CHAPTER XLV.

1882 AND THE FUTURE.

On the morning of New Year’s Day the French residents as usual paid

their official visit to M. Roustan, who addressed them in the following

words:—

GENTLEMEN,—I am deeply touched by the expressions of sympathy I have

received since yesterday from the French colony, and which you have just

renewed. For my part, gentlemen, I was very anxious to see you at the

commencement of this year, and to speak to you once again, as I have

been in the habit of doing for the last seven years. Each of these seven

years which we have spent together has marked a stage in the progress of

French policy in Tunis by an increase of our influence in this country.

On each of these anniversaries I came before you, you will remember, and

spoke to you of the ground already got over, and of what yet remained to

be traversed; and I continued my way, strong in your confidence and

support, which I am happy to declare have never failed me in decisive

hours and moments of crises. Indeed, crises have not been wanting; they

have followed each step of our progress. Every step forwards has been

greeted by an outcry against the policy which gave, or restored,

something to France. I wish to recall to your minds the dates of these

attacks; they are those of our successes. They commenced after the

concession of the railway, were repeated after its junction with

Algeria, were renewed later on, after the concession of the 14th August

1880, and were had recourse to after the success of numerous other

French enterprises. You have not forgotten the character of that

malevolent policy. After this seventh year, which has marked the last

stage, and which has led us to a result which is more complete than we

claimed or even desired, I expected that those attacks would be renewed

with redoubled vigour. Strong in my own conscience, sure of the support

of Government and of yours, I prepared to meet them with the same

contempt as on former occasions, without any idea of refusing our

adversaries that sad consolation for so many disappointed hopes. But

what I was not prepared for, what I could not foresee, was that, at that

moment, our foreign adversaries would be joined by adversaries at home,

who, more relentless, and, above all, more disloyal than the former,

would unblushingly employ calumnies which foreigners in the heat of

anger and in the midst of disappointments had shrunk from using. The

trial has been severe; you know the result. It has not shaken the

confidence which the Government of the Republic had placed in me,

neither has it shaken yours, of which I have just received such precious

testimony. That is why, surmounting very legitimate repugnance, I have

returned to resume my place among you. I am come back, first, as the

honest man who has the right and perhaps the duty to present himself

again before honest people. I am come back also because my return is a

sign of the firm intention of Government to maintain the result

attained, because my name, by an honour dearly purchased, has become

synonymous with the continuation of the French work in Tunisia.

Gentlemen, you will permit me to speak of my good name. You are aware

that calumnies of all sorts have been employed to damage it; but before

you, who have seen me at work during seven years, before you who judge

me with full knowledge of the circumstances, I have the right to

reassert that this good name has been placed by me sufficiently high to

be out of the reach of all the filth that is flung at it. It is

necessary that Frenchmen here and elsewhere should know that the agents

of the Republic will not abandon the care of the interests of their

fellow-countrymen, but will do their duty whatever it may cost them; in

a word, that they will have the courage to surmount all their disgust

and disregard all calumnies so long as they find themselves surrounded

by worthy people like you, who encourage them, and find behind them a

just and strong Government which supports them.

This extraordinary manifesto at once made M. Gambetta’s fatal mistake

apparent to all the world; M. Roustan considered his return a purely

personal triumph, and both he and his friends acted accordingly. Not a

care was bestowed to the increasingly pressing difficulties of the

situation; not an attempt was made to smooth down those international

asperities which became every day more frequent, nobody thought of

anything else but the best way of paying off old debts as regards M.

Roustan’s real or fancied enemies. The news which reached Tunis on the

afternoon of the 1st January, that no sooner was General Logerot’s back

turned, than the Ouerghama and Ouerdna tribes had again revolted, and

that a flying column consisting of 2000 infantry, one battery of

artillery, and two squadrons of cavalry, had been sent against them, was

almost overlooked amongst the matters of more local interest which now

occupied the Residency. Madame Musalli’s brother challenged the lawyer

Pelletier to mortal combat; the French Consular Court solemnly disbarred

him. Taib Bey’s medical adviser prudently put the Mediterranean between

himself and M. Roustan, and Taib Bey himself was selected for signal

vengeance. As early as the 5th January his arrest was asked for. His

brother hesitated, and to please the French issued a notice that any one

talking about the possible arrival of Turkish troops would be punished

with the bastinado. The troubles in the south still continued. Ali Ben

Hlifa now (January 9) sent a letter to the _Jowaib_ by way of Tripoli in

which he stated that thirteen of the Tunisian tribes would take the

field in the spring, viz.: the Nefet, Zlass, Mitelit, Sondasen, Ouled

Said, Ouled Ayar, Ouled Yacoob, Ouerghama, Ouerdna, and Beni Zid, and

that as he could count on 170,000 fighting men, all he wanted from his

friends abroad was arms. A sort of visible paralysis seemed now to fall

over the French plans in Tunis; nobody appeared to know what would come

next, and it became evident that the state of affairs in France

prevented the adoption of any definite programme for the future. M.

Gambetta became more and more unpopular. The same spirit which in an

evil hour prompted him to restore M. Roustan to Tunis, became evident in

every act of his official life. The hero of 1870 was now denounced as

“Cæsar,” “Vitellius,” “dictateur,” “tyran,” “le Louis XIV. de Cahors,”

“le Coupeau de Cahors,” “bandit,” “dictateur dégommé,” “l’alcoholisé,”

“le fou furieux,” and “le Napoléon d’opportunisme,” and all this in a

single issue of the Parisian newspapers, on a single day in January

1882. M. Gambetta resolved to join issue with his foes. Meanwhile he

told his friends that “he had other things to think of than Tunis and

the Tunisians, and must postpone his African scheme until he knew his

own fate and that of the grand ministry.” So the chaos was left

undisturbed, and M. Roustan had nothing else to think of but his

personal grievance.

Taib Bey’s fate was soon sealed. Although some of his true friends

implored M. Roustan to hesitate before taking the final step, he still

relentlessly pressed on Muhamed es Sadek the absolute necessity of his

brother’s arrest. This demand was all the more impolitic, as M. Roustan

admitted on the Rochefort trial that he had himself given Taib a French

passport and helped his doctor to get a present of 30,000 francs as a

broker in the transaction. The Bey refused to consent, in spite of the

constant persuasions of Mustapha, until on the 16th of January M.

Roustan assured him, that the orders of the French Government on the

subject were explicit and would brook of no delay. During the night his

pleasant palace at the Marsa was surrounded by Tunisian soldiers

commanded by the titular Minister of War, and on the following morning

he was conveyed under a strong escort to the Bardo, in the very carriage

in which he had hoped eight months before to come there as M. Roustan’s

nominee to the Beylical throne. He was confined as a state prisoner in

the lattice-windowed seraglio. The Bey, however, sent an aide-de-camp to

assure his brother that he felt no personal ill-will towards him, and

that his imprisonment was due to _Kismet_ and M. Roustan. Taib answered,

“I am as you say a prisoner by God’s will; but I hope that both my

brother and myself will live to see justice done by the same God to the

man who is responsible for our common misfortunes.” Three months have

passed since then, and Taib Bey is still a prisoner. He has even been

removed to a more secure locality than the old seraglio, and in case he

might suffer from the cold several of the windows have considerately

been walled up. A friend of mine happened to be at the Bardo when this

was being done, and noticed the zealous M. Sumaripa benevolently engaged

in superintending the task. Thanks to the good offices of M. Paul

Cambon, Taib Bey has now been released, and very probably will soon be

one of the lions of the Parisian _salons_. He is not likely again to

cast his eyes inopportunely on his brother’s honours.

The main body of General Logerot’s column now reached Susa after a short

stay at Sfax. The action of the Arabs was now confined to raids and

_razzias_, which inevitably occurred as soon as the French troops passed

northwards. For the moment no energetic measures could be taken, as the

worn-out soldiers required some rest after their two months’ weary

march.

February opened with the fall of Gambetta amidst the triumphant

acclamations of nine-tenths of the French press. The Tunisian question,

and notably the return of M. Roustan, now aggravated by the universally

reprobated arrest of Taib Bey, were appreciable elements in his

unpopularity and discomfiture. Great things were hoped for from his

successor. It was noticed that M. De Freycinet had not been called as a

witness in the Rochefort trial, and it was asserted that he would recall

M. Roustan at any cost. Under all circumstances it was evident that some

time must elapse before M. De Freycinet could present a Tunisian

programme, and so the chaos still remained unremedied. A very strong

anti-French feeling now showed itself amongst the Italian colonists,

which materially added to the embarrassments of the situation. On the

18th February two French gendarmes arrested a Sicilian at Goletta and

conveyed him to the military prison. The Italian Consul demanded his

release, but before his request could be complied with, an angry and

threatening mob assembled. Tunis now seemed to be entering on an era of

Franco-Italian affrays in the capital and _razzias_ in the interior.

The neighbourhood of Sfax now again became unsafe. On the 27th February

a band of insurgents defeated the “submitted” tribes, _who had been

deprived of their arms_, in the immediate vicinity of that town, and

once more cut the Gabes telegraph line. Four days later they looted an

esparto caravan, killing several persons and carrying off 100 camels.

Two small columns were now ordered to enter the disturbed district from

Susa and Kairwán, but they proved to be inadequate to crush out the

mischief rife there.

