near unto the same, as bound to keep continual residence within their
jurisdictions for the better oversight and governance of the same, the
word being derived _a cathedra_--that is to say, a chair or seat where
he resteth, and for the most part abideth. At the first there was but
one church in every jurisdiction, whereinto no man entered to pray but
with some oblation or other toward the maintenance of the pastor. For
as it was reputed an infamy to pass by any of them without visitation,
so it was no less reproach to appear empty before the Lord. And for
this occasion also they were builded very huge and great; for
otherwise they were not capable to such multitude as came daily unto
them to hear the Word and receive the sacraments.
But as the number of Christians increased, so first monasteries, then
finally parish churches, were builded in every jurisdiction: from
whence I take our deanery churches to have their original (now called
"mother churches," and their incumbents, archpriests), the rest being
added since the Conquest, either by the lords of every town, or
zealous men, loth to travel far, and willing to have some ease by
building them near hand. Unto these deanery churches also the clergy
in old time of the same deanery were appointed to repair at sundry
seasons, there to receive wholesome ordinances, and to consult upon
the necessary affairs of the whole jurisdiction if necessity so
required; and some image hereof is yet to be seen in the north parts.
But as the number of churches increased, so the repair of the faithful
unto the cathedrals did diminish; whereby they now become, especially
in their nether parts, rather markets and shops for merchandise than
solemn places of prayer, whereunto they were first erected. Moreover,
in the said cathedral churches upon Sundays and festival days the
canons do make certain ordinary sermons by course, whereunto great
numbers of all estates do orderly resort; and upon the working days,
thrice in the week, one of the said canons (or some other in his
stead) doth read and expound some piece of holy Scripture, whereunto
the people do very reverently repair. The bishops themselves in like
sort are not idle in their callings; for, being now exempt from court
and council, which is one (and a no small) piece of their felicity
(although Richard Archbishop of Canterbury thought otherwise, as yet
appeareth by his letters to Pope Alexander, Epistola 44, Petri
Blesensis, where he saith, because the clergy of his time were
somewhat narrowly looked unto, _"Supra dorsum ecclesiæ fabricant
peccatores," etc._),[4] they so apply their minds to the setting forth
of the Word that there are very few of them which do not every Sunday
or oftener resort to some place or other within their jurisdictions
where they expound the Scriptures with much gravity and skill, and yet
not without the great misliking and contempt of such as hate the Word.
Of their manifold translations from one see to another I will say
nothing, which is not now done for the benefit of the flock as the
preferment of the party favoured and advantage unto the prince, a
matter in time past much doubted of--to wit, whether a bishop or
pastor might be translated from one see to another, and left undecided
till prescription by royal authority made it good. For, among princes,
a thing once done is well done, and to be done oftentimes, though no
warrant be to be found therefore.
[4] "Sinners build on the back of the church."
They have under them also their archdeacons, some one, divers two, and
many four or more, as their circuits are in quantity, which
archdeacons are termed in law the bishops' eyes; and these (beside
their ordinary courts, which are holden within so many or more of
their several deaneries by themselves or their officials once in a
month at the least) do keep yearly two visitations or synods (as the
bishop doth in every third year, wherein he confirmeth some children,
though most care but a little for that ceremony), in which they make
diligent inquisition and search, as well for the doctrine and
behaviour of the ministers as the orderly dealing of the parishioners
in resorting to their parish churches and conformity unto religion.
They punish also with great severity all such trespassers, either in
person or by the purse (where permutation of penance is thought more
grievous to the offender), as are presented unto them; or, if the
cause be of the more weight, as in cases of heresy, pertinacy,
contempt, and such like, they refer them either to the bishop of the
diocese, or his chancellor, or else to sundry grave persons set in
authority, by virtue of an high commission directed unto them from the
prince to that end, who in very courteous manner do see the offenders
gently reformed or else severely punished if necessity so enforce.
Beside this, in many of our archdeaconries, we have an exercise lately
begun which for the most part is called a _prophecy_ or _conference_,
and erected only for the examination or trial of the diligence of the
clergy in their study of holy Scriptures. Howbeit, such is the thirsty
desire of the people in these days to hear the Word of God that they
also have as it were with zealous violence intruded themselves among
them (but as hearers only) to come by more knowledge through their
presence at the same. Herein also (for the most part) two of the
younger sort of ministers do expound each after other some piece of
the Scriptures ordinarily appointed unto them in their courses
(wherein they orderly go through with some one of the Evangelists, or
of the Epistles, as it pleaseth the whole assembly to choose at the
first in every of these conferences); and when they have spent an hour
or a little more between them, then cometh one of the better learned
sort, who, being a graduate for the most part, or known to be a
preacher sufficiently authorised and of a sound judgment, supplieth
the room of a moderator, making first a brief rehearsal of their
discourses, and then adding what him thinketh good of his own
knowledge, whereby two hours are thus commonly spent at this most
profitable meeting. When all is done, if the first speakers have
shewed any piece of diligence, they are commended for their travel,
and encouraged to go forward. If they have been found to be slack, or
not sound in delivery of their doctrine, their negligence and error is
openly reproved before all their brethren, who go aside of purpose
from the laity after the exercise ended to judge of these matters, and
consult of the next speakers and quantity of the text to be handled in
that place. The laity never speak, of course (except some vain and
busy head will now and then intrude themselves with offence), but are
only hearers; and, as it is used in some places weekly, in other once
in fourteen days, in divers monthly, and elsewhere twice in a year, so
is it a notable spur unto all the ministers thereby to apply their
books, which otherwise (as in times past) would give themselves to
hawking, hunting, tables, cards, dice, tippling at the alehouse,
shooting of matches, and other like vanities, nothing commendable in
such as should be godly and zealous stewards of the good gifts of God,
faithful distributors of his Word unto the people, and diligent
pastors according to their calling.
But alas! as Sathan, the author of all mischief, hath in sundry
manners heretofore hindered the erection and maintenance of many good
things, so in this he hath stirred up adversaries of late unto this
most profitable exercise, who, not regarding the commodity that riseth
thereby so well to the hearers as speakers, but either stumbling (I
cannot tell how) at words and terms, or at the leastwise not liking to
hear of the reprehension of vice, or peradventure taking a misliking
at the slender demeanours of such negligent ministers as now and then
in their course do occupy the rooms, have either by their own
practice, their sinister information, or suggestions made upon
surmises unto other, procured the suppression of these conferences,
condemning them as hurtful, pernicious, and daily breeders of no small
hurt and inconvenience. But hereof let God be judge, unto the cause
belongeth.
Our elders or ministers and deacons (for subdeacons and the other
inferior orders sometime used in popish church we have not) are made
according to a certain form of consecration concluded upon in the time
of King Edward the Sixth by the clergy of England, and soon after
confirmed by the three estates of the realm in the high court of
parliament. And out of the first sort--that is to say, of such as are
called to the ministry (without respect whether they be married or
not)--are bishops, deans, archdeacons, and such as have the higher
places in the hierarchy of the church elected; and these also, as all
the rest, at the first coming unto any spiritual promotion do yield
unto the prince the entire tax of that their living for one whole
year, if it amount in value unto ten pounds and upwards, and this
under the name and title of first fruits.
With us also it is permitted that a sufficient man may (by
dispensation from the prince) hold two livings, not distant either
from other above thirty miles; whereby it cometh to pass that, as her
Majesty doth reap some commodity by the faculty, so that the unition
of two in one man doth bring oftentimes more benefit to one of them in
a month (I mean for doctrine) than they have had before peradventure
in many years.
Many exclaim against such faculties, as if there were more good
preachers that want maintenance than livings to maintain them. Indeed
when a living is void there are so many suitors for it that a man
would think the report to be true, and most certain; but when it
cometh to the trial (who are sufficient and who not, who are staid men
in conversation, judgment, and learning), of that great number you
shall hardly find one or two such as they ought to be, and yet none
more earnest to make suit, to promise largely, bear a better shew, or
find fault with the stage of things than they. Nevertheless I do not
think that their exclamations, if they were wisely handled, are
altogether grounded upon rumours or ambitious minds, if you respect
the state of the thing itself, and not the necessity growing through
want of able men to furnish out all the cures in England, which both
our universities are never able to perform. For if you observe what
numbers of preachers Cambridge and Oxford do yearly send forth, and
how many new compositions are made in the Court of First Fruits by the
deaths of the last incumbents, you shall soon see a difference.
Wherefore, if in country towns and cities, yea even in London itself,
four or five of the little churches were brought into one, the
inconvenience would in great part be redressed and amended.
And, to say truth, one most commonly of those small livings is of so
little value that it is not able to maintain a mean scholar, much less
a learned man, as not being above ten, twelve, sixteen, seventeen,
twenty, or thirty pounds at the most, toward their charges, which now
(more than before time) do go out of the same. I say more than before,
because every small trifle, nobleman's request, or courtesy craved by
the bishop, doth impose and command a twentieth part, a three score
part, or twopence in the pound, etc., out of the livings, which
hitherto hath not been usually granted, but by the consent of a synod,
wherein things were decided according to equity, and the poorer sort
considered of, which now are equally burdened.
We pay also the tenths of our livings to the prince yearly, according
to such valuation of each of them as hath been lately made: which
nevertheless in time past were not annual, but voluntary, and paid at
request of king or pope.[5]...
