for the daily routine of the

household—guests, children, door-bell, equipage—there is one vast,

constant toil every day; and the woman who would have these things done

well must give her own orders, and discipline her own retinue. The

husband may have no “business,” his wealth may supersede the necessity

of all toil beyond daily billiards; but for the wife wealth means

business, and, the more complete the social triumph, the more

overwhelming the daily toil.

For instance, I know a fair woman in an Atlantic city who is at the head

of a household including six children and nine servants. The whole

domestic management is placed absolutely in her hands: she engages or

dismisses every person employed, incurs every expense, makes every

purchase, and keeps all the accounts; her husband only ordering the

fuel, directing the affairs of the stable, and drawing checks for the

bills. Every hour of her morning is systematically appropriated to these

things. Among other things, she has to provide for nine meals a day; in

dining-room, kitchen, and nursery, three each. Then she has to plan her

social duties, and to drive out, exquisitely dressed, to make her calls.

Then there are constantly dinner-parties and evening entertainments; she

reads a little, and takes lessons in one or two languages. Meanwhile her

husband has for daily occupation his books, his club, and the

above-mentioned light and easy share in the cares of the household. Many

men in his position do not even keep an account of personal

expenditures.

There is nothing exceptional in this lady’s case, except that the work

may be better done than usual: the husband could not well contribute

more than his present share without hurting domestic discipline; nor

does the wife do all this from pleasure, but in a manner from necessity.

It is the condition of her social position: to change it, she must

withdraw herself from her social world. A few improvements, such as

“family hotels,” are doing something to relieve this class to whom

luxury means labor. The great under-current which is sweeping us all

toward some form of associated life is as obvious in this new

improvement in housekeeping, as in co-operative stores or trades-unions;

but it will nevertheless be long before the “women of society” in

America can be any thing but a hard-working class.

The question is not whether such a life as I have described is the ideal

life. My point is that it is, at any rate, a life demanding far more of

energy and toil, at least in America, than the men of the same class are

called upon to exhibit. There is growing up a class of men of leisure in

America; but there are no women of leisure in the same circle. They hold

their social position on condition of “an establishment,” and an

establishment makes them working-women. One result is the constant

exodus of this class to Europe, where domestic life is just now easier.

Another consequence is, that you hear woman suffrage denounced by women

of this class, not on the ground that it involves any harder work than

they already do, but on the ground that they have work enough already,

and will not bear the suggestion of any more.

XLIV.

THE EMPIRE OF MANNERS.

I was present at a lively discourse, administered by a young lady just

from Europe to a veteran politician. “It is of very little consequence,”

she said, “what kind of men you send out as foreign ministers. The thing

of real importance is that they should have the right kind of wives. Any

man can sign a treaty, I suppose, if you tell him what kind of treaty it

must be. But all his social relations with the nations to which you send

him will depend on his wife.” There was some truth, certainly, in this

audacious conclusion. It reminded me of the saying of a modern thinker,

“The only empire freely conceded to women is that of manners—but it is

worth all the rest put together.”

Every one instinctively feels that the graces and amenities of life must

be largely under the direction of women. The fact that this feeling has

been carried too far, and has led to the dwarfing of women’s intellect,

must not lead to a rejection of this important social sphere. It is too

strong a power to be ignored. George Eliot says well that “the commonest

man, who has his ounce of sense and feeling, is conscious of the

difference between a lovely, delicate woman, and a coarse one. Even a

dog feels a difference in their presence.” At a summer resort, for

instance, one sees women who may be intellectually very ignorant and

narrow, yet whose mere manners give them a social power which the

highest intellects might envy. To lend joy and grace to all one’s little

world of friendship; to make one’s house a place which every guest

enters with eagerness, and leaves with reluctance; to lend encouragement

to the timid, and ease to the awkward; to repress violence, restrain

egotism, and make even controversy courteous,—these belong to the empire

of woman. It is a sphere so important and so beautiful, that even

courage and self-devotion seem not quite enough, without the addition of

this supremest charm.

This courtesy is so far from implying falsehood, that its very best

basis is perfect simplicity. Given a naturally sensitive organization, a

loving spirit, and the early influence of a refined home, and the

foundation of fine manners is secured. A person so favored may be reared

in a log-hut, and may pass easily into a palace; the few needful

conventionalities are so readily acquired. But I think it is a mistake

to tell children, as we sometimes do, that simplicity and a kind heart

are absolutely all that are needful in the way of manners. There are

persons in whom simplicity and kindness are inborn, and who yet never

attain to good manners for want of refined perceptions. And it is

astonishing how much refinement alone can do, even if it is not very

genuine or very full of heart, to smooth the paths and make social life

attractive.