On the 4th March, Tunis was _en fête_ to receive General Forgemol. The

streets were lined with soldiers, the military band played their most

cheerful music, and salutes were fired from the forts. M. Saint-

Hilaire’s fiction, however, still survived. The effect of General

Forgemol’s triumphal procession was somewhat marred by its being led by

a Tunisian officer carrying a large umbrella, apparently for the purpose

of denoting that everything was being done by the Bey’s invitation and

consent. Two hours later M. Roustan quitted Tunis for ever. The icy

coldness which signalised his exit contrasted strangely with the

brilliant reception of General Forgemol. M. Roustan’s departure marks an

era in the annals of the last Punic War. The Bey sent a special

messenger to see that he was really gone, and when he at length learned

that the matter no longer admitted of any doubt, gave way to almost

childish transports of delight. A week previously M. Roustan had gone to

the Bardo to take leave of him, and I afterwards received an account of

what had passed at the audience from an eye-witness. It was the most

amusing description I ever listened to, and I wrote an account of it at

the time, which afterwards appeared in _Vanity Fair_. I cannot expect my

readers to regard it in any other light than that of a burlesque, but

those who understand the peculiarities of Arab character will at once

understand how much of it is really serious:—

_Scene: The Kasr-es-Said Palace at Tunis. Time: The 26th February.

Dramatis Personæ: The_ BEY OF TUNIS _and his Councillors. Both the Bey

and his favourite_, MUSTAPHA, _wear their Grand Cordons of the Legion of

Honour. An interpreter announces that_ M. ROUSTAN _is in attendance

with_ GENERAL MUSALLI _to take leave. Handkerchiefs are distributed. An

order to weep is given_.

MUHAMED ES SADIK _loq._—We must be very careful. This is the third time

he has gone away, but he always comes back. Roustan is a cat. Roustan

has nine lives. (_All begin to weep._ ROUSTAN _enters with his friend_.)

BEY _loq._—Good-bye, my dearest friend. (_Here he pauses from agitation,

and both he and_ MUSTAPHA _repeatedly embrace the Minister to Washington

after the Oriental usage._ BEY _continues, in a voice broken by

sobs_)—Allah has sent me many misfortunes, but your going is undoubtedly

the greatest of them all. What shall I and poor Mustapha do without you?

What will become of my country in your absence? Alas! alas! Tunis is

undone! The Almighty is indeed too cruel when He deprives me of my

friend and guide. (_The_ BEY _weeps on_ ROUSTAN’S _neck;_ ROUSTAN _and_

MUSALLI _weep in chorus._ ROUSTAN _is conveyed from the room deeply

affected_.)

ROUSTAN (_aside to_ MUSALLI _on the staircase_) _loq._—Why, he has not

even given me a parting present! At least I expected a diamond snuff-

box, or another order. Can it be that even with me it is a case of _le

roi est mort, vive le roi?_

(_The_ BEY _watches_ ROUSTAN’S _carriage disappear from the window. He

turns to his courtiers. He laughs, he cries, at last he dances_.)

BEY _loq._—_Now_ I am Bey again! Roustan is gone at last, and I breathe

once more! No more _frais de voyage_ for the woman Elias! No more

estates for her husband! May Allah convey his soul expeditiously to the

bottomless pit! May the Angels of Death be his guards and keepers! May

the curses of a ruined and desolated country rest upon his head! May the

Prophet cause the dark waves of the Atlantic to overwhelm him! May . . .

. (_curse, curse, curse_). . . .

Two hours later General Musalli returns. He tenders to the Prime

Minister the draft of an order for the sale of three Government estates.

Old Muhamed Khaznadar, who has served five Beys and knew Tunis in its

palmier days, plucks up courage and tears the paper up before his face.

On the night of the 26th of February there was high festival held in the

halls of Kasr-es-Said. The reign of the dynasty of Musalli-Roustan had

ended for ever.

I am now reluctantly compelled to return to the dark and sad side of the

Tunisian difficulty. On the 6th March a band of several hundred mounted

Arabs passed in the early morning the gate of Kairwán, and it is even

said they obtained a supply of bread there. Moving rapidly northwards to

the Enfida they came across a convoy under the care of six unfortunate

Italians. One only escaped wounded to Tunis to tell the tale: his

companions were all murdered and mutilated. Their assailants pillaged

their carts and then turned in the direction of Sidi el Háni. _En route_

some Maltese cart drivers were also met with and killed, one man alone

escaping, covered with sword cuts, to Kairwán. It was now raining hard

and nearly dusk, but the Arabs had a sharp encounter with the French

troops stationed round the _marabout_ I myself had passed in November.

Twenty-seven Arabs payed for their temerity with their life, but the

rest made good their retreat with all their booty, and finally succeeded

in traversing the _chott_ and rejoining Ali Ben Hlifa. In addition to

the plunder of the convoys, they had executed several _razzias_ on their

compatriots who had come to terms with the French, and I believe their

loot of camels, cattle, and goods was ultimately sold in Tripoli for at

least £5000. This unhappy occurrence at length convinced the military

authorities of the gravity of the situation. The acting Italian Consul-

General again went through the now familiar form of protesting against

the Tunisian Government, which was day by day becoming more powerless

and disorganised. A plan for a forty days’ campaign was agreed upon, but

its execution was somehow or other delayed to the end of the month. A

column commanded by General Philibert was to leave Gafsa and cross the

marsh-lakes in the direction of the Nefzaoua, while a second column

under General Jamais marched from Gabes on Matmata and the Tripolitan

frontier. This simultaneous movement was to be supported by a third

column with Colonel Le Noble approaching the Tunisian frontier from Oued

in Algeria, and preventing the insurgents retreating before the other

forces from attacking the Algerian Arabs. At the present moment (April

10th) these three bodies of troops are carrying out the above plan, but

unexpected and unprecedented rains have as yet proved a serious obstacle

to their progress.

On the 2d April M. Paul Cambon, _ex-Préfet du Nord_, arrived in Tunis as

M. Roustan’s successor, and was greeted with the same military honours

as General Forgemol. Two days later he received the official visit of

the French residents, to whom, after a complimentary allusion to his

predecessor, he spoke as follows:—“As regards the improvements which may

be effected in the present state of things, I have come here to study

them. I shall do this without having formed any preconceived ideas on

the subject, with an earnest desire to assist the Beylical Government,

and to prove that France has not lost her old fame as a civilising

power. But this is not the work of a day. Nothing good or durable was

ever done in a day. One must proceed methodically, patiently, and

prudently. I shall hope to derive information from every available

source. We have, I feel sure, all of us a common object—the good of the

Regency and the honour of the French Republic.” These words are words of

wisdom and promise well. M. Cambon has everything before him. As the

reorganiser of the shattered Tunisian Executive, as the pioneer of

financial and municipal reforms, as the healer of old wounds, and as the

reconciler of conflicting interests, M. Paul Cambon may gain that fame

and earn those laurels which the justice of posterity will assuredly

deny to the contrivers and authors of the Last Punic War.

APPENDIX.

APPENDIX.

* * * * *

A.

_Instructions issued by the Grand Master of the Order of St. John of

Jerusalem, to the Knights who were to take part in the Expedition of the

Emperor Charles V. against Tunis._

Hospitalis

Mag ✝ Consilim

Hierlm

Instructions to the venerated amongst his brethren of the Order, the

Captain of our Galleys, Brother Aurelius Botigella, Prior of Pisa, and

to the Captain of the reserve forces, Brother Anthony de Grolée, Bailiff

of Lango, as to what you are to do in the sacred enterprise against the

infidels (in which may God keep you, and from which may He bring you

back in safety). First, having information that a portion of the army of

his Imperial Majesty is already in the seas of Trapani either to expect

or to join the rest at Cagliari, you will start in the name of God for

the said places. If his Majesty by chance is there, you will hasten to

kiss his hand on our behalf, and express our regret to be unable for

want of men and means to send him greater assistance in his service,

(tell him also) we have a well-armed galley which we are obliged to

retain to convey stores to Tripoli and to protect our island if

attacked. You will treat in the same manner Prince Doria and the other

Generals of his Majesty, according to your discretion. If the Infante of

Portugal, Don Luys, is there, you must regard him as a protector of our

Order, offering him particular service according to our ancient usages,

honouring and saluting him with the usual customs and ceremonies.

If one of you is wanting (which God forfend!), the other will do what is

needful. You will do impartial justice if necessity arises. Supposing a

landing is ordered you, Bailiff of Lango will take the command of the

soldiery and marines alike, for you, Prior of Pisa, must not quit the

galleys. The soldiers must preserve order in going to land. If confusion

ensues, call on the offenders to maintain discipline in the name of

their holy vow.

If God gives you the desired victory, and the imperial fleet goes

eastwards, you can follow it. Think of your own honour and that of the

Order, and so thinking act accordingly! Given in Malta the 27th May

1535.

B.

_The Carraca “St. Anne,” the great War-ship of the Knights of St. John._

In the conventual church of St. John is still to be seen a large wooden

figure of St. Paul, which is now all that remains of the great _carraca

della Religione_, once the terror of the Barbary pirates, and the most

prominent object in Vermeyen’s picture of the siege of Goletta. Boyssat

thus describes this famous ship:—

“Mouley Hasan came to the camp to pay his respects to the Emperor, and

expressed his desire to see the _carraca_ of the Order, which was much

larger than the ‘Grimalda,’ although the latter could carry 14,000

Sicilian _salmes_ of grain. She had four decks above the water-mark, and

two below covered with lead. The ports were closed by bronze shutters,

which did not injure the lead like iron, and they fitted so well that a

whole army could not sink her. There was a chapel, an armoury for 500

men, a hall, chamber, and ante-chamber for the Grand Master and the

Council, rooms for the knights and officers, and mills and ovens for

each day’s cooking. There were galleries, a forge, and flowers in boxes

all round the poop. She carried fifty cannons of large calibre and a

large quantity of smaller ones. Her mast could be only encircled by six

men. She was very light, and decorated throughout with carving and

pictures.”