[5] Here follows a story about the bootless errand of a pope's
legate in 1452.--W.
But to return to our tenths, a payment first as devised by the pope,
and afterward taken up as by the prescription of the king, whereunto
we may join also our first fruits, which is one whole year's commodity
of our living, due at our entrance into the same, the tenths abated
unto the prince's coffers, and paid commonly in two years. For the
receipt also of these two payments an especial office or court is
erected, which beareth name of First Fruits and Tenths, whereunto, if
the party to be preferred do not make his dutiful repair by an
appointed time after possession taken, there to compound for the
payment of his said fruits, he incurreth the danger of a great
penalty, limited by a certain statute provided in that behalf against
such as do intrude into the ecclesiastical function and refuse to pay
the accustomed duties belonging to the same.
They pay likewise subsidies with the temporalty, but in such sort that
if these pay after four shillings for land, the clergy contribute
commonly after six shillings of the pound, so that of a benefice of
twenty pounds by the year the incumbent thinketh himself well
acquitted if, all ordinary payments being discharged, he may reserve
thirteen pounds six shillings eightpence towards his own sustentation
or maintenance of his family. Seldom also are they without the compass
of a subsidy; for if they be one year clear from this payment (a thing
not often seen of late years), they are like in the next to hear of
another grant: so that I say again they are seldom without the limit
of a subsidy. Herein also they somewhat find themselves grieved that
the laity may at every taxation help themselves, and so they do,
through consideration had of their decay and hindrance, and yet their
impoverishment cannot but touch also the parson or vicar, unto whom
such liberty is denied, as is daily to be seen in their accounts and
tithings.
Some of them also, after the marriages of their children, will have
their proportions qualified, or by friendship get themselves quite out
of the book. But what stand I upon these things, who have rather to
complain of the injury offered by some of our neighbours of the laity,
which daily endeavour to bring us also within the compass of their
fifteens or taxes for their own ease, whereas the tax of the whole
realm, which is commonly greater in the champagne than woodland soil,
amounteth only to 37,930 pounds ninepence halfpenny, is a burden easy
enough to be borne upon so many shoulders, without the help of the
clergy, whose tenths and subsidies make up commonly a double, if not
treble sum unto their aforesaid payments? Sometimes also we are
threatened with a _Melius inquirendum_, as if our livings were not
racked high enough already. But if a man should seek out where all
those church lands which in time past did contribute unto the old sum
required or to be made up, no doubt no small number of the laity of
all states should be contributors also with us, the prince not
defrauded of her expectation and right. We are also charged with
armour and munitions from thirty pounds upwards, a thing more needful
than divers other charges imposed upon us are convenient, by which and
other burdens our ease groweth to be more heavy by a great deal
(notwithstanding our immunity from temporal services) than that of the
laity, and, for aught that I see, not likely to be diminished, as if
the church were now become the ass whereon every market man is to ride
and cast his wallet.
The other payments due unto the archbishop and bishop at their several
visitations (of which the first is double to the latter), and such
also as the archdeacon receive that his synods, etc., remain still as
they did without any alteration. Only this I think he added within
memory of man, that at the coming of every prince his appointed
officers do commonly visit the whole realm under the form of an
ecclesiastical inquisition, in which the clergy do usually pay double
fees, as unto the archbishop.
Hereby then, and by those already remembered, it is found that the
Church of England is no less commodious to the prince's coffers than
the state of the laity, if it do not far exceed the same, since their
payments are certain, continual, and seldom abated, howsoever they
gather up their own duties with grudging, murmuring, suit, and
slanderous speeches of the payers, or have their livings otherwise
hardly valued unto the uttermost farthing, or shrewdly cancelled by
the covetousness of the patrons, of whom some do bestow advowsons of
benefices upon their bakers, butlers, cooks, good archers, falconers,
and horsekeepers, instead of other recompense, for their long and
faithful service, which they employ afterward unto the most advantage.
Certes here they resemble the pope very much; for, as he sendeth out
his idols, so do they their parasites, pages, chamberlains, stewards,
grooms, and lackeys; and yet these be the men that first exclaim of
the insufficiency of the ministers, as hoping thereby in due time to
get also their glebes and grounds into their hands. In times past
bishoprics went almost after the same manner under the lay princes,
and then under the pope, so that he which helped a clerk unto a see
was sure to have a present or purse fine, if not an annual pension,
besides that which went to the pope's coffers, and was thought to be
very good merchandise.
To proceed therefore with the rest, I think it good also to remember
that the names usually given unto such as feed the flock remain in
like sort as in times past, so that these words, _parson, vicar,
curate_, and such, are not yet abolished more than the canon law
itself, which is daily pleaded, as I have said elsewhere, although the
statutes of the realm have greatly infringed the large scope and
brought the exercise of the same into some narrower limits. There is
nothing read in our churches but the canonical Scriptures, whereby it
cometh to pass that the Psalter is said over once in thirty days, the
New Testament four times, and the Old Testament once in the year. And
hereunto, if the curate be adjudged by the bishop or his deputies
sufficiently instructed in the holy Scriptures, and therewithal able
to teach, he permitteth him to make some exposition or exhortation in
his parish unto amendment of life. And for so much as our churches and
universities have been so spoiled in time of error, as there cannot
yet be had such number of able pastors as may suffice for every parish
to have one, there are (beside four sermons appointed by public order
in the year) certain sermons or homilies (devised by sundry learned
men, confirmed for sound doctrine by consent of the divines, and
public authority of the prince), and those appointed to be read by the
curates of mean understanding (which homilies do comprehend the
principal parts of Christian doctrine, as of original sin, of
justification by faith, of charity, and such like) upon the Sabbath
days unto the congregation. And, after a certain number of psalms
read, which are limited according to the dates of the month, for
morning and evening prayer we have two lessons, whereof the first is
taken out of the Old Testament, the second out of the New; and of
these latter, that in the morning is out of the Gospels, the other in
the afternoon out of some one of the Epistles. After morning prayer
also, we have the Litany and suffrages, an invocation in mine opinion
not devised without the great assistance of the Spirit of God,
although many curious mind-sick persons utterly condemn it as
superstitious, and savouring of conjuration and sorcery.
This being done, we proceed unto the communion, if any communicants be
to receive the Eucharist; if not, we read the Decalogue, Epistle, and
Gospel, with the Nicene Creed (of some in derision called the "dry
communion"), and then proceed unto an homily or sermon, which hath a
psalm before and after it, and finally unto the baptism of such
infants as on every Sabbath day (if occasion so require) are brought
unto the churches; and thus is the forenoon bestowed. In the afternoon
likewise we meet again, and, after the psalms and lessons ended, we
have commonly a sermon, or at the leastwise our youth catechised by
the space of an hour. And thus do we spend the Sabbath day in good and
godly exercises, all done in our vulgar tongue, that each one present
may hear and understand the same, which also in cathedral and
collegiate churches is so ordered that the psalms only are sung by
note, the rest being read (as in common parish churches) by the
minister with a loud voice, saving that in the administration of the
communion the choir singeth the answers, the creed, and sundry other
things appointed, but in so plain, I say, and distinct manner that
each one present may understand what they sing, every word having but
one note, though the whole Harmony consist of many parts, and those
very cunningly set by the skilful in that science.
Certes this translation of the service of the church into the vulgar
tongue hath not a little offended the pope almost in every age, as a
thing very often attempted by divers princes, but never generally
obtained, for fear lest the consenting thereunto might breed the
overthrow (as it would indeed) of all his religion and hierarchy;
nevertheless, in some places where the kings and princes dwelled not
under his nose, it was performed maugre his resistance. Wratislaus,
Duke of Bohemia, would long since have done the like also in his
kingdom; but, not daring to venture so far without the consent of the
pope, he wrote unto him thereof, and received his answer inhibitory
unto all his proceeding in the same....
I would set down two or three more of the like instruments passed from
that see unto the like end, but this shall suffice, being less common
than the other, which are to be had more plentifully.
As for our churches themselves, bells and times of morning and evening
prayer remain as in times past, saving that all images, shrines,
tabernacles, rood-lofts, and monuments of idolatry are removed, taken
down, and defaced, only the stories in glass windows excepted, which,
for want of sufficient store of new stuff, and by reason of extreme
charge that should grow by the alteration of the same into white panes
throughout the realm, are not altogether abolished in most places at
once, but by little and little suffered to decay, that white glass may
be provided and set up in their rooms. Finally, whereas there was wont
to be a great partition between the choir and the body of the church,
now it is either very small or none at all, and (to say the truth)
altogether needless, sith the minister saith his service commonly in
the body of the church, with his face toward the people, in a little
tabernacle of wainscot provided for the purpose, by which means the
ignorant do not only learn divers of the psalms and usual prayers by
heart, but also such as can read do pray together with him, so that
the whole congregation at one instant pour out their petitions unto
the living God for the whole estate of His church in most earnest and
fervent manner. Our holy and festival days are very well reduced also
unto a less number; for whereas (not long since) we had under the pope
four score and fifteen, called festival, and thirty _profesti_, beside
the Sundays, they are all brought unto seven and twenty, and, with
them, the superfluous numbers of idle wakes, guilds, fraternities,
church-ales, help-ales, and soul-ales, called also dirge-ales, with
the heathenish rioting at bride-ales, are well diminished and laid
aside. And no great matter were it if the feasts of all our apostles,
evangelists, and martyrs, with that of all saints, were brought to the
holy days that follow upon Christmas, Easter, and Whitsuntide, and
those of the Virgin Mary, with the rest, utterly removed from the
calendars, as neither necessary nor commendable in a reformed church.