All the acute observers have recognized the difference between the

highest standard, which is nature’s, and that next to the highest, which

is art’s. George Eliot speaks of that fine polish which is “the

expensive substitute for simplicity,” and Tennyson says of manners,—

“Kind nature’s are the best: those next to best

That fit us like a nature second-hand;

Which are indeed the manners of the great.”

In our own national history, we have learned to recognize that the

personal demeanor of women may be a social and political force. The

slave-power owed much of its prolonged control at Washington, and the

larger part of its favor in Europe, to the fact that the manners of

Southern women had been more sedulously trained than those of Northern

women. Even at this moment, one may see at any watering-place that the

relative social influence of different cities does not depend upon the

intellectual training of their women, so much as on the manners. And,

even if this is very unreasonable, the remedy would seem to be, not to

go about lecturing on the intrinsic superiority of the Muses to the

Graces, but to pay due homage at all the shrines.

It is a great deal to ask of reformers, especially, that they should be

ornamental as well as useful; and I would by no means indorse the views

of a lady who once told me that she was ready to adopt the most radical

views of the women-reformers if she could see one well-dressed woman who

accepted them. The place where we should draw the line between

independence and deference, between essentials and non-essentials,

between great ideas and little courtesies, will probably never be

determined—except by actual examples. Yet it is safe to fall back on

Miss Edgeworth’s maxim in “Helen,” that “Every one who makes goodness

disagreeable commits high treason against virtue.” And it is not a

pleasant result of our good deeds, that others should be immediately

driven into bad deeds by the burning desire to be unlike us.

XLV.

“GIRLSTEROUSNESS.”

They tell the story of a little boy, a young scion of the house of

Beecher, that, on being rebuked for some noisy proceeding, in which his

little sister had also shared, he claimed that she also should be

included in the indictment. “If a boy makes too much noise,” he said,

“you tell him he mustn’t be boisterous. Well, then, when a girl makes

just as much noise, you ought to tell her not to be _girlsterous_.”

I think that we should accept, with a sense of gratitude, this addition

to the language. It supplies a name for a special phase of feminine

demeanor, inevitably brought out of modern womanhood. Any transitional

state of society develops some evil with the good. Good results are

unquestionably proceeding from the greater freedom now allowed to women.

The drawback is, that we are developing, here and now, more of

“girlsterousness” than is apt to be seen in less-enlightened countries.

The more complete the subjection of woman, the more “subdued” in every

sense she is. The typical woman of savage life is, at least in youth,

gentle, shy, retiring, timid. A Bedouin woman is modest and humble; an

Indian girl has a voice “gentle and low.” The utmost stretch of the

imagination cannot picture either of them as “girlsterous.” That

perilous quality can only come as woman is educated, self-respecting,

emancipated. “Girlsterousness” is the excess attendant on that virtue,

the shadow which accompanies that light. It is more visible in England

than in France, in America than in England.

It is to be observed, that, if a girl wishes to be noisy, she can be as

noisy as anybody. Her noise, if less clamorous, is more shrill and

penetrating. The shrieks of schoolgirls, playing in the yard at

recess-time, seem to drown the voices of the boys. As you enter an

evening party, it is the women’s tones you hear most conspicuously.

There is no defect in the organ, but at least an adequate vigor. In

travelling by rail, when sitting near some rather under-bred party of

youths and damsels, I have commonly noticed that the girls were the

noisiest. The young men appeared more regardful of public opinion, and

looked round with solicitude, lest they should attract too much

attention. It is “girlsterousness” that dashes straight on, regardless

of all observers.

Of course reformers exhibit their full share of this undesirable

quality. Where the emancipation of women is much discussed in any

circle, some young girls will put it in practice gracefully and with

dignity, others rudely. Yet even the rudeness may be but a temporary

phase, and at last end well. When women were being first trained as

physicians, years ago, I remember a young girl who came from a Southern

State to a Northern city, and attended the medical lectures. Having

secured her lecture-tickets, she also bought season-tickets to the

theatre and to the pistol-gallery, laid in a box of cigars, and began

her professional training. If she meant it as a satire on the pursuits

of the young gentlemen around her, it was not without point. But it was,

I suppose, a clear case of “girlsterousness;” and I dare say that she

sowed her wild oats much more innocently than many of her male

contemporaries, and that she has long since become a sedate matron. But

I certainly cannot commend her as a model.

Common Sense About Women · 第 8 / 21 段