C.

The old cemetery of St. George, near the Carthage gate of Tunis (Bab-el-

Carthagena), is the earliest existing Christian relic in Tunis. It was

granted, as its name indicates, to England, at the beginning of the

seventeenth century, but the original deed of gift has been lost. Once

outside the battlements, it is now in the very heart of the city. In

removing some rubbish three years ago a series of narrow stone tombs,

fashioned after the manner of the Arabs, was discovered. The

inscriptions on them, carved in bold raised letters, are very curious

and as clear as the day they were placed here. These are the most

remarkable:—

(1) DEPOSITVM CONSVLIS

CAMPION OBIIT PRIMO

OCTOBRIS MDCLXI

(2) HIC JACET RICARDVS LEAR

ANGLVS SVÆ NATIONIS CONSVLIS

CANCELLARIVS QUI OBIIT XXIII APRILIS

ANNO DOMINI MDCLXIII

(3) SAMVEL COBBE

MERCATOR ANGLICVS OBIIT

SEXTO DIE OCTOBRIS

ANNO DOMINI MDCXLVIII

(4) IN MEMORIAM ~M~RI

GVLIELMI HAINES

MERCATORIS ANGLICI

QVI OBIIT XIX DIE NOVEMBRIS

MDCXLIX.

(5) HIC JACET

BARNABAS HOL

DIN DVX NAVIS

AMITITIÆ OBIIT

INPORTA VTICA

XIII DECEMB

RIS ANº Dº MDCLXI

(6) GVLIELMI HVLL

DVCIS NAVIS MERCVRII

HIC REQVIESCAT PVLVIS QVI

EX HAC VITA MIGRAVIT

XXII DIE JVLII ANNO VERBI

INCARNATI MDCLXXIII.

The seventh stone is the most remarkable of all. At the head is a shield

thus:—

[Illustration]

Its sides are covered with exquisite Arabesque tracery; the letters are

of lead, and it apparently tells a tale of some long-forgotten crime.

The annals of the Barrington family may throw some light on its history.

In the centre of the slab is this inscription—

THEOPHILVS BARRINGTONVS

GOBRIC PABEMI ESSEXIA

IN ANGLIA EQVITI AVRA

TO SEPTIMO LOCO NATVS

PARCARVM HIC IN IPSO

JVVENTVTIS FLOREINV

IDIAM EXPERTVS ANTI

QVISSIMVM PVNICÆ

ARGVMENTVM NVPE

PRIME CONFIRMAVIT

. . . . .

DIEM CLAVSI IXI

AVGVSTI EXTREMVM

ÆTAT AN XXI VIRG

PARTVS MDCLXXX.

Besides Consul Campion, several other British Political Agents and

Consuls-General lie in the cemetery of St. George. The stones in memory

of John Goddard and Charles Gordon can no longer be deciphered, but the

memorials of Richard Lawrence (1750), James Traill (1787), and Sir

Thomas Reade (1849), are still in good repair.

No American ever visits Tunis without making a pilgrimage to the tomb of

the poet John Howard Payne, whose body lies under a luxuriant pepper-

tree close to the grave of Consul-General Traill. The inscription on it

runs thus:—

IN MEMORY OF

COL. JOHN HOWARD PAYNE,

Twice Consul of the United States of America for the Kingdom of Tunis,

this stone is here placed by a grateful country.

He died at the American Consulate in this city after a tedious

illness, April 1st, 1852.

He was born at the city of Boston, State of Massachusetts, June 8, 1792.

His fame as a Poet and Dramatist

is well known wherever the English language is spoken through his

celebrated

ballad “Sweet Home,” and his popular tragedy

of “Brutus,” and other similar

productions.

The monument is an oblong, thick slab of white (Italian) marble lying

over the grave, and each edge of the slab is inscribed with a line of

poetry, thus:

“Sure when thy gentle spirit fled

To realms beyond the azure dome,

With arms outstretched God’s angels said—

Welcome to Heaven’s Home, Sweet Home.”

Several Danish and Norwegian Consuls are also buried in this quiet and

picturesque graveyard.

D.

_British Treaty with Tunis in 1662._

1. All past grievances shall be forgotten, and a perpetual peace on a

firm basis, coupled with perfect liberty of commerce, shall exist

henceforward between the subjects of His Majesty the King of Great

Britain and the people of Tunis.

2. The vessels of the two nations shall have the right to enter the

ports of both countries, paying the duty on what is sold, and carrying

away the remainder of their cargoes without let or hindrance, and freely

enjoying all customary privileges. The last duty fixed on the

embarkation and disembarkation of merchandise at the Goletta shall be

reduced to the old rate.

3. There shall be no seizure of vessels by either of the two parties,

neither in port or on the high seas. They shall pass peacefully and

without interruption after showing their flags. To prevent any

inconveniences which may arise, Tunisian vessels shall in future carry a

certificate signed by the British Consul at Tunis declaring that they

belong to that place. On such document being produced, the English

vessel shall allow two men to go on board in a friendly manner to

ascertain if the ship is really English, and then, although they may

have passengers belonging to other nations, their persons and property

shall be respected.

4. If an English ship receives on board Tunisian subjects or their

property, it shall be bound to defend them to the utmost and not to

deliver them to the enemy.

5. If the ships of either of the parties be by accident wrecked on the

coasts of the other, the crew shall be free and the goods found restored

to the owner.

6. The English who actually inhabit Tunis shall be free to transport

wherever they desire, themselves, their wives, and children, although

born in the country.

7. Neither Englishmen nor Tunisians shall speak rude words or use

violence to each other. Whoever does so shall be severely punished.

8. The Consul or any other Englishman residing in Tunis, in case of a

dispute, shall not be bound to address any other court than the Dey

himself, who shall do justice.

9. The Consul or any other Englishman shall not be required to pay the

debts of a third party unless there is an obligation in writing to do

so.

10. The ships of war belonging to both parties can use reciprocally any

port in the two countries for cleansing, repairs, and the purchase of

all kinds of provisions and necessaries at the market price and without

the payment of customs duty.

11. If the war vessels belonging to Tunis shall capture on an enemy’s

ships English menial servants, they shall be made slaves, but if they

are merchants or passengers, they shall enjoy perfect liberty both of

person and property.

12. If a Tunisian ship-of-war shall engage an English ship not showing

the English flag, and shall capture it, the said English vessel shall be

considered a good prize notwithstanding the peace.

13. If a slave of the kingdom of Tunis or any other nation shall escape

to or reach any vessel belonging to His Britannic Majesty, the Consul

shall not be bound to pay the ransom, unless he has been duly warned to

give an order not to receive the slave. If this has been done, he must

refund to the owner the market price, and if such price was not fixed,

he shall pay three hundred dollars.

These stipulations shall remain for ever without alteration, and for all

details not mentioned in them the parties shall be guided by the general

capitulations with the Grand Signor.

_October 5th_, 1662.

E.

_British Treaty with Tunis in 1686._

As peace has subsisted between us for several years, &c. &c. &c. We, the

very excellent Lords the Governor of the noble City and Kingdom of

Tunis, Hadje Bectache Hogia Dey, Mahomet Bey, and Ibrahim Agha, of the

Divan and army of our City and Kingdom, have seen, considered, examined,

and approved the said articles of peace, and do by these presents

accept, approve, ratify, and confirm the same, in our own name as well

as in that of our said army, &c., and do hereby formally promise to

observe the same in every point with His Majesty James II., &c., and

with all his subjects, and to see carefully henceforward that all our

subjects shall scrupulously respect them, under the penalty of the

severest punishment whenever the offender shall return to Tunis.

And as regards the money due by the Divan and divers our subjects to the

English nation according to an account which we have received from

Thomas Goodwin, Écuyer, Agent and Consul, &c., we engage to pay it

within two months of this date. And as we have a short time ago made a

diminution of seven per cent., in favour of the French merchants on

import and export customs duty, and have reduced such duty from ten to

three per cent., we sincerely promise either within six months to make

this reduction also for the English merchants, or to oblige the French

merchants to again pay the same rate as heretofore. We promise to

observe each point inviolably, and to this end have affixed our seal in

the presence of the Most High, and in our City of Tunis, on this the 2d

day of October 1686.

F.

_British Political Agents and Consuls-General at Tunis._

The following is a list of the British representatives at the Tunisian

Court since the reign of Charles I.:—

Campion died in 1661 (was appointed _cir._ 1640).

Francis Baker, 1675-1683.

Thomas Goodwyn, 1683-1700.

John Goddard, 1700-1712.

(John Waldeck, _locum tenens_, 1708-1712.)

Richard Lawrence, 1712-1750.

(Thomas Thomson acted in 1721.)

Charles Gordon, 1750-1765.

James Traill, 1766-1787.

Robert Traill, (acting) 1787-1790.

Perkins Magra, 1791-1804.

Richard Oglander, 1804-1824.

Sir Thomas Reade, K.C.B., 1824-1849.