The apparel in like sort of our clergymen is comely, and, in truth,
more decent than ever it was in the popish church, before the
universities bound their graduates unto a stable attire, afterward
usurped also even by the blind Sir Johns. For, if you peruse well my
Chronology ensuing, you shall find that they went either in divers
colours like players, or in garments of light hue, as yellow, red,
green, etc., with their shoes piked, their hair crisped, their girdles
armed with silver, their shoes, spurs, bridles, etc., buckled with
like metal, their apparel (for the most part) of silk, and richly
furred, their caps laced and buttoned with gold, so that to meet a
priest in those days was to behold a peacock that spreadeth his tail
when he danceth before the hen, which now (I say) is well reformed.
Touching hospitality, there was never any greater used in England,
sith by reason that marriage is permitted to him that will choose that
kind of life, their meat and drink is more orderly and frugally
dressed, their furniture of household more convenient and better
looked unto, and the poor oftener fed generally than heretofore they
have been, when only a few bishops and double or treble beneficed men
did make good cheer at Christmas only, or otherwise kept great houses
for the entertainment of the rich, which did often see and visit them.
It is thought much peradventure that some bishops, etc., in our time
do come short of the ancient gluttony and prodigality of their
predecessors; but to such as do consider of the curtailing of their
livings, or excessive prices whereunto things are grown, and how their
course is limited by law, and estate looked into on every side, the
cause of their so doing is well enough perceived. This also offended
many, that they should, after their deaths, leave their substances to
their wives and children, whereas they consider not that in old time
such as had no lemans nor bastards (very few were there, God wot, of
this sort) did leave their goods and possessions to their brethren and
kinsfolks, whereby (as I can shew by good record) many houses of
gentility have grown and been erected. If in any age some one of them
did found a college, almshouse, or school, if you look unto these our
times, you shall see no fewer deeds of charity done, nor better
grounded upon the right stub of piety than before. If you say that
their wives be fond, after the decease of their husbands, and bestow
themselves not so advisedly as their calling requireth (which, God
knoweth, these curious surveyors make small account of truth, further
than thereby to gather matter of reprehension), I beseech you then to
look into all states of the laity, and tell me whether some duchesses,
countesses, barons' or knights' wives, do not fully so often offend in
the like as they? For Eve will be Eve, though Adam would say nay. Not
a few also find fault with our threadbare gowns, as if not our patrons
but our wives were causes of our woe. But if it were known to all that
I know to have been performed of late in Essex, where a minister
taking a benefice (of less than twenty pounds in the Queen's books, so
far as I remember) was enforced to pay to his patron twenty quarters
of oats, ten quarters of wheat, and sixteen yearly of barley (which he
called _hawks' meat_), and another let the like in farm to his patron
for ten pounds by the year which is well worth forty at the least, the
cause of our threadbare gowns would easily appear: for such patrons do
scrape the wool from our cloaks. Wherefore I may well say that such a
threadbare minister is either an ill man or hath an ill patron, or
both; and when such cooks and cobbling shifters shall be removed and
weeded out of the ministry, I doubt not but our patrons will prove
better men, and be reformed whether they will or not, or else the
single-minded bishops shall see the living bestowed upon such as do
deserve it. When the Pragmatic Sanction took place first in France, it
was supposed that these enormities should utterly have ceased; but
when the elections of bishops came once into the hands of the canons
and spiritual men, it grew to be far worse. For they also, within a
while waxing covetous, by their own experience learned aforehand,
raised the markets, and sought after new gains by the gifts of the
greatest livings in that country, wherein (as Machiavelli writeth) are
eighteen archbishoprics, one hundred forty and five bishoprics, 740
abbeys, eleven universities, 1,000,700 steeples (if his report be
sound). Some are of the opinion that, if sufficient men in every town
might be sent for from the universities, this mischief would soon be
remedied; but I am clean of another mind. For, when I consider
whereunto the gifts of fellowships in some places are grown, the
profit that ariseth at sundry elections of scholars out of grammar
schools to the posers, schoolmasters, and preferers of them to our
universities, the gifts of a great number of almshouses builded for
the maimed and impotent soldiers by princes and good men heretofore
moved with a pitiful consideration of the poor distressed, how
rewards, pensions, and annuities also do reign in other cases whereby
the giver is brought sometimes into extreme misery, and that not so
much as the room of a common soldier is not obtained oftentimes
without a _"What will you give me?"_ I am brought into such a mistrust
of the sequel of this device that I dare pronounce (almost for
certain) that, if Homer were now alive, it should be said to him:
"Tuque licet venias musis comitatus Homere,
Si nihil attuleris, ibis Homere foras!"
More I could say, and more I would say, of these and other things,
were it not that in mine own judgment I have said enough already for
the advertisement of such as be wise. Nevertheless, before I finish
this chapter, I will add a word or two (so briefly as I can) of the
old estate of cathedral churches, which I have collected together here
and there among the writers, and whereby it shall easily be seen what
they were, and how near the government of ours do in these days
approach unto them; for that there is an irreconcilable odds between
them and those of the Papists. I hope there is no learned man indeed
but will acknowledge and yield unto it.
We find therefore in the time of the primitive church that there was
in every see or jurisdiction one school at the least, whereunto such
as were catechists in Christian religion did resort. And hereof, as we
may find great testimony for Alexandria, Antioch, Rome, and Jerusalem,
so no small notice is left of the like in the inferior sort, if the
names of such as taught in them be called to mind, and the histories
well read which make report of the same. These schools were under the
jurisdiction of the bishops, and from thence did they and the rest of
the elders choose out such as were the ripest scholars, and willing to
serve in the ministry, whom they placed also in their cathedral
churches, there not only to be further instructed in the knowledge of
the world, but also to inure them to the delivery of the same unto the
people in sound manner, to minister the sacraments, to visit the sick
and brethren imprisoned, and to perform such other duties as then
belonged to their charges. The bishop himself and elders of the church
were also hearers and examiners of their doctrine; and, being in
process of time found meet workmen for the Lord's harvest, they were
forthwith sent abroad (after imposition of hands and prayer generally
made for their good proceeding) to some place or other then destitute
of her pastor, and other taken from the school also placed in their
rooms. What number of such clerks belonged now and then to some one
see, the Chronology following shall easily declare; and, in like sort,
what officers, widows, and other persons were daily maintained in
those seasons by the offerings and oblations of the faithful it is
incredible to be reported, if we compare the same with the decays and
oblations seen and practised at this present. But what is that in all
the world which avarice and negligence will not corrupt and impair?
And, as this is a pattern of the estate of the cathedral churches in
those times, so I wish that the like order of government might once
again be restored unto the same, which may be done with ease, sith the
schools are already builded in every diocese, the universities, places
of their preferment unto further knowledge, and the cathedral churches
great enough to receive so many as shall come from thence to be
instructed unto doctrine. But one hindrance of this is already and
more and more to be looked for (beside the plucking and snatching
commonly seen from such houses and the church), and that is, the
general contempt of the ministry, and small consideration of their
former pains taken, whereby less and less hope of competent
maintenance by preaching the word is likely to ensue. Wherefore the
greatest part of the more excellent wits choose rather to employ their
studies unto physic and the laws, utterly giving over the study of the
Scriptures, for fear lest they should in time not get their bread by
the same. By this means also the stalls in their choirs would be
better filled, which now (for the most part) are empty, and prebends
should be prebends indeed, there to live till they were preferred to
some ecclesiastical function, and then other men chosen to succeed
them in their rooms, whereas now prebends are but superfluous
additiments unto former excesses, and perpetual commodities unto the
owners, which before time were but temporal (as I have said before).
But as I have good leisure to wish for these things, so it shall be a
longer time before it will be brought to pass. Nevertheless, as I will
pray for a reformation in this behold, so will I here conclude my
discourse on the estate of our churches.
CHAPTER VI
OF THE FOOD AND DIET OF THE ENGLISH
[1577, Book III., Chapter 1; 1587, Book II., Chapter 6.]
The situation of our region, lying near unto the north, doth cause the
heat of our stomachs to be of somewhat greater force: therefore our
bodies do crave a little more ample nourishment than the inhabitants
of the hotter regions are accustomed withal, whose digestive force is
not altogether so vehement, because their internal heat is not so
strong as ours, which is kept in by the coldness of the air that from
time to time (especially in winter) doth environ our bodies.
It is no marvel therefore that our tables are oftentimes more
plentifully garnished than those of other nations, and this trade hath
continued with us even since the very beginning. For, before the
Romans found out and knew the way unto our country, our predecessors
fed largely upon flesh and milk, whereof there was great abundance in
this isle, because they applied their chief studies unto pasturage and
feeding. After this manner also did our Welsh Britons order themselves
in their diet so long as they lived of themselves, but after they
became to be united and made equal with the English they framed their
appetites to live after our manner, so that at this day there is very
little difference between us in our diets.
