CHAPTER IX

THE MARKS OF A GOOD GOVERNMENT

The question "What absolutely is the best government?" is unanswerable

as well as indeterminate; or rather, there are as many good answers as

there are possible combinations in the absolute and relative situations

of all nations.

But if it is asked by what sign we may know that a given people is well

or ill governed, that is another matter, and the question, being one of

fact, admits of an answer.

It is not, however, answered, because every-one wants to answer it in

his own way. Subjects extol public tranquillity, citizens individual

liberty; the one class prefers security of possessions, the other that

of person; the one regards as the best government that which is most

severe, the other maintains that the mildest is the best; the one wants

crimes punished, the other wants them prevented; the one wants the

State to be feared by its neighbours, the other prefers that it should

be ignored; the one is content if money circulates, the other demands

that the people shall have bread. Even if an agreement were come to

on these and similar points, should we have got any further? As moral

qualities do not admit of exact measurement, agreement about the mark

does not mean agreement about the valuation.

For my part, I am continually astonished that a mark so simple is not

recognised, or that men are of so bad faith as not to admit it. What

is the end of political association? The preservation and prosperity

of its members. And what is the surest mark of their preservation and

prosperity? Their numbers and population. Seek then nowhere else this

mark that is in dispute. The rest being equal, the government under

which, without external aids, without naturalisation or colonies, the

citizens increase and multiply most, is beyond question the best.

The government under which a people wanes and diminishes is worst.

Calculators, it is left for you to count, to measure, to compare.[1]

[1] On the same principle it should be judged what centuries deserve

the preference for human prosperity. Those in which letters and arts

have flourished have been too much admired, because the hidden object

of their culture has not been fathomed, and their fatal effects not

taken into account. "Idque apud imperitos humanitas vocabatur, cum

pars servitutis esset." ["Fools called 'humanity' what was a part of

slavery," Tacitus, _Agricola_, 31.] Shall we never see in the maxims

books lay down the vulgar interest that makes their writers speak?

No, whatever they may say, when, despite its renown, a country is

depopulated, it is not true that all is well, and it is not enough that

a poet should have an income of 100,000 francs to make his age the

best of all. Less attention should be paid to the apparent repose and

tranquillity of the rulers than to the well-being of their nations as

wholes, and above all of the most numerous States. A hail-storm lays

several cantons waste, but it rarely makes a famine. Outbreaks and

civil wars give rulers rude shocks, but they are not the real ills of

peoples, who may even get a respite, while there is a dispute as to who

shall tyrannise over them. Their true prosperity and calamities come

from their permanent condition: it is when the whole remains crushed

beneath the yoke, that decay sets in, and that the rulers destroy

them at will, and "ubi solitudinem faciunt, pacem appellant" ["Where

they create solitude, they call it peace," Tacitus, _Agricola_, 31.]

When the bickerings of the great disturbed the kingdom of France, and

the Coadjutor of Paris took a dagger in his pocket to the Parliament,

these things did not prevent the people of France from prospering and

multiplying in dignity, ease and freedom. Long ago Greece flourished

in the midst of the most savage wars; blood ran in torrents, and yet

the whole country was covered with inhabitants. It appeared, says

Macchiavelli, that in the midst of murder, proscription and civil war,

our republic only throve: the virtue, morality and independence of the

citizens did more to strengthen it than all their dissensions had done

to enfeeble it A little disturbance gives the soul elasticity; what

makes the race truly prosperous is not so much peace as liberty.

The social contract & discourses · 第 9 / 21 章