Sir Edward Baynes, K.C.M.G., 1849-1855.

Sir Richard Wood, C.B., G.C.M.G., 1855-1879.

Thomas Fellowes Reade, 1879-1882.

G.

_Tabarca and the Tabarchini._

The old fortress, which was demolished by the French fleet on the 26th

April 1881, was an historical monument of no mean interest. Tabarca was

the Tabraca of the Romans, and the little island on which the castle

stands is just opposite the mouth of the Rubricatus river, now called

the Oued el Berber. In the fourteenth century a galley of the Knights of

St. John was wrecked there. The commander, a member of the Lomellino or

Lomellini family of Genoa, managed to defend the place against the

Arabs, and subsequently erected fortifications on the island. Charles V.

granted it as a fief to the Lomellini, with the title of Marquis. This

family held it till 1741. In the month of February in that year a

monopoly of the Barbary trade was granted by the King of France to the

_Compagnie Royale d’Afrique_, which very nearly succeeded in acquiring

Tabarca. James Lomellino was anxious to dispose of it, but on Ali Pasha

hearing of the proposed transaction, he resolved to himself seize the

island rather than it should fall into the hands of the French. His son

Heussein Ben Ali occupied Tabarca, and all its Christian inhabitants

were brought to Tunis, where their descendants, the Tabarchini, still

exist and form a little colony of their own.

H.

_An Arab’s Account of the French Expedition to Tunis in 1770._

El Háj Hamouda Ben Abdel Aziz, secretary of Ali Pasha, has left a

curious account of a former French invasion of the Regency. The

following extracts are translated and somewhat abridged from the Arab

text:—“The following were the causes of the war which happened in the

year of the Flight 1183. Hostilities had commenced between Tunis and the

island of Corsica, when France resolved on its conquest. One after

another of the Corsican towns fell into the hands of the invaders, and

in order to ensure the safety of the provision transports, the French

King asked our master to issue patents of protection for twelve ships.

His request was granted. Shortly afterwards other Corsican ships were

captured on the high seas, and the crews reduced to slavery. When the

conquest of Corsica was completed, a high French functionary came to

Goletta, and demanded that these captives should be released, and that

the inhabitants of Corsica be treated as Frenchmen. Our master said,

that as twelve patents were asked for, it was clear that all ships

beyond that number had no claim to immunity. On the messenger confessing

he had brought no letter from the King, the Pasha said, ‘Go and tell

your master if he wants anything of me, let him write and I will send

him an answer.’ The envoy went away, and this rupture became one of the

causes of the war.

“Another motive was the dispute as to the coral fishery, which is very

abundant on the Tunisian coasts. After the capture of Tabarca, La Calle

became the principal seat of this industry. Our master desired to

prevent the French vessels from entering Tunisian waters. An ambiguous

convention was agreed upon, allowing a limited number of boats to fish

during two years. When the term fixed therein expired, our master cut

all discussion short by forbidding any further coral fishing on his

coasts. This grievance furnished a second motive, but there was a third.

Soleiman el Jerbi was the captain of a Tunisian corsair. Meeting a

French merchant-ship at sea, he went on board according to custom to

obtain provisions, but he exaggerated his wants, and took possession

forcibly of a barrel of wine. When the Frenchman complained, he abused

him and gave him a sound beating. These three things brought about the

war. On the 23d May 1770, three French frigates appeared off Goletta,

and took on board one of them the French Consul, De Saïrieu, who, on the

plea of ill health, had removed to the Abdellia Palace at the Marsa. Our

master at once made preparations for resistance; Hassan Kahia Boutaghane

was charged with the defence of Bizerta, and Heussein Agha with that of

Susa. Every town was strongly garrisoned, and reinforcements were sent

to Tabarca. The whole community thirsted for the fray, and everybody

purchased arms, which now rose to an exorbitant price. The sale of

weapons paralysed all other commerce in the bazaars.

“Goletta was now blockaded by three French ships, and a little Tunisian

vessel, which endeavoured to enter the canal surreptitiously, was

obliged to take refuge in going on shore under the Gamart hill. The

French merchants now quitted the city, but our master placed guards over

their dwellings to protect their property. He also humanely allowed the

French merchant captains to join their ships. On the 16th June 1770, the

whole French squadron anchored off Goletta. It consisted of sixteen

ships-of-war, together with two corvettes and another vessel contributed

by the Order of Malta. After two days a boat was sent on shore with a

letter to the Pasha, threatening to bombard Goletta if seven conditions

therein mentioned were not accepted in thirty hours. Our master sent an

answer inviting the French admiral (Count de Broves) to come and read

over the treaty, and judge for himself which party was in the wrong.

Other correspondence followed, but the expected attack did not take

place. An incident now happened, which proves that every event in our

master’s life was predestined in the corner of felicity. He wanted

beautiful slaves for his seraglio, and sent a French ship before the war

began to bring a cargo of them from Constantinople. Every one became

very anxious as to the fate of this priceless freight. The news now

arrived that the vessel had put into Monastir. The Caid had already

taken the precaution to land the slaves and put the captain and crew in

irons. This circumstance was honoured with public rejoicings as a

presage of good fortune, and on that very day by our master’s order the

captives were employed in the gunpowder manufactory, that they might

assist with their own hands in the production of the material which

would afterwards deal death to their compatriots. About the same time it

transpired that a second French ship laden with oil had arrived at

Galippia in ignorance of the outbreak of hostilities. The ship and its

cargo were confiscated, and the captain with his crew brought as slaves

to Tunis to work in the powder mill.

“Towards the end of July the squadron sailed for Porto Farina, which was

bombarded for two days. On the 1st August it arrived at Bizerta, the

bombardment of which commenced at noon on the following day. When the

fleet quitted Goletta, Ali Raïs, who happened to be there, took the

command of a small force, and followed the enemy along the shore in

order to resist any attempt at landing. In this manner he came to Porto

Farina, and superintended the fire directed from the batteries on the

French fleet. When the fleet again set sail for Bizerta he pursued the

same plan, and entered the place just as the ships were anchoring in the

roadstead. A panic seized on the townsfolk of Bizerta; fire-ships sent

towards the shore spread consternation everywhere, although the cannon

from the batteries commanded by Ali Raïs answered vigorously those of

the men-of-war. The bombardment lasted only one day and one night. More

than 300 shells were thrown into the town. The inhabitants sought refuge

from the projectiles, together with their wives and families, in the

neighbouring gardens. Captain Ali Raïs defended the west, and Heussein

Kahia the east of Bizerta. The news of the critical state of affairs

then reached Tunis next morning, and our master at once ordered Redjeb

Khaznadar to proceed thither with reinforcements. He also decreed the

call to arms of all those whose names appeared in the registers of the

_divan_, and the lowering of the flagstaff of the French Consulate.

“The reinforcements arrived at Bizerta on the evening of the same day.

Although the French fire had ceased, Redjeb sought to encourage his

soldiers by presents. A storm came on, and the French squadron was

obliged to leave Bizerta and return to Goletta. Two days later French

ships appeared before Galippia and Hammamet. Although the inhabitants

were prepared to defend themselves, they were not molested. On Tuesday

the 13th August the squadron anchored off Susa and commenced to bombard

it the next day. The inhabitants deserted the town. By placing cannon on

the beach the ships were kept at a distance, and of 1000 projectiles

thrown, not more than 250 took effect. After remaining a week at

Monastir, the fleet regained the Goletta roads.

“While the enemy was bombarding the different places on the coast, a

_khoja-bachi_ (envoy extraordinary) arrived at Tunis from Constantinople

to ask our master for a contingent of troops and ships to assist the

Sultan in continuing his war with Russia. Seeing that all our forces

were absolutely required for the struggle with France, he asked leave to

return, and so did an officer who had accompanied him. These persons

embarked on the ship in which they had come, naturally believing, that

their mission would be sufficient protection if they happened to meet

the French at sea. Just at this juncture the squadron appeared at

Goletta, and its commander invited the Turkish envoys to go on board his

vessel. They at once did so, and on the conversation turning upon the

war, the _khoja-bachi_ did not disguise the fact that it would be very

displeasing to the Sultan, as the French forces had come to attack one

of his provinces at the very time he was himself engaged in hostilities

with his enemies. He added that what the squadron had done at Tunis

constituted a breach of existing treaties, and was in itself sufficient

to disturb the peace existing between two powerful states. He finally

exhorted the Count de Broves to resume friendly relations between France

and Tunis, being persuaded that the peace would be ratified by the two

states. He asked earnestly to be allowed to undertake the negotiation.

Having taken all this into consideration, the Admiral authorised the

_khoja-bachi_ to proceed to Tunis on this errand.

“The envoy found our master very much disposed to accept his proposals.

He even ordered him to return to the French commander-in-chief, and ask

that the French Consul and some other persons of position be deputed to

treat the matter with him. The Consul soon disembarked with some

officers to advise him, and renewed the seven demands already mentioned.

Our master made the following answers: first, as to the participation of

Corsica in the benefit of the French treaties:—‘We grant this demand,

which is very just, for it is not possible that a government can be at

peace with a power, as far as one part of its dominions is concerned,

and not at peace as regards another. This reclamation is consequently

admitted.’ In the matter of the slaves seized since the incorporation of

the island with France:—‘We only seized these slaves because the

Corsicans had no treaty with us; nevertheless as you insist on their

surrender, and as their country has now become a part of France, we will

consent to extend to them the benefits of the peace. Consequently we

will give them up.’ As regards the liberation of Corsicans captured

prior to the said incorporation:—‘This is a demand essentially

different, which nothing justifies, and which we cannot admit.’