In Scotland likewise they have given themselves (of late years to
speak of) unto very ample and large diet, wherein as for some respect
nature doth make them equal with us, so otherwise they far exceed us
in over much and distemperate gormandise, and so ingross their bodies
that divers of them do oft become unapt to any other purpose than to
spend their times in large tabling and belly cheer. Against this
pampering of their carcasses doth Hector Boethius in his description
of the country very sharply inveigh in the first chapter of that
treatise. Henry Wardlaw also, bishop of St. Andrews, noting their
vehement alteration from competent frugality into excessive gluttony
to be brought out of England with James the First (who had been long
time prisoner there under the fourth and fifth Henries, and at his
return carried divers English gentlemen into his country with him,
whom he very honourably preferred there), doth vehemently exclaim
against the same in open Parliament holden at Perth, 1433, before the
three estates, and so bringeth his purpose to pass in the end, by
force of his learned persuasions, that a law was presently made there
for the restraint of superfluous diet; amongst other things, baked
meats (dishes never before this man's days seen in Scotland) were
generally so provided for by virtue of this Act that it was not lawful
for any to eat of the same under the degree of a gentleman, and those
only but on high and festival days. But, alas, it was soon forgotten!
In old time these north Britons did give themselves universally to
great abstinence, and in time of wars their soldiers would often feed
but once or twice at the most in two or three days (especially if they
held themselves in secret, or could have no issue out of their bogs
and marshes, through the presence of the enemy), and in this distress
they used to eat a certain kind of confection, whereof so much as a
bean would qualify their hunger above common expectation. In woods
moreover they lived with herbs and roots, or, if these shifts served
not through want of such provision at hand, then used they to creep
into the water or said moorish plots up unto the chins, and there
remain a long time, only to qualify the heats of their stomachs by
violence, which otherwise would have wrought and been ready to oppress
them for hunger and want of sustenance. In those days likewise it was
taken for a great offence over all to eat either goose, hare, or hen,
because of a certain superstitious opinion which they had conceived of
those three creatures; howbeit after that the Romans, I say, had once
found an entrance into this island it was not long ere open shipwreck
was made of this religious observation, so that in process of time so
well the north and south Britons as the Romans gave over to make such
difference in meats as they had done before.
From thenceforth also unto our days, and even in this season wherein
we live, there is no restraint of any meat either for religious sake
or public order in England, but it is lawful for every man to feed
upon whatsoever he is able to purchase, except it be upon those days
whereon eating of flesh is especially forbidden by the laws of the
realm, which order is taken only to the end our numbers of cattle may
be the better increased and that abundance of fish which the sea
yieldeth more generally received. Besides this, there is great
consideration had in making this law for the preservation of the navy
and maintenance of convenient numbers of seafaring men, both which
would otherwise greatly decay if some means were not found whereby
they might be increased. But, howsoever this case standeth, white
meats, milk, butter, and cheese (which were never so dear as in my
time, and wont to be accounted of as one of the chief stays throughout
the island) are now reputed as food appertinent only to the inferior
sort, whilst such as are more wealthy do feed upon the flesh of all
kinds of cattle accustomed to be eaten, all sorts of fish taken upon
our coasts and in our fresh rivers, and such diversity of wild and
tame fowls as are either bred in our island or brought over unto us
from other countries of the main.
In number of dishes and change of meat the nobility of England (whose
cooks are for the most part musical-headed Frenchmen and strangers) do
most exceed, sith there is no day in manner that passeth over their
heads wherein they have not only beef, mutton, veal, lamb, kid, pork,
cony, capon, pig, or so many of these as the season yieldeth, but also
some portion of the red or fallow deer, beside great variety of fish
and wild fowl, and thereto sundry other delicates wherein the sweet
hand of the seafaring Portugal is not wanting: so that for a man to
dine with one of them, and to taste of every dish that standeth before
him (which few used to do, but each one feedeth upon that meat him
best liketh for the time, the beginning of every dish notwithstanding
being reserved unto the greatest personage that sitteth at the table,
to whom it is drawn up still by the waiters as order requireth, and
from whom it descendeth again even to the lower end, whereby each one
may taste thereof), is rather to yield unto a conspiracy with a great
deal of meat for the speedy suppression of natural health than the use
of a necessary mean to satisfy himself with a competent repast to
sustain his body withal. But, as this large feeding is not seen in
their guests, no more is it in their own persons; for, sith they have
daily much resort unto their tables (and many times unlooked for), and
thereto retain great numbers of servants, it is very requisite and
expedient for them to be somewhat plentiful in this behalf.
The chief part likewise of their daily provision is brought in before
them (commonly in silver vessels, if they be of the degree of barons,
bishops, and upwards) and placed on their tables, whereof, when they
have taken what it pleaseth them, the rest is reserved, and afterwards
sent down to their serving men and waiters, who feed thereon in like
sort with convenient moderation, their reversion also being bestowed
upon the poor which lie ready at their gates in great numbers to
receive the same. This is spoken of the principal tables whereat the
nobleman, his lady, and guests are accustomed to sit; besides which
they have a certain ordinary allowance daily appointed for their
halls, where the chief officers and household servants (for all are
not permitted by custom to wait upon their master), and with them such
inferior guests do feed as are not of calling to associate the
nobleman himself; so that, besides those afore-mentioned, which are
called to the principal table, there are commonly forty or three score
persons fed in those halls, to the great relief of such poor suitors
and strangers also as oft be partakers thereof and otherwise like to
dine hardly. As for drink, it is usually filled in pots, goblets,
jugs, bowls of silver, in noblemen's houses; also in fine Venice
glasses of all forms; and, for want of these elsewhere, in pots of
earth of sundry colours and moulds, whereof many are garnished with
silver, or at the leastwise in pewter, all which notwithstanding are
seldom set on the table, but each one, as necessity urgeth, calleth
for a cup of such drink as him listeth to have, so that, when he has
tasted of it, he delivered the cup again to some one of the standers
by, who, making it clean by pouring out the drink that remaineth,
restoreth it to the cupboard from whence he fetched the same. By this
device (a thing brought up at the first by Mnesitheus of Athens, in
conservation of the honour of Orestes, who had not yet made expiation
for the death of his adulterous parents, Aegisthus and Clytemnestra)
much idle tippling is furthermore cut off; for, if the full pots
should continually stand at the elbow or near the trencher, divers
would always be dealing with them, whereas now they drink seldom, and
only when necessity urgeth, and so avoid the note of great drinking,
or often troubling of the servitors with filling of their bowls.
Nevertheless in the noblemen's halls this order is not used, neither
is any man's house commonly under the degree of a knight or esquire of
great revenues. It is a world to see in these our days, wherein gold
and silver most aboundeth, how that our gentility, as loathing those
metals (because of the plenty) do now generally choose rather the
Venice glasses, both for our wine and beer, than any of those metals
or stone wherein before time we have been accustomed to drink; but
such is the nature of man generally that it most coveteth things
difficult to be attained; and such is the estimation of this stuff
that many become rich only with their new trade unto Murana (a town
near to Venice, situate on the Adriatic Sea), from whence the very
best are daily to be had, and such as for beauty do well near match
the crystal or the ancient _murrhina vasa_ whereof now no man hath
knowledge. And as this is seen in the gentility, so in the wealthy
communalty the like desire of glass is not neglected, whereby the gain
gotten by their purchase is yet much more increased to the benefit of
the merchant. The poorest also will have glass if they may; but, sith
the Venetian is somewhat too dear for them, they content themselves
with such as are made at home of fern and burned stone; but in fine
all go one way--that is, to shards at the last, so that our great
expenses in glasses (beside that they breed much strife toward such as
have the charge of them) are worst of all bestowed in mine opinion,
because their pieces do turn unto no profit. If the philosopher's
stone were once found, and one part hereof mixed with forty of molten
glass, it would induce such a metallical toughness thereunto that a
fall should nothing hurt it in such manner; yet it might peradventure
bunch or batter it; nevertheless that inconvenience were quickly to be
redressed by the hammer. But whither am I slipped?
The gentlemen and merchants keep much about one rate, and each of them
contenteth himself with four, five, or six dishes, when they have but
small resort, or peradventure with one, or two, or three at the most,
when they have no strangers to accompany them at their tables. And yet
their servants have their ordinary diet assigned, beside such as is
left at their master's boards, and not appointed to be brought thither
the second time, which nevertheless is often seen, generally in
venison, lamb, or some especial dish, whereon the merchantman himself
liketh to feed when it is cold, or peradventure for sundry causes
incident to the feeder is better so than if it were warm or hot. To be
short, at such times as the merchants do make their ordinary or
voluntary feasts, it is a world to see what great provision is made of
all manner of delicate meats, from every quarter of the country,
wherein, beside that they are often comparable herein to the nobility
of the land, they will seldom regard anything that the butcher usually
killeth, but reject the same as not worthy to come in place. In such
cases also jellies of all colours, mixed with a variety in the
representation of sundry flowers, herbs, trees, forms of beasts, fish,
fowls, and fruits, and thereunto marchpane wrought with no small
curiosity, tarts of divers hues, and sundry denominations, conserves
of old fruits, foreign and home-bred, suckets, codinacs, marmalades,
marchpane, sugar-bread, gingerbread, florentines, wild fowls, venison
of all sorts, and sundry outlandish confections, altogether seasoned
with sugar (which Pliny calleth _mel ex arundinibus_, a device not
common nor greatly used in old time at the table, but only in
medicine, although it grew in Arabia, India, and Sicilia), do
generally bear the sway, besides infinite devices of our own not
possible for me to remember. Of the potato, and such venerous roots as
are brought out of Spain, Portugal, and the Indies to furnish up our
banquets, I speak not, wherein our mures[1] of no less force, and to
be had about Crosby-Ravenswath, do now begin to have place.
[1] Sweet cicely, sometimes miscalled myrrh. Mure is the Saxon
word. At one time the plant was not uncommon as a salad.--W.
But among all these, the kind of meat which is obtained with most
difficulty and costs, is commonly taken for the most delicate, and
thereupon each guest will soonest desire to feed. And as all estates
do exceed herein, I mean for strangeness and number of costly dishes,
so these forget not to use the like excess in wine, insomuch as there
is no kind to be had, neither anywhere more store of all sorts than in
England, although we have none growing with us but yearly to the
proportion of 20,000 of 30,000 tun and upwards, notwithstanding the
daily restraints of the same brought over unto us, whereof at great
meetings there is not some store to be had. Neither do I mean this of
small wines only, as claret, white, red, French, etc., which amount to
about fifty-six sorts, according to the number of regions from whence
they came, but also of the thirty kinds of Italian, Grecian, Spanish,
Canarian, etc., whereof vernage, catepument, raspis, muscadell,
romnie, bastard lire, osy caprie, clary, and malmesey, are not least
of all accompted of, because of their strength and valour. For, as I
have said in meat, so, the stronger the wine is, the more it is
desired, by means whereof, in old time, the best was called
_theologicum_, because it was had from the clergy and religious men,
unto whose houses many of the laity would often send for bottles
filled with the same, being sure they would neither drink nor be
served of the worst, or such as was any ways mingled or brewed by the
vinterer: nay, the merchant would have thought that his soul should
have gone straightway to the devil if he should have served them with
other than the best. Furthermore, when these have had their course
which nature yieldeth, sundry sorts of artificial stuff as ypocras and
wormwood wine must in like manner succeed in their turns, beside stale
ale and strong beer, which nevertheless bear the greatest brunt in
drinking, and are of so many sorts and ages as it pleaseth the brewer
to make them.
The beer that is used at noblemen's tables in their fixed and standing
houses is commonly a year old, or peradventure of two years' tunning
or more; but this is not general. It is also brewed in March, and
therefore called March beer; but, for the household, it is usually not
under a month's age, each one coveting to have the same stale as he
may, so that it be not sour, and his bread new as is possible, so that
it be not hot.
The artificer and husbandman makes greatest account of such meat as
they may soonest come by, and have it quickliest ready, except it be
in London when the companies of every trade do meet on their quarter
days, at which time they be nothing inferior to the nobility. Their
food also consisteth principally in beef, and such meat as the butcher
selleth--that is to say, mutton, veal, lamb, pork, etc., whereof he
findeth great store in the markets adjoining, beside sows, brawn,
bacon, fruit, pies of fruit, fowls of sundry sorts, cheese, butter,
eggs, etc., as the other wanteth it not at home, by his own provision
which is at the best hand, and commonly least charge. In feasting
also, this latter sort, I mean the husbandmen, do exceed after their
manner, especially at bridals, purifications of women, and such odd
meetings, where it is incredible to tell what meat is consumed and
spent, each one bringing such a dish, or so many with him, as his wife
and he do consult upon, but always with this consideration, that the
lesser friend shall have the better provision. This also is commonly
seen at these banquets, that the good man of the house is not charged
with anything saving bread, drink, sauce, house-room, and fire. But
the artificers in cities and good towns do deal far otherwise; for,
albeit that some of them do suffer their jaws to go oft before their
claws, and divers of them, by making good cheer, do hinder themselves
and other men, yet the wiser sort can handle the matter well enough in
these junketings, and therefore their frugality deserveth
commendation. To conclude, both the artificer and the husbandman are
sufficiently liberal, and very friendly at their tables; and, when
they meet, they are so merry without malice, and plain without inward
Italian or French craft and subtlety, that it would do a man good to
be in company among them. Herein only are the inferior sort somewhat
to be blamed, that, being thus assembled, their talk is now and then
such as savoureth of scurrility and ribaldry, a thing naturally
incident to carters and clowns, who think themselves not to be merry
and welcome if their foolish veins in this behalf be never so little
restrained. This is moreover to be added in these meetings, that if
they happen to stumble upon a piece of venison and a cup of wine or
very strong beer or ale (which latter they commonly provide against
their appointed days), they think their cheer so great, and themselves
to have fared so well, as the Lord Mayor of London, with whom, when
their bellies be full, they will not often stick to make comparison,
because that of a subject there is no public officer of any city in
Europe that may compare in port and countenance with him during the
time of his office.
I might here talk somewhat of the great silence that is used at the
tables of the honourable and wiser sort generally over all the realm
(albeit that too much deserveth no commendation, for it belongeth to
guests neither to be _muti_ nor _loquaces_[2]), likewise of the
moderate eating and drinking that is daily seen, and finally of the
regard that each one hath to keep himself from the note of surfeiting
and drunkenness (for which cause salt meat, except beef, bacon, and
pork, are not any whit esteemed, and yet these three may not be much
powdered); but, as in rehearsal thereof I should commend the nobleman,
merchant, and frugal artificer, so I could not clear the meaner sort
of husbandmen and country inhabitants of very much babbling (except it
be here and there some odd yeoman), with whom he is thought to be the
merriest that talketh of most ribaldry or the wisest man that speaketh
fastest among them, and now and then surfeiting and drunkenness which
they rather fall into for want of heed taking than wilfully following
or delighting in those errors of set mind and purpose. It may be that
divers of them living at home, with hard and pinching diet, small
drink, and some of them having scarce enough of that, are soonest
overtaken when they come into such banquets, howbeit they take it
generally as no small disgrace if they happen to be cupshotten, so
that it is a grief unto them, though now sans remedy, sith the thing
is done and past. If the friends also of the wealthier sort come to
their houses from far, they are commonly so welcome till they depart
as upon the first day of their coming; whereas in good towns and
cities, as London, etc., men oftentimes complain of little room, and,
in reward of a fat capon or plenty of beef and mutton largely bestowed
upon them in the country, a cup of wine or beer with a napkin to wipe
their lips and an "You are heartily welcome!" is thought to be a great
entertainment; and therefore the old country clerks have framed this
saying in that behalf, I mean upon the entertainment of townsmen and
Londoners after the days of their abode, in this manner:
"Primus jucundus, tollerabilis estque secundus,
Tertius est vanus, sed fetet quatriduanus."
[2] Neither "silent" nor "garrulous."
The bread throughout the land is made of such grain as the soil
yieldeth; nevertheless the gentility commonly provide themselves
sufficiently of wheat for their own tables, whilst their household and
poor neighbours in some shires are forced to content themselves with
rye, or barley, yea, and in time of dearth, many with bread made
either of beans, peas, of oats, or of altogether and some acorns
among, of which scourge the poorest do soonest taste, sith they are
least able to provide themselves of better. I will not say that this
extremity is oft so well to be seen in time of plenty as of dearth,
but, if I should, I could easily bring my trial. For, albeit that
there be much more ground eared now almost in every place than hath
been of late years, yet such a price of corn continueth in each town
and market without any just cause (except it be that landlords do get
licences to carry corn out of the land only to keep up the prices for
their own private gains and ruin of the commonwealth), that the
artificer and poor labouring man is not able to reach unto it, but is
driven to content himself with horse corn--I mean beans, peas, oats,
tares, and lentils: and therefore it is a true proverb, and never so
well verified as now, that "Hunger setteth his first foot into the
horse-manger."[3] If the world last awhile after this rate, wheat and
rye will be no grain for poor men to feed on; and some caterpillars
there are that can say so much already.
[3] A famine at hand is first seen in the horse-manger, when
the poor do fall to horse corn.--H.
Of bread made of wheat we have sundry sorts daily brought to the
table, whereof the first and most excellent is the manchet, which we
commonly call white bread, in Latin _primarius panis_, whereof Budeus
also speaketh, in his first book _De asse_; and our good workmen
deliver commonly such proportion that of the flour of one bushel with
another they make forty cast of manchet, of which every loaf weigheth
eight ounces into the oven, and six ounces out, as I have been
informed. The second is the cheat or wheaten bread, so named because
the colour thereof resembleth the grey or yellowish wheat, being clean
and well dressed, and out of this is the coarsest of the bran (usually
called gurgeons or pollard) taken. The ravelled is a kind of cheat
bread also, but it retaineth more of the gross, and less of the pure
substance of the wheat; and this, being more slightly wrought up, is
used in the halls of the nobility and gentry only, whereas the other
either is or should be baked in cities and good towns of an appointed
size (according to such price as the corn doth bear), and by a statute
provided by King John in that behalf.[4] The ravelled cheat therefore
is generally so made that out of one bushel of meal, after two and
twenty pounds of bran be sifted and taken from it (whereunto they add
the gurgeons that rise from the manchet), they make thirty cast, every
loaf weighing eighteen ounces into the oven, and sixteen ounces out;
and, beside this, they so handle the matter that to every bushel of
meal they add only two and twenty, or three and twenty, pound of
water, washing also (in some houses) their corn before it go to the
mill, whereby their manchet bread is more excellent in colour, and
pleasing to the eye, than otherwise it would be. The next sort is
named brown bread, of the colour of which we have two sorts one baked
up as it cometh from the mill, so that neither the bran nor the flour
are any whit diminished; this, Celsus called _autopirus panis_, lib.