Concerning the punishment of the captain, Soleiman el Jerbi:—‘If he is

guilty according to our laws he shall be punished when he is in our

jurisdiction; at the present moment he has absconded.’ As to the coral

fishery:—‘The treaty on the subject allows us to choose between putting

an end to the agreement or renewing it. This alternative is common to

both parties. We desire to suppress the fishery. Upon what can you

ground any valid objections to our resolution?’ About Tamekart (Cape

Negre):—‘This is an establishment which you have lost, and which was

closed by our predecessors. In a treaty which has been made since then,

you have agreed not to reopen it. We are unable therefore to cede this

point.’ As for the war indemnity:—‘We have done nothing to provoke the

hostilities, which you commenced without any motive. We cannot,

therefore, pay your expenses.’ After much discussion the following

conditions were agreed to—(1) The island of Corsica shall enjoy the

advantages conferred by the French Treaty. (2) The slaves captured since

the annexation of Corsica to France shall be liberated. (3) The coral

fishery shall last for five years more; twelve boats of La Calle may be

employed in this enterprise. The _Compagnie Royale d’Afrique_ may export

3000 _cafis_ of wheat duty free. (4) Presents must be made by France to

the Tunisian Government, as is the custom whenever peace is concluded.

(5) As the demand of the French has been rejected, the Tamekart

establishment is not to be reopened. These were the conditions of the

treaty signed between the two nations. The French fleet set sail for

France, and in this manner God put an end to the war waged against the

true believers.”

I.

_Secret Clause in the French Treaty of 1830._

In the name of God the Clement and Merciful! This treaty, which contains

all conceivable promises, and by God’s aid will reconcile many different

interests, has been concluded between the Marvel of the Princes of the

nation of the Messiah, the Glory of the races adoring the Saviour, the

Crown of Monarchs, the Shining Object of the admiration of his armies

and ministers, Charles X., Emperor of France, and the Prince of peoples,

the Chosen of the Great Ones, the descendant of royal blood, brilliant

by the most conspicuous virtues, Heussein Pasha, master of the kingdom

of Africa, &c. &c.[11]

· · · · · · · · · ·

1830, August 8th. Secret and additional article in the treaty concluded

between France and Tunis on the 17th of the month of Safr A.H. 1246.

“Praise be to the one God to whom all things return!” “We cede for ever

to His Majesty the King of France a site, in the Maalka, sufficient to

erect a religious monument in honour of Louis IX. at the place where the

prince died. We agree to respect and cause to be respected this monument

consecrated by the Emperor of France in memory of one of his most

illustrious ancestors.”

J.

_Literal Translation of the Letter of Sidi Muhamed Bey to the Sultan of

Turkey, asking for investiture as Bey of Tunis._

My God! I approach thy presence with prayers and due praises unto thy

Prophet and his Caliphs in their order of succession; I require to be

guided in the path of the Faithful, and with humble praises for thy

favours, I knock at the Gates of thy Generosity,—the Gates of the

Sublime Ottoman Government, the Monarchy of Glory, the Empire of Kháns,

which is served with acts inspired by sincerity of purpose; which is

sought for realising wishes; whose favours reach all parts of the world

by every road;—The sun is superior to praises;—it being sufficient that

it has raised supports to the Hanáfite sect, and produced balances for

weighing truth; and added to the traditions of Divine assistance, a

complete and meritorious evidence, whose sovereigns have inherited the

earth. They were just; one Monarch after the other, from the one named

“Dy-lanourin” (the one of the two lights, viz., the sun and the moon)

until the one who has been chosen by the glorious god (“Elmedjiel,” an

allusion to the Sultan’s name) to guide his creatures in order to

maintain through him the symbols of obedience to his religion, the

obligation of engaging in his war, and to whom he has granted his

assistance and blessings for gladdening through his means the countries

and towns belonging to him!

May every heart be ever associated in submission to him; may every sword

and every pen be ever at his service; may all tongues be ever just in

confessing their impotence to express all that is due to him! How shall

I salute his lofty and exalted majesty, and the feet which are firmly

set on every sort of grace! The means of expression found are but

limited, and there only remains the way of merely hinting at them, with

a sense of respect to the Traditions of the Prophet, and of praises to

those who are in Paradise! Salutations to the Prince of the Faithful and

God’s mercy are invoked by the slave of his benefits, the assiduous one,

who has grown in his service, Muhamed, son of the Servant of your

Majesty’s Father of happy memory, Hassen Basha Bey.

It is now brought to your Majesty’s notice (whose attributes are long

years and boundless power), that the pledge of your favours and the

slave of your obedience, the tenth member of the family devoted to your

interest, the cousin of your servant, whom he has considered as a

brother, the Muchir Ahmed Bascia Bey has passed to God’s mercies;

provided for his journey with the obedience in which he died towards the

Caliphat, and with his actual as well as contemplated services. At that

very moment the inhabitants of the Tunisian Dominions hastened,

_generally and individually_, forward, and becoming solid foundation for

your slave, offered to him the keys of their affairs, and the

administration for guarding their private and public concerns.

Your servant has maintained the obligation imposed upon him by the

_unanimous vote of Islam_ with prayers from the pulpits for the sublime

empire of Abdelmedjid, trusting that the government of the Caliph may

approve of our having secured the tranquillity of the country, put an

end to the terror of the inhabitants, and a stop to the roads of

violence, and we have attached ourselves together in God’s compact. The

servant of your majesty succeeded to his cousin, willingly and

submissively, according to the customs observed by your servants his

predecessors, towards the preceding holy and glorious Sultans. The

circumstance which supports your slave is, that he has grown under the

shade of your empire; he has been nourished with the milk of your

benefits, and has experienced various and manifold kinds and modes of

your generosity; your favour has caused him to shine with a light by

which he is distinguished amongst people; and the noble-minded look on

his inner services as a recommendation for augmenting the degree of

favour; and your Majesty’s grace is hoped for, founding our trust on

your Majesty’s kindness and invoking no other consideration. The usages

of illustrious leaders are themselves the leaders of usages; and it is

hoped that you will add the services of your servant to the services of

his predecessors, in order that he may experience approbation under the

Lord’s shade;—may God deal with me according to my intentions (before

paying the debt of nature) in the hopes I have expressed. Your servant

has commenced his service by continuing what he had begun together with

his predecessor, with hearts and bodies assisting each other, by sending

some troops in aid of the small force that had been sent before, and

which was favourably received; and the hope on which we repose our

greatest confidence is that they may meet the favour formerly

experienced. It is the result of the greatest efforts of the indigent,

and the utmost possibility of the weak. The present is in proportion

with the means of the donor as far as this military assistance is

concerned. Your Majesty knows the state of things, and its mention is a

subject of bitter regret. It will be presented by the servant of the

writer, for whom it is sufficient to live in faithfulness, political

wisdom, and nobleness of mind, one of the confidential persons belonging

to your servant, who is considered like a son of his—General Muhamed,

who will act as spokesman for your servant in asking for a favour which

is based on a sense of hope and trust; and the favours of the noble-

hearted are never suspended by a consideration of their acts. O God! aid

us in the duty of submission which Thou hast imposed towards this

empire, and the performance of justice according to the utmost of my

faculties; and cause its outstretched and far-reaching hand to protect

us from perdition; cause us to bear the fruits of its approbation,

according to the rules of tradition and of the congregation. Great God!

we look up to him; by his orders we proceed, and we are in anxious

expectation of the performance of the promises that Thou wilt help those

who assist Thy religion. They will never fail to find Thee out, nor err

in their requests, amen! O Lord of Hosts! Salutations be on the

Prophets, the Caliphs who are the guides to the right path, and on those

who follow them till the day of judgment.

20th Shawal 1271.

K.

_Literal Translation of the Grand Vizier’s Reply to His Highness the Bey

of Tunis._

What has been forwarded through His Excellency Khair-ed-Din Pasha, viz.:

your Highness’s letter conveying your thanks for the marks of imperial

regard with reference to the lamentable events which have occurred in

the province of Tunis the well-protected, and reiterating the assurances

of your Highness’s obedience and laudable devotion, as well as your

letter to me, your Highness’s sincere and obliged friend, have been

submitted by us to the High Imperial Gate, and have been taken into

consideration by His Majesty the Sultan (may God perpetuate his

existence upon his throne of glory, and render him an ornament to the

seat of his justice and of his Caliphate, which is the real refuge of

mankind and the asylum of Islam in honour of the Prophet, salutations be

rendered unto him for ever and ever!)

His Majesty is by the grace of God endowed with virtues and

qualifications that promote the welfare of the people depending upon his

sublime government; and he therefore wishes and hopes that a prosperous

state and unbroken peace of mind may perpetually and unceasingly attend

you personally and those who belong to your high family, as well as the

persons whose good administration is dependent upon your Highness.

May God assist him! Having felt sorry and grieved at the occurrence of

the revolt, his Majesty was rejoiced at its early termination, achieved,

thank God, in such a short time! He has felt great satisfaction at the

expressions of devotion employed, but which are only commensurate with

his Eminence, and the interest he has taken in the termination of those

unhappy events.