2, and putteth it in the second place of nourishment. The other hath
little or no flour left therein at all, howbeit he calleth it _Panem
Cibarium_, and it is not only the worst and weakest of all the other
sorts, but also appointed in old time for servants, slaves, and the
inferior kind of people to feed upon. Hereunto likewise, because it is
dry and brickle in the working (for it will hardly be made up
handsomely into loaves), some add a portion of rye meal in our time,
whereby the rough dryness or dry roughness thereof is somewhat
qualified, and then it is named _miscelin_, that is, bread made of
mingled corn, albeit that divers do sow or mingle wheat and rye of set
purpose at the mill, or before it come there, and sell the same at the
markets under the aforesaid name.
[4] The size of bread is very ill kept or not at all looked
unto in the country towns or markets.--H.
In champaign countries much rye and barley bread is eaten, but
especially where wheat is scant and geson. As for the difference that
it is between the summer and winter wheat, most husbandmen know it
not, sith they are neither acquainted with summer wheat nor winter
barley; yet here and there I find of both sorts, specially in the
north and about Kendal, where they call it March wheat, and also of
summer rye, but in so small quantities as that I dare not pronounce
them to be greatly common among us.
Our drink, whose force and continuance is partly touched already, is
made of barley, water, and hops, sodden and mingled together, by the
industry of our brewers in a certain exact proportion. But, before our
barley do come into their hands, it sustaineth great alteration, and
is converted into malt, the making whereof I will here set down in
such order as my skill therein may extend unto (for I am scarce a good
maltster), chiefly for that foreign writers have attempted to describe
the same, and the making of our beer, wherein they have shot so far
wide, as the quantity of ground was between themselves and their mark.
In the meantime bear with me, gentle reader (I beseech thee), that
lead thee from the description of the plentiful diet of our country
unto the fond report of a servile trade, or rather from a table
delicately furnished into a musty malt-house; but such is now thy hap,
wherefore I pray thee be contented.
Our malt is made all the year long in some great towns; but in
gentlemen's and yeomen's houses, who commonly make sufficient for
their own expenses only, the winter half is thought most meet for that
commodity: howbeit the malt that is made when the willow doth bud is
commonly worst of all. Nevertheless each one endeavoureth to make it
of the best barley, which is steeped in a cistern, in greater or less
quantity, by the space of three days and three nights, until it be
thoroughly soaked. This being done, the water is drained from it by
little and little, till it be quite gone. Afterward they take it out,
and, laying it upon the clean floor on a round heap, it resteth so
until it be ready to shoot at the root end, which maltsters call
_combing_. When it beginneth therefore to shoot in this manner, they
say it is come, and then forthwith they spread it abroad, first thick,
and afterwards thinner and thinner upon the said floor (as it
_combeth_), and there it lieth (with turning every day four or five
times) by the space of one and twenty days at the least, the workmen
not suffering it in any wise to take any heat, whereby the bud end
should spire, that bringeth forth the blade, and by which oversight or
hurt of the stuff itself the malt would be spoiled and turn small
commodity to the brewer. When it hath gone, or been turned, so long
upon the floor, they carry it to a kiln covered with hair cloth, where
they give it gentle heats (after they have spread it there very thin
abroad) till it be dry, and in the meanwhile they turn it often, that
it may be uniformly dried. For the more it be dried (yet must it be
done with soft fire) the sweeter and better the malt is, and the
longer it will continue, whereas, if it be not dried down (as they
call it), but slackly handled, it will breed a kind of worm called a
weevil, which groweth in the flour of the corn, and in process of time
will so eat out itself that nothing shall remain of the grain but even
the very rind or husk.
The best malt is tried by the hardness and colour; for, if it look
fresh with a yellow hue, and thereto will write like a piece of chalk,
after you have bitten a kernel in sunder in the midst, then you may
assure yourself that it is dried down. In some places it is dried at
leisure with wood alone or straw alone, in others with wood and straw
together; but, of all, the straw dried is the most excellent. For the
wood-dried malt when it is brewed, beside that the drink is higher of
colour, it doth hurt and annoy the head of him that is not used
thereto, because of the smoke. Such also as use both indifferently do
bark, cleave, and dry their wood in an oven, thereby to remove all
moisture that should procure the fume; and this malt is in the second
place, and, with the same likewise, that which is made with dried
furze, broom, etc.: whereas, if they also be occupied green, they are
in manner so prejudicial to the corn as is the moist wood. And thus
much of our malts, in brewing whereof some grind the same somewhat
grossly, and, in seething well the liquor that shall be put into it,
they add to every nine quarters of malt one of headcorn (which
consisteth of sundry grain, as wheat and oats ground). But what have I
to do with this matter, or rather so great a quantity, wherewith I am
not acquainted? Nevertheless, sith I have taken occasion to speak of
brewing, I will exemplify in such a proportion as I am best skilled
in, because it is the usual rate for mine own family, and once in a
month practised by my wife and her maid-servants, who proceed withal
after this manner, as she hath oft informed me.
Having therefore ground eight bushels of good malt upon our quern,
where the toll is saved, she addeth unto it half a bushel of wheat
meal, and so much of oats small ground, and so tempereth or mixeth
them with the malt that you cannot easily discern the one from the
other; otherwise these latter would clunter, fall into lumps, and
thereby become unprofitable. The first liquor (which is full eighty
gallons, according to the proportion of our furnace) she maketh
boiling hot, and then poureth it softly into the malt, where it
resteth (but without stirring) until her second liquor be almost ready
to boil. This done, she letteth her mash run till the malt be left
without liquor, or at the leastwise the greatest part of the moisture,
which she perceiveth by the stay and soft issue thereof; and by this
time her second liquor in the furnace is ready to seethe, which is put
also to the malt, as the first woort also again into the furnace,
whereunto she addeth two pounds of the best English hops, and so
letteth them seethe together by the space of two hours in summer or an
hour and a half in winter, whereby it getteth an excellent colour, and
continuance without impeachment or any superfluous tartness. But,
before she putteth her first woort into the furnace, or mingleth it
with the hops, she taketh out a vessel full, of eight or nine gallons,
which she shutteth up close, and suffereth no air to come into it till
it become yellow, and this she reserveth by itself unto further use,
as shall appear hereafter, calling it _brackwoort_ or _charwoort_,
and, as she saith, it addeth also to the colour of the drink, whereby
it yieldeth not unto amber or fine gold in hue unto the eye. By this
time also her second woort is let run; and, the first being taken out
of the furnace, and placed to cool, she returneth the middle woort
unto the furnace, where it is stricken over, or from whence it is
taken again, when it beginneth to boil, and mashed the second time,
whilst the third liquor is heat (for there are three liquors), and
this last put into the furnace, when the second is mashed again. When
she hath mashed also the last liquor (and set the second to cool by
the first), she letteth it run, and then seetheth it again with a
pound and a half of new hops, or peradventure two pounds, as she seeth
cause by the goodness or baseness of the hops, and, when it hath
sodden, in summer two hours, and in winter an hour and a half, she
striketh it also, and reserveth it unto mixture with the rest when
time doth serve therefore. Finally, when she setteth her drink
together, she addeth to her brackwoort or charwoort half an ounce of
arras, and half a quarter of an ounce of bayberries, finely powdered,
and then, putting the same into her woort, with a handful of wheat
flour, she proceedeth in such usual order as common brewing requireth,
Some, instead of arras and bays, add so much long pepper only, but, in
her opinion and my liking, it is not so good as the first, and hereof
we make three hogsheads of good beer, such (I mean) as is meet for
poor men as I am to live withal, whoso small maintenance (for what
great thing is forty pounds a year, _computatis computandis_, able to
perform?) may endure no deeper cut, the charges whereof groweth in
this manner. I value my malt at ten shillings, my wood at four
shillings (which I buy), my hops at twenty pence, the spice at
twopence, servants' wages two shillings sixpence, with meat and drink,
and the wearing of my vessel at twenty pence, so that for my twenty
shillings I have ten score gallons of beer or more, notwithstanding
the loss in seething, which some, being loth to forego, do not observe
the time, and therefore speed thereafter in their success, and
worthily. The continuance of the drink is always determined after the
quantity of the hops, so that being well _hopt_ it lasteth longer. For
it feedeth upon the hop, and holdeth out so long as the force of the
same continueth, which being extinguished, the drink must be spent, or
else it dieth and becometh of no value.
In this trade also our brewers observe very diligently the nature of
the water, which they daily occupy, and soil through which it passeth,
for all waters are not of like goodness, sith the fattest standing
water is always the best; for, although the waters that run by chalk
or cledgy soils be good, and next unto the Thames water, which is the
most excellent, yet the water that standeth in either of these is the
best for us that dwell in the country, as whereon the sun lieth
longest, and fattest fish is bred. But, of all other, the fenny and
marsh is the worst, and the clearest spring water next unto it. In
this business therefore the skilful workman doth redeem the iniquity
of that element, by changing of his proportions, which trouble in ale
(sometime our only, but now taken with many for old and sick men's
drink) is never seen nor heard of. Howbeit, as the beer well sodden in
the brewing, and stale, is clear and well coloured as muscadel or
malvesey, or rather yellow as the gold noble, as our pot-knights call
it, so our ale, which is not at all or very little sodden, and without
hops, is more thick, fulsome, and of no such continuance, which are
three notable things to be considered in that liquor. But what for
that? Certes I know some ale-knights so much addicted thereunto that
they will not cease from morrow until even to visit the same,
cleansing house after house, till they defile themselves, and either
fall quite under the board, or else, not daring to stir from their
stools, sit still pinking with their narrow eyes, as half sleeping,
till the fume of their adversary be digested that he may go to it
afresh. Such slights also have the ale-wives for the utterance of this
drink that they will mix it with rosen and salt; but if you heat a
knife red-hot, and quench it in the ale so near the bottom of the pot
as you can put it, you shall see the rosen come forth hanging on the
knife. As for the force of salt, it is well known by the effect, for
the more the drinker tippleth, the more he may, and so doth he carry
off a dry drunken noll to bed with him, except his luck be the better.
But to my purpose.
In some places of England there is a kind of drink made of apples
which they call cider or pomage, but that of pears is called perry,
and both are ground and pressed in presses made for the nonce. Certes
these two are very common in Sussex, Kent, Worcester, and other steeds
where these sorts of fruit do abound, howbeit they are not their only
drink at all times, but referred unto the delicate sorts of drink, as
metheglin is in Wales, whereof the Welshmen make no less account (and
not without cause, if it be well handled) than the Greeks did of their
ambrosia or nectar, which for the pleasantness thereof was supposed to
be such as the gods themselves did delight in. There is a kind of
swish-swash made also in Essex, and divers other places, with
honeycombs and water, which the homely country wives, putting some
pepper and a little other spice among, call mead, very good in mine
opinion for such as love to be loose bodied at large, or a little
eased of the cough. Otherwise it differeth so much from the true
metheglin as chalk from cheese. Truly it is nothing else but the
washing of the combs, when the honey is wrung out, and one of the best
things that I know belonging thereto is that they spend but little
labour, and less cost, in making of the same, and therefore no great
loss if it were never occupied. Hitherto of the diet of my countrymen,
and somewhat more at large peradventure than many men will like of,
wherefore I think good now to finish this tractation, and so will I
when I have added a few other things incident unto that which goeth
before, whereby the whole process of the same shall fully be
delivered, and my promise to my friend[5] in this behalf performed.
[5] Holinshed. This occurs in the last of Harrison's prefatory
matter.--W.
Heretofore there hath been much more time spent in eating and
drinking than commonly is in these days; for whereas of old we had
breakfast in the forenoon, beverages or nunchions[6] after dinner,
and thereto rear suppers generally when it was time to go to rest (a
toy brought into England by hardy Canutus, and a custom whereof
Athenaeus also speaketh, lib. 1, albeit Hippocrates speaks but of
twice at the most, lib. 2, _De rat vict. in feb ac_). Now, these odd
repasts--thanked be God!--are very well left, and each one in manner
(except here and there some young, hungry stomach that cannot fast
till dinner-time) contenteth himself with dinner and supper only. The
Normans, misliking the gormandise of Canutus, ordained after their
arrival that no table should be covered above once in the day, which
Huntingdon imputeth to their avarice; but in the end, either waxing
weary of their own frugality, or suffering the cockle of old custom
to overgrow the good corn of their new constitution, they fell to
such liberty that in often-feeding they surmounted Canutus surnamed
the Hardy. For, whereas he covered his table but three or four times
in the day, these spread their cloths five or six times, and in such
wise as I before rehearsed. They brought in also the custom of long
and stately sitting at meat, whereby their feasts resembled those
ancient pontifical banquets whereof Macrobius speaketh (lib. 3, cap.
13), and Pliny (lib. 10, cap. 10), and which for sumptuousness of
fare, long sitting, and curiosity shewed in the same, exceeded all
other men's feasting; which fondness is not yet left with us,
notwithstanding that it proveth very beneficial for the physicians,
who most abound where most excess and misgovernment of our bodies do
appear, although it be a great expense of time, and worthy of
reprehension. For the nobility, gentlemen, and merchantmen,
especially at great meetings, do sit commonly till two or three of
the clock at afternoon, so that with many it is a hard matter to rise
from the table to go to evening prayer, and return from thence to
come time enough to supper.[7]...
[6] This word is not obsolete. South coast countrymen still
eat _nuntions_ and not _luncheons_.--W.
[7] Here follows a disquisition upon the table practices of
the ancients.--W.
With us the nobility, gentry, and students do ordinarily go to dinner
at eleven before noon, and to supper at five, or between five and six
at afternoon. The merchants dine and sup seldom before twelve at noon,
and six at night, especially in London. The husbandmen dine also at
high noon as they call it, and sup at seven or eight; but out of the
term in our universities the scholars dine at ten. As for the poorest
sort they generally dine and sup when they may, so that to talk of
their order of repast it were but a needless matter. I might here take
occasion also to set down the variety used by antiquity in their
beginnings of their diets, wherein almost every nation had a several
fashion, some beginning of custom (as we do in summer time) with
salads at supper, and some ending with lettuce, some making their
entry with eggs, and shutting up their tables with mulberries, as we
do with fruit and conceits of all sorts. Divers (as the old Romans)
began with a few crops of rue, as the Venetians did with the fish
called gobius; the Belgres with butter, or (as we do yet also) with
butter and eggs upon fish days. But whereas we commonly begin with the
most gross food, and end with the most delicate, the Scot, thinking
much to leave the best for his menial servants, maketh his entrance at
the best, so that he is sure thereby to leave the worst. We use also
our wines by degrees, so that the hostess cometh last to the table:
but to stand upon such toys would spend much time, and turn to small
profit. Wherefore I will deal with other things more necessary for
this turn.
CHAPTER VII
OF OUR APPAREL AND ATTIRE
[1577, Book III., Chapter 2; 1587, Book II., Chapter 7.]
An Englishman, endeavouring sometime to write of our attire, made
sundry platforms for his purpose, supposing by some of them to find
out one steadfast ground whereon to build the sum of his discourse.
But in the end (like an orator long without exercise), when he saw
what a difficult piece of work he had taken in hand, he gave over his
travel, and only drew the picture of a naked man[1], unto whom he
gave a pair of shears in the one hand and a piece of cloth in the
other, to the end he should shape his apparel after such fashion as
himself liked, sith he could find no kind of garment that could
please him any while together; and this he called an Englishman.
Certes this writer (otherwise being a lewd popish hypocrite and
ungracious priest) shewed himself herein not to be altogether void of
judgment, sith the phantastical folly of our nation (even from the
courtier to the carter) is such that no form of apparel liketh us
longer than the first garment is in the wearing, if it continue so
long, and be not laid aside to receive some other trinket newly
devised by the fickle-headed tailors, who covet to have several
tricks in cutting, thereby to draw fond customers to more expense of
money. For my part, I can tell better how to inveigh against this
enormity than describe any certainty of our attire; sithence such is
our mutability that to-day there is none to the Spanish guise,
to-morrow the French toys are most fine and delectable, ere long no
such apparel as that which is after the high Almaine fashion,
by-and-by the Turkish manner is generally best liked of, otherwise
the Morisco gowns, the Barbarian fleeces, the mandilion worn to
Colley-Weston ward, and the short French breeches make such a comely
vesture that, except it were a dog in a doublet, you shall not see
any so disguised as are my countrymen of England. And as these
fashions are diverse, so likewise it is a world to see the costliness
and the curiosity, the excess and the vanity, the pomp and the
bravery, the change and the variety, and finally the fickleness and
the folly, that is in all degrees, insomuch that nothing is more
constant in England than inconstancy of attire. Oh, how much cost is
bestowed nowadays upon our bodies, and how little upon our souls! How
many suits of apparel hath the one, and how little furniture hath the
other! How long time is asked in decking up of the first, and how
little space left wherein to feed the latter! How curious, how nice
also, are a number of men and women, and how hardly can the tailor
please them in making it fit for their bodies! How many times must it
be sent back again to him that made it! What chafing, what fretting,
what reproachful language, doth the poor workman bear away! And many
times when he doth nothing to it at all, yet when it is brought home
again it is very fit and handsome; then must we put it on, then must
the long seams of our hose be set by a plumb-line, then we puff, then
we blow, and finally sweat till we drop, that our clothes may stand
well upon us. I will say nothing of our heads, which sometimes are
polled, sometimes curled, or suffered to grow at length like woman's
locks, many times cut off, above or under the ears, round as by a
wooden dish. Neither will I meddle with our variety of beards, of
which some are shaven from the chin like those of Turks, not a few
cut short like to the beard of Marquess Otto, some made round like a
rubbing brush, others with a _pique de vant_ (O! fine fashion!), or
now and then suffered to grow long, the barbers being grown to be so
cunning in this behalf as the tailors. And therefore if a man have a
lean and straight face, a Marquess Otton's cut will make it broad and
large; if it be platter-like, a long, slender beard will make it seem
the narrower; if he be weasel-becked, then much hair left on the
cheeks will make the owner look big like a bowdled hen, and as grim
as a goose, if Cornells of Chelmersford say true. Many old men do
wear no beards at all. Some lusty courtiers also and gentlemen of
courage do wear either rings of gold, stones, or pearl, in their ears,
whereby they imagine the workmanship of God not to be a little
amended. But herein they rather disgrace than adorn their persons, as
by their niceness in apparel, for which I say most nations do not
unjustly deride us, as also for that we do seem to imitate all nations
round about us, wherein we be like to the polypus or chameleon; and
thereunto bestow most cost upon our arses, and much more than upon all
the rest of our bodies, as women do likewise upon their heads and
shoulders. In women also, it is most to be lamented, that they do now
far exceed the lightness of our men (who nevertheless are transformed
from the cap even to the very shoe), and such staring attire as in
time past was supposed meet for none but light housewives only is now
become a habit for chaste and sober matrons. What should I say of
their doublets with pendant codpieces on the breast full of jags and
cuts, and sleeves of sundry colours? Their galligascons to bear out
their bums and make their attire to fit plum round (as they term it)
about them. Their fardingals, and diversely coloured nether stocks of
silk, jerdsey, and such like, whereby their bodies are rather deformed
than commended? I have met with some of these trulls in London so
disguised that it hath passed my skill to discern whether they were
men or women.