His Majesty’s real desire and absolute wish is in accordance with the

following written statement explanatory of what is required for the

maintenance of tranquillity in Tunis and the promotion of its welfare,

for the sure foundation of its peace, and uninterrupted security of its

inhabitants and people. In order to attain the fulfilment of this

_desideratum_ which relates to and concerns the Regency, it will be a

constant object of solicitude and assistance at all times.

The fresh and manifest proof of the above assertion will tend to remove

and avert all possible apprehension, and strengthen the ancient

privileges by way of official renewal.

These privileges are that the “Khatba,” or public prayers, and the

coinage shall be respectively in the name of the Sultan as they have

been from ancient time, being the public tie which unites the province

of Tunis as forming an integral part of the Ottoman dominions. This

forms its legitimate connection by divine law with the Caliphate of

Islam.

The flag actually used shall remain as it is both in regard to its

peculiar shape and colour.

The connecting relations actually existing with the Sublime Porte to the

present time shall be observed and continued as heretofore; and, upon

condition of the maintenance and preservation of these things (the above

conditions), the order of succession shall be as formerly exclusively

vested in your high family.

You are to exercise independent power in the appointment of

ecclesiastical, administrative, and military functionaries, and in their

removal in accordance with the rules of justice; and you are likewise to

exercise equal power in the internal administration of the said province

agreeably to the divine law, as well as in conformity with such

administrative enactments as are sufficiently efficacious to protect

individual security, property, and honour, as circumstances and time may

require.

Furthermore, you are to have the permission to continue as heretofore

your customary relations with the friendly powers; and the inheriting

Prince shall send and solicit the Imperial Firman (of investiture),

which shall be granted to him according to custom.

Whenever your Highness shall request and demand the promulgating of the

High Rescript and Imperial Firman on the whole of the above-recited

points, it shall be issued to you in obedience to the commands of His

Majesty on the subject; and pursuant to my instructions. I hasten to

communicate the matter to your Highness, which I do with great

satisfaction, that you may be apprized of the foregoing.

From a perusal of this letter which is a proof of singular regard, as

well as from what Khair-ed-din Pasha will explain to you verbally, your

Highness will perceive that the intention of the Sultan is only to

promote the improvement and consolidation of the province of Tunis, and

of your own person, and only seeks to preserve its old connection, and

distinguished dependence upon the seat of the Sublime Caliphate; as well

as to prevent whatever may create disturbance or estrangement, so that

you may derive from it (the connection and honourable dependence) a

fixed and a certain position.

We have no doubt but you will always endeavour to merit the benevolent

consideration of His Majesty the Sultan of Islam, the reward being both

salvation in this and the next world, and an honourable mention at all

times.

We have therefore deemed it sufficient to write the foregoing, and have

laid at the foot of the throne the blessings you have invoked from the

Almighty.

Let what we have written be a pledge to your mind; and everything

belongs to the Disposer of events.

_N.B._—Some of the expressions made use of in Arabic seem to have been

literally translated from the Turkish, and are not very clear.

L.

The following is the text of the Imperial Firman promulgated in 1871 and

regulating the future relation between the Sublime Porte as Suzerain and

the Bey of Tunis as vassal:—

“To our Vizir Muhamed es Sadek Pasha, bearer of the imperial decorations

of the Osmanli and the Medjidié in diamonds, Governor-General of the

province of Tunis.

“We are aware of the laudable conduct you have pursued as well as the

services you have rendered, and the loyalty and fidelity of which you

have given proof, since the government of the province of Tunis, which

forms part of our empire, has been confided to you, in the same manner

as it was intrusted to your predecessors.

“The talents with which you are endowed induce us to hope that you will

persevere in the same path, and by directing all your efforts to the

prosperity, happiness, and tranquillity of this province and of our

subjects, you will become more and more worthy of our favour and of the

trust we place in you, of which you will appreciate the value.

“Our sincere desire and our deliberate intention is that this important

province of our empire shall enjoy permanent security, and that a

feeling of public confidence should exist on a solid basis amongst its

inhabitants.

“It is evident that in virtue of our sovereign rights, we shall never

refuse to accord our support or devote our care to the complete

realisation of our desire.

“According to the demand contained in the petition addressed to us, we

hereby confirm your appointment as Governor-General of the said province

of Tunis, the boundaries of which shall remain as they were _ab

antiquo_, and according to you moreover the right of hereditary

succession upon the following conditions:—

“With the object, as we have before stated, of augmenting the prosperity

and wealth of the said imperial province and the people who inhabit it,

and taking also into consideration the present diminished resources and

the wants of the country, and animated besides by our feelings of

generosity and interest towards our faithful Tunisian subjects:

“We renounce in their favour the payment of the sum which this province

was heretofore required to furnish under the form of tribute.

“As an act of recognition of the ancient and legitimate ties which

attach Tunis to our Caliphate and Government as an integral portion of

our Empire, the _Khatba_ (‘Friday’s prayer for princes and rulers’) must

be said, and all money issued, coined in our imperial name.

“The flag shall preserve its form and colour.

“In case of a war arising between Turkey and a foreign country, the

imperial province shall be bound to furnish a military contingent in

proportion to its ability.

“All other ties up to this time existing with our Government shall be

maintained.

“Under these conditions we order and decree as follows:—

“The hereditary government of our province of Tunis shall remain in your

family.

“The Governor-General shall have full power to appoint and dismiss,

according to the rules of justice and equity, all the judicial,

military, civil, or financial officers of the province.

“The internal administration shall, however, be carried on in conformity

with the sacred law and other ordinances of the empire, securing the

life, honour, and property of our subjects, in accordance with the

requirements of the epoch in which we live.

“The Governor-General of Tunis is authorised to maintain relations with

Foreign Powers, but he is not entitled to conclude treaties or enter

into international engagements with the said Powers, of a political

nature or relating to declarations of war or rectification of frontiers.

All these matters appertain exclusively to our sacred sovereign rights.

“Whenever the governor-generalship may become vacant, on a petition

being preferred to nominate a successor in the person of the eldest

member of your family, an imperial rescript granting the rank of Vizir

and Mouchir, together with a firman of investiture, shall be issued.

“The sovereign decree, which has been written by our Divan (council) and

is sealed with an imperial seal, is promulgated.

“As has been said above, in our fatherly desire we have no other object

than to improve the status of our important province of Tunis and

consolidate the position of the reigning family; at the same time we are

anxious to furnish fresh means for assuring the happiness, tranquillity,

and protection of all classes of persons placed under our authority and

domiciled in this province.

“Our sovereign will is therefore, that you direct all your energy to

these objects, and as the preservation of our ancient and indisputable

right over the province of Tunis, as well as the permanent security of

the life, honour, property, and immunities of our subjects residing in

this province, intrusted to your care, constitute the fundamental

conditions and _sine quâ non_ of the privilege of hereditary succession,

you should be careful that these essential conditions are faithfully

observed, and abstain from every act which may be at variance with them.

You, and all the members of your family, who may find themselves at the

head of the government by the order of succession, will appreciate

doubtless the value of this imperial favour, and will pay scrupulous

attention to the fulfilment of the conditions thus established. By doing

this our approbation will be secured.”

On the 8th November 1871 the _Tunis_ published the following remarks on

the foregoing Firman, which under existing circumstances deserve careful

attention:—

“The Tunisian Regency is now _de jure_ and _de facto_ an integral part

of the Ottoman Empire. Indeed, the Porte never alienated his sovereign

right over that country, but practically the existence of such right had

for many years been totally ignored by the Regency, and I may say, by

all the Powers which dealt with it. Now it is different; the Tunisians

having frankly avowed their dependence on the Sultan. This change is the

more creditable and satisfactory to the Porte, as it has not been

brought about by any encouragement or pressure on their part. It must,

indeed, be acknowledged that they have not been in search of the sheep

that has gone astray, but merely welcomed it when, of its own accord, it

returned to them. It is the population that has demanded the removal of

the old ties between the Regency and the Empire. It is Mahommed Sadyk

Pasha himself who, apologising for the past, has humbly besought the

Imperial Throne to confirm him in the government of the province of

Tunis, and to allow him to transmit it to the eldest member of his

family after his death.

“The Tunisian ruler has been for several years alive to the dangers of

his position. In 1864, after the insurrection of his Regency, he fully

understood that he could neither consolidate his Government, nor protect

his territory from external oppression, except by putting himself on a

true footing with the Sovereign Court. He, therefore, hastened to send

Keiredine Pasha to Constantinople ostensibly to thank the Porte for the

moral support it had given him during the insurrection, but in reality

to unite his country to the Empire, and to secure its government to his

country. Keiredine Pasha has then been assured that the Porte was

neither desirous nor willing to waive or diminish the privileges enjoyed

by Tunis _ab antiquo_, and that a firman, conferring on Mahommed Sadyk

Pasha’s family the hereditary government of his province, would be

granted if he were to apply for it in writing. Keiredine returned to

Tunis with a letter to this effect from Fuad Pasha, then Grand Vizier.

Nothing more was heard of the matter until a month ago, when Keiredine

Pasha arrived unexpectedly at Constantinople, and presenting a formal

demand from Sadyk Pasha, together with a petition signed by all the

chiefs of the Tunisian population, applied for the firman which had been

promised to his master in 1864, and was accordingly issued on 3d October

1871.

“The firman thus granted is as liberal as it could be consistently with

the sovereign rights of the Sultan, and does not much modify the _status

quo_ existing in Tunis. The integral administration of the province

remains as heretofore, independent, the Government having full power to

appoint and dismiss public officers of all ranks and description. He is,

moreover, authorised to coin money in the name of the Sultan, and to

continue to entertain direct relations with Foreign Powers, but, of

course, he cannot treat with such Powers on political matters, make

peace or war, dispose of the territory, or do any other act appertaining

exclusively to the Sultan. In consideration of the poverty of the

country, His Imperial Majesty has been further pleased to dispense with

the payment by its inhabitants of all tribute. The firman concludes by

reminding His Highness Mahommed Sadyk Pasha that the maintenance of the

privilege of the hereditary tenure of the Government of Tunis is

essentially conditional on the observance of the Sultan’s rights over

the Province, and the good government of its inhabitants.”

M.

_Draft of a Concession for a Crédit Foncier presented to the Bey of

Tunis for signature by M. Léon Renaud, Deputy, in December 1880_:—

“It being our desire to ensure to our subjects the advantages of the

institution of a bank, to which all persons may have recourse in years

of scarcity, as well as to diminish as much as possible the sacrifices

to which the possessors of land are exposed by being obliged to contract

loans on their property at an exorbitant rate of interest, we have

considered it desirable to accord a permission to establish a bank, for

the purpose of making cash advances on real estate, and, to which the

proprietors of such may address themselves to improve their lands, and

to sow, plant, and irrigate them.

In consequence we have decreed as follows:—

1st. We authorise M—— to found at Tunis a bank with the above-mentioned

object. He is empowered to open branches of the said bank in all parts

of the Regency, when he shall deem it expedient. The establishment in

Tunis shall begin its operations, at the latest within a year of the

date of the present decree, and shall bear the title of the _Banque de

Crédit Foncier et Agricole_.

2d. The operations of the said bank are the following:—

_a._ To lend money on the mortgage of real property and title-deeds. The

latter will be restored on annual payments being made at long or short

dates, and simultaneously with the repayment of the capital by

instalments.

_b._ To advance funds on obligations to towns, villages, _tribes of the

interior_, companies, and others, which shall have the power of

contracting loans in virtue of a legal and formal authorisation, in

accordance with the dispositions of the religious law.

_c._ To open accounts current on mortgage.

_d._ To make advances on crops.

_e._ To undertake all financial operations with the scope of

facilitating loans on real property, in order to improve roads, to

improve and irrigate lands, to reclaim marshes, to plant forest trees,

to develop industries and agriculture, to construct country houses, and

dwellings in the towns.

_f._ To receive sums in deposit, both with and without interest.

3d. The said bank shall have the exclusive right of issuing bank-notes

to an amount equivalent to the sums lent to proprietors of real estate,

or employed in the different operations designated in Article 2, for

which the authority of the Tunisian Government is necessary.

4th. The establishment of any other commercial institution, bearing the

name of _Crédit Foncier et Agricole Tunisien_ shall not be permitted,

until after the expiry of 99 years after the date of the present decree.

5th. M—— is authorised to form a company to participate both in the

advantages and responsibilities of the present decree.

6th. The capital of the company destined to guarantee the obligations

thus incurred shall not be less than twenty millions of francs divided

into shares. The company shall have the right to increase its capital

without any further authorisation on our part.

7th. The administration of the _Crédit Foncier et Agricole Tunisien_

shall be under the care of M——, or of the company, which shall succeed

him, and that, during the whole term of the concession, and without

restriction or exception.

8th. The Tunisian Government shall be entitled on its part, to name a

delegate to watch the operations of the bank, and with the mission to

bring to our notice any infractions which may be committed against the

terms and spirit of the foregoing decree.

9th. The _Crédit Foncier et Agricole Tunisien_ must conform to the local

laws. It shall have the right to demand from us the promulgation of a

special decree _in which shall be specified the guarantee which shall be

accorded to the company in order that it shall not lose what it has

lent_. Our Government is not responsible for the disputes which may

arise concerning the title-deeds to property, and particularly as to the

documents relating to the religious trust. For all the foregoing

provisions, the Company agrees to conform to the religious law of the

country, to recognise no other regulation that the local law, and to

have recourse to arbitrations.”

As soon as M. Renaud presented this draft, Mustapha asked time to

consider it, and at once gave copies of it to his advisers. It was only

when the Bey of Tunis refused to give the Regency to M. Léon Renaud that

the Khamírs were invented, and the country invaded. M. Renaud “went away

in a rage” on the 26th December. On the 26th April, the French troops

crossed the frontier. Although M. Roustan saw no inconvenience in M.

Léon Renaud inundating Tunis with his personal acceptances to a

practically unlimited amount, his predecessor seven years before

denounced a proposal to allow Messrs. Ranking of London to issue bank-

notes (without any of the other privileges contained in M. Renaud’s

draft), as “a menace to European commerce.” The Bey adroitly escaped

from M. Renaud’s _imperium in imperio_ by producing the following

document:—

“TUNIS, _28th May_ 1873.

“HIGHNESS,—The undersigned members of the _corps consulaire_ have the

honour to transmit to your Highness the subjoined memorandum, by which

they take respectfully the liberty of calling your Highness’s attention

to the consequences which may be entailed on his country by the

authorisation accorded to the firm of Ranking to establish a bank with

the power of issuing notes on conditions contrary, as they contend, to

their several treaties of commerce and the interests of their subjects,

&c.

(Signed) “A. DE BOTMILIAU,

_Chargé d’Affaires de France, &c. &c._”

N.

_Notes about the Khamírs._

Since writing the text I have had access to a source of very valuable

and authentic information about the people and country whose name became

almost synonymous with the earlier phases of the Tunisian Expedition.

Prior to the month of April 1881, the Khamír districts were totally a

_terra incognita_ to European travellers: all existing maps were based

on the dubious authority of Arab description and native legends, and, as

afterwards turned out, had no practical value. The very charts used

during the advance were but an illustration of the blind leading the

blind, and proved to be wholly fallacious and misguiding. One of the

most striking of the vulgar errors existing about the Khamírs relates to

the question of population. They have been generally reckoned at about

three times their real number, and other neighbouring tribes, such as

the Ouchtetas, have been more or less confounded with the Khamírs

proper. The only detail not overpainted and exaggerated seems to be the

natural difficulties of the country itself. The essential features of

Khamír-land are mountains with steep sides and razor-like ridges, dense

forests of oak and impenetrable tangle, and an entire absence of roads

or paths. Under these circumstances, wholly apart from the Khamírs

themselves, the military movements were both arduous and remarkable,

especially when we consider that they were to a great extent performed

during the fall of torrential rain. One of the few results of the

campaign has been a minute survey of the whole province, and a

sufficient knowledge of the people who live there.

The Khamírs are grouped into _three_ great tribes, containing many

divisions and subdivisions. The following exhaustive table was drawn up

by an able officer on the staff, who was one of the first French

soldiers to enter, and the last to leave, the Khamír country:—

_Selloul._

Huts or Tents, 208 }

}

Inhabitants, 892 } Nine divisions, one of them having three and

} another two subdivisions.

Guns, 384 }

_Slelma._

Huts or Tents, 620 }

}

Inhabitants, 2751 } Six divisions, two of them having three and

} one two subdivisions.

Guns, 866 }

_Tedmaka._

Huts or tents, 1007 }

}

Inhabitants, 3674 } Six divisions, one having six, three having

} four, and two having three subdivisions.

Guns, 1030 }

Total, Huts or tents, 1835.

Inhabitants, 7317.

Guns, 2270.

It is strange to notice that Commandant Villot, in his brochure,

estimates the fighting men alone of these three tribes at 9900! (See

_ante_.)

The same officer composed another table, showing the strength of the

three columns invading Khamír-land, and the casualties which happened to

each of them during their expedition of forty-nine days (24th April-10th

June):—

Brigade Brigade Brigade

Caillot. Vincendon. Galland.

Officers, 128 170 149

Men, 3725 4641 4024

(In all 2120 mules and 628 horses.)

Entered hospital, 767 222 311

Wounded in action, 177 14 26

Killed in action, 8 6 3

Transfered to other hospitals 216 103 123

(_evacués_),

The following is a correct summary of the movements of the invading

force during the same period:—

“April 26th.—Brigade Ritter at Demanet-Rebah.

Brigade Vincendon at El Aioun.

Brigade Galland at Ain Smain.

The Brigade Ritter ascended the Djebel Addeda as far as Baba Brik in two

columns, setting out at 3 A.M. and arriving at 8.30. The column

Vincendon advanced into the defile Fedj-Kahla in two divisions, with the

7th Battalion of Chasseurs as advance guard, and reached at 8 A.M.

Hadgar Menkoura. General Galland’s brigade skirted the mountain with two

cannons. The insurgents cut off the 2d company of the 22d Regiment, and

killed five soldiers besides wounding seventeen. Position in the

evening:—The Brigade Galland at Hadgar Menkoura, the Brigade Vincendon

at Kef Cheraga, and the Brigade Ritter at Baba Brik. Tabarca is occupied

by Colonel Delpech.

April 27th.—Ritter attacked with apoplexy, and removed to La Calle. His

brigade at El Aioun. No other movement.

April 28th.—General Forgemol advances to Hadgar Menkoura, and brings

back the wounded.

April 29th.—No other movement. Raids (_razzias_) executed in several

directions.

April 30th.—Position maintained. Brigade Galland makes a reconnaissance

towards Babanet, and Sidi Abdallah. It was arranged that if the Khamírs

asked terms, the conditions were to be—(1) Surrender of arms, (2)

Hostages, (3) Requisition of mules, (4) Work on the roads, (5) Payment

of a war indemnity.

May 1st and 2d.—No movement.

May 3d.—The brigades are concentrated at Djebalue. The ambulances are

organised with 78 mules, each to convey 2 wounded and 7 litters.

May 4th.—Brigades Ritter and Galland move to Sidi Yusef.

May 5th.—The three brigades are concentrated at El Mana, where General

Forgemol arrives.

May 6th and 7th.—Same camp. Torrential rains.

May 8th.—Reconnaissance of the three brigades on the Djebel and Marabout

Sidi Abdallah.

May 9th.—Rain.

May 10th.—Three soldiers assassinated.

May 11th.—The Brigade Vincendon, followed by that of General Galland,

ascends the Sidi Abdallah mountain. The Brigade Caillot moves to Dar-el-

Abidi. Skirmishes all day long. General Forgemol starts for Fernána.

May 12th.—Rain. Dense fog.

May 13th.—The Brigade Vincendon goes to Ain Draham or Drahan. General

Caillot makes a reconnaissance on the Kranget El Meridge, sighting the

column Logerot. Brigade Galland remains at Sidi Abdallah.

May 14th.—The Brigade Caillot crosses the Kranget El Meridge and arrives

at Ben Metir. The column Logerot engaged.

May 15th.—Reconnaissance in the valley of the Oued Lille.

May 16th.—The Brigade Caillot moves to Redir Tebeinia, General Vincendon

to El Atatfa, and General Galland to Ain Drahan, occupying also Sidi

Abdallah.

May 17th.—Same camps. Rain. Fog.

May 18th.—Reconnaissance towards El Guemaïr. Battalion attacked

returning.

May 19th.—Brigade Caillot reaches El Guemaïr (advance guard of

_Tirailleurs_ attacked _en route_), and Brigade Vincendon Sattora and

Ouldj Souk. The Mecknas incessantly attack the Brigade Caillot.

May 20th and 21st.—No further movements.

May 22d.—Same position.

May 23d.—The Brigade Logerot at Souk el Temis.

May 24th.—Brigade Caillot reaches Faïd el Aïech. General Galland arrives

at Glimett from Ain Drahan by way of Guemaïr. General Vincendon attacks

the Mecknas.

May 25th.—Logerot advances to Seriou, Caillot to Sidi Kreider, Galland

to Khradouma. Vincendon traverses the valley of the Oued Mellah in two

columns, and attacks Djebel Abiat. His left is engaged by the enemy, but

he reaches Sidi Asker.

May 26th.—A portion of the Brigade Caillot marches without knapsacks on

Berzigue. General Vincendon makes a reconnaissance over the sand-hills,

and a portion of his troops are attacked, but the enemy were repulsed.

Only two soldiers were killed.

May 27th.—Early in the morning, General Forgemol with the 4th Hussars

left Khradouma for Berzigue. Caillot makes a reconnaissance against the

Mecknas amongst the sand-hills, conjointly with the Brigade Vincendon.

General Forgemol decides to attack the Moggods thus:—

General Logerot from the south, Bréart from the east (Mater), and

Caillot from the west.

May 28th.—No movement.

May 29th.—Galland advances to Berzigue.

May 30th and 31st.—No movement beyond reconnaissances.

June 1st.—Reconnaissance against the Ouled Yahya, Ouchteta, and Nefza.

June 2d.—Same camps.

June 3d.—Galland moves in the direction of Ben Metir.

June 4th.—Caillot marches towards Cape Négre.

June 5th.—Vincendon at Sidi Asker completes the road to Tabarca.

June 6th.—Caillot arrives at Fedj Recheder-Sekker. Roads ordered to be

constructed from Tabarca to Fernána through Ain Drahan, and from El

Aioun to Sidi Fatullah by way of Ain Drahan.

June 7th.—Caillot remains at Fedj Recheder Sekker. No other movement of

importance. The “Vienne” arrives at Tabarca with 200,000 rations.

June 8th.—The three brigades shift their positions:—Vincendon to Kasr

Tautia, Caillot to Dar el Melah, and Galland to El Guemaïr.

June 9th.—No movement of importance.

June 10th.—Galland at El Guemaïr, Caillot and Vincendon at Berzigue.

June 11th.—The Brigade Caillot goes to Lag-Haf. The Brigade Galland at

El Guemaïr works on the road from Ain Drahan to Ben Metir. The Brigade

Vincendon completes the road from Ain Drahan to Tabarca.

June 12th.—No movement.

June 13th.—The Brigade Caillot goes to Oun el Ouch.

June 14th.—The Brigade Vincendon quits Kasr Tautia for Tabarca and

commences embarkation. The Brigade Caillot moves to Ain Drahan.

June 15th.—The transports with the Brigade Vincendon quit Tabarca for

Marseilles.

June 16th to 21st.—The portions of the other brigades not destined to

garrison Tabarca, Fernána, and Ain Drahan, embarked for France. The

staffs of General Forgemol and the other Generals broke up on the

termination of the campaign. I reach Tunis by way of Fernána and Souk-

el-Arba.”

The following is an exact copy of the report presented to the Bey of

Tunis by General Younes El Dziri, Governor of Beja, and the Kahia Allela

Jouini “on the subject of the recent events in the Khamír country:”—

“There was a sort of partnership established between some individuals of

the Khamír tribes and others belonging to the neighbouring Algerian clan

of the Nahads. The object of this association was the sale by the

Khamírs of goods stolen by the Nahads, and the subsequent division of

the proceeds, and _vice versâ_. On a dispute arising as to a division

which the Khamírs had failed to make, a quarrel ensued in which a Khamír

lost his life. This business was communicated to the ministry (of the

Bey) by the Governor of Beja, who had conferred on the subject with the

Commandant of the French troops at Roum-el-Souk. The affair was to all

appearances arranged, when, on the 29th March, the French Commandant

invited some of the Sheikhs of the Khamírs to meet him at Roum-el-Souk,

for the purpose of a further discussion about it. They accordingly

repaired thither in company with some Sheikhs of the Tunisian tribe of

Beni-Mazens. The Commandant told them to give up, by way of hostage, the

“tents” of the chiefs of the Ouled Cedra subdivision (“fraction”) of the

Khamírs, and to pay an indemnity of 4702 francs for two Nahad tents,

which had been burned during the above-mentioned disturbance, telling

them at the same time that if they did not comply with his orders they

would be attacked on the following day. The Khamír Sheikhs answered that

they could not give the required hostages without the consent of the

Bey, and that they were not prepared to pay for the burned tents unless

the ‘price of blood’ arising from the death of the Khamír in the same

dispute was taken into consideration, and unless both parties were

allowed to take an oath, as is usual in cases where no agreement can be

come to. The Sheikhs added that this arrangement had been agreed to by

both the Commandant and the Governor of Beja, subject to due

confirmation by the superior authorities on both sides, and cited as a

proof that one of the Khamírs had been detained as a hostage, for the

due execution of the compromise. ‘To-day,’ they added, ‘you change the

conditions; nevertheless we ask you to give us a delay to prepare what

you seek from us and to fix the sum which we ourselves claim.’ The

Commandant said that he had no delay to accord them or indemnity to pay

them, that their demands were totally devoid of foundation, and that

unless they carried out his orders promptly he should attack them the

next day. The Khamír Sheikhs then withdrew.

“At the same moment the Commandant enjoined the Nahad people to collect

their tribesmen on the frontier, and, in case the Khamírs did not give

the satisfaction required, to invade their country and attack them.

Persons not obeying the injunction were to be fined 500 francs each,

without prejudice to other and more serious penalties. The day after

this conference (Wednesday, March 30th), the Nahads came to the

frontier, _and attacked upon their own territory_ the Khamírs of the

subdivision (_fraction_) of the Bechainas, while engaged in their lawful

and peaceful pursuits. The Bechainas defended themselves with the help

of their compatriots and killed a Nahad man. The officer in command of

the troops at La Calle having heard of the business, at once repaired

with a company of soldiers to the scene of the combat. Although the

struggle was over, a troop of cows were fired at, and one killed and the

others wounded. The owners of the cattle abstained from resistance to

avoid a dispute. The officer went away, but returned next day

(Thursday), with more Arabs, the Caid Ben Hamada, and soldiers, and

renewed the engagement. The Khamírs defended themselves. In the result

the French lost 7 killed and 6 wounded; the Khamírs 15 killed and 13

wounded. This is the exact truth concerning the affair.”

O.

_The Modest Gains of a Tunisian Premier._

I have told in the text the story of how the coffee-house drudge,

Mustapha Ben Ismael, became Prime Minister of Tunis, and how his French

friends first “delighted to honour him,” and then pitilessly but

prudently relegated him to the seclusion of private life. It is almost

incredible, but nevertheless true, that even now at the time I am

writing (April 1882), a strong party is working and intriguing for his

speedy restoration to place and power. A glance, therefore, at a list of

Mustapha’s more notorious gains during the past ten years will be useful

as a warning to those who have rendered themselves responsible before

the world for the destinies of the Tunisian Regency, and to the ordinary

reader it may perchance be interesting as showing the profits of a lucky

favourite at even a petty Oriental court.

Names of Estates. Localities. Notes.

The last Punic war, Vol. 2 (of 2) · 第 21 / 22 章