[1] (COS.)
"I am an English man and naked I stand here,
Musying in my mynde what rayment I shall were;
For now I will were thys, and now I will were that;
Now I will were I cannot tell what.
All new fashyons be plesaunt in me;
I wyl haue them, whether I thryve or thee."
From Andrew Boorde's _Introduction_ (1541), and _Dyetary_ (1542),
edited by F.J.F. for Early English Text Society, 1870, p. 116. (A
most quaint and interesting volume, though I say so.)--Furnivall.
Thus it is now come to pass, that women are become men, and men
transformed into monsters; and those good gifts which Almighty God
hath given unto us to relieve our necessities withal (as a nation
turning altogether the grace of God into wantonness, for
"Luxuriant animi rebus plerunque fecundis,")
not otherwise bestowed than in all excess, as if we wist not
otherwise how to consume and waste them. I pray God that in this
behalf our sin be not like unto that of Sodom and Gomorrah, whose
errors were pride, excess of diet, and abuse of God's benefits
abundantly bestowed upon them, beside want of charity towards the
poor, and certain other points which the prophet shutteth up in
silence. Certes the commonwealth cannot be said to nourish where
these abuses reign, but is rather oppressed by unreasonable exactions
made upon rich farmers, and of poor tenants, wherewith to maintain
the same. Neither was it ever merrier with England than when an
Englishman was known abroad by his own cloth, and contented himself
at home with his fine carsey hosen, and a mean slop; his coat, gown,
and cloak of brown, blue, or puke, with some pretty furniture of
velvet or fur, and a doublet of sad tawny, or black velvet, or other
comely silk, without such cuts and garish colours as are worn in
these days, and never brought in but by the consent of the French,
who think themselves the gayest men when they have most diversities
of jags and change of colours about them. Certes of all estates our
merchants do least alter their attire, and therefore are most to be
commended; for albeit that which they wear be very fine and costly,
yet in form and colour it representeth a great piece of the ancient
gravity appertaining to citizens and burgesses, albeit the younger
sort of their wives, both in attire and costly housekeeping, cannot
tell when and how to make an end, as being women indeed in whom all
kind of curiosity is to be found and seen, and in far greater measure
than in women of higher calling. I might here name a sort of hues
devised for the nonce, wherewith to please fantastical heads, as
goose-turd green, peas-porridge tawny, popingay blue, lusty gallant,
the devil-in-the-head (I should say the hedge), and such like; but I
pass them over, thinking it sufficient to have said thus much of
apparel generally, when nothing can particularly be spoken of any
constancy thereof.
CHAPTER VIII
OF THE MANNER OF BUILDING AND FURNITURE OF OUR HOUSES
[1577, Book II., Chapter 10; 1587, Book II., Chapter 12.]
The greatest part of our building in the cities and good towns of
England consisteth only of timber, for as yet few of the houses of
the communalty (except here and there in the West-country towns) are
made of stone, although they may (in my opinion) in divers other
places be builded so good cheap of the one as of the other. In old
time the houses of the Britons were slightly set up with a few posts
and many raddles, with stable and all offices under one roof, the
like whereof almost is to be seen in the fenny countries and northern
parts unto this day, where for lack of wood they are enforced to
continue this ancient manner of building. It is not in vain,
therefore, in speaking of building, to make a distinction between the
plain and woody soils; for as in these, our houses are commonly
strong and well-timbered (so that in many places there are not above
four, six, or nine inches between stud and stud), so in the open
champaign countries they are forced, for want of stuff, to use no
studs at all, but only frankposts, raisins, beams, prickposts,
groundsels, summers (or dormants), transoms, and such principals,
with here and there a girding, whereunto they fasten their splints or
raddles, and then cast it all over with thick clay to keep out the
wind, which otherwise would annoy them. Certes this rude kind of
building made the Spaniards in Queen Mary's days to wonder, but
chiefly when they saw what large diet was used in many of these so
homely cottages; insomuch that one of no small reputation amongst
them said after this manner--"These English (quoth he) have their
houses made of sticks and dirt, but they fare commonly so well as the
king." Whereby it appeareth that he liked better of our good fare in
such coarse cabins than of their own thin diet in their prince-like
habitations and palaces. In like sort as every country house is thus
apparelled on the outside, so is it inwardly divided into sundry
rooms above and beneath; and, where plenty of wood is, they cover
them with tiles, otherwise with straw, sedge, or reed, except some
quarry of slate be near hand, from whence they have for their money
much as may suffice them. The clay wherewith our houses are
impannelled is either white, red, or blue; and of these the first
doth participate very much of the nature of our chalk; the second is
called loam; but the third eftsoons changeth colour as soon as it is
wrought, notwithstanding that it looks blue when it is thrown out of
the pit. Of chalk also we have our excellent asbestos or white lime,
made in most places, wherewith being quenched, we strike over our
clay works and stone walls, in cities, good towns, rich farmers' and
gentlemen's houses: otherwise, instead of chalk (where it wanteth,
for it is so scant that in some places it is sold by the pound), they
are compelled to burn a certain kind of red stone, as in Wales, and
elsewhere other stones and shells of oysters and like fish found upon
the sea coast, which, being converted into lime, doth naturally (as
the other) abhor and eschew water, whereby it is dissolved, and
nevertheless desire oil, wherewith it is easily mixed, as I have seen
by experience. Within their doors also, such as are of ability do oft
make their floors and parget of fine alabaster burned, which they
call plaster of Paris, whereof in some places we have great plenty,
and that very profitable against the rage of fire. In plastering
likewise of our fairest houses over our heads, we use to lay first a
line or two of white mortar, tempered with hair, upon laths, which
are nailed one by another (or sometimes upon reed of wickers more
dangerous for fire, and make fast here and there saplaths for falling
down), and finally cover all with the aforesaid plaster, which,
beside the delectable whiteness of the stuff itself, is laid on so
even and smoothly as nothing in my judgment can be done with more
exactness. The walls of our houses on the inner sides in like sort be
either hanged with tapestry, arras work, or painted cloths, wherein
either divers histories, or herbs, beasts, knots, and such like are
stained, or else they are ceiled with oak of our own, or wainscot
brought hither out of the east countries, whereby the rooms are not a
little commended, made warm, and much more close than otherwise they
would be. As for stoves, we have not hitherto used them greatly, yet
do they now begin to be made in divers houses of the gentry and
wealthy citizens, who build them not to work and feed in, as in
Germany and elsewhere, but now and then to sweat in, as occasion and
need shall require it.
This also hath been common in England, contrary to the customs of all
other nations, and yet to be seen (for example, in most streets of
London), that many of our greatest houses have outwardly been very
simple and plain to sight, which inwardly have been able to receive a
duke with his whole train, and lodge them at their ease. Hereby,
moreover, it is come to pass that the fronts of our streets have not
been so uniform and orderly builded as those of foreign cities, where
(to say truth) the outer side of their mansions and dwellings have
oft more cost bestowed upon them than all the rest of the house,
which are often very simple and uneasy within, as experience doth
confirm. Of old time, our country houses, instead of glass, did use
much lattice, and that made either of wicker or fine rifts of oak in
checkerwise. I read also that some of the better sort, in and before
the times of the Saxons (who notwithstanding used some glass also
since the time of Benedict Biscop, the monk that brought the feat of
glazing first into this land), did make panels of horn instead of
glass, and fix them in wooden calmes. But as horn in windows is now
quite laid down in every place, so our lattices are also grown into
less use, because glass is come to be so plentiful, and within a very
little so good cheap, if not better than the other. I find obscure
mention of the specular stone also to have been found and applied to
this use in England, but in such doubtful sort as I dare not affirm
it for certain. Nevertheless certain it is that antiquity used it
before glass was known, under the name of _selenites_. And how glass
was first found I care not greatly to remember, even at this present,
although it be directly beside my purposed matter. In Syria Phenices,
which bordereth upon Jewry, and near to the foot of Mount Carmel,
there is a moor or marsh whereout riseth a brook called sometime
Belus, and falleth into the sea near to Ptolemais. This river was
fondly ascribed unto Baal, and also honoured under that name by the
infidels long time before there was any king in Israel. It came to
pass also, as a certain merchant sailed that way, loaden with nitrum,
the passengers went to land for to repose themselves, and to take in
some store of fresh water into their vessel. Being also on the shore,
they kindled a fire and made provision for their dinner, but (because
they wanted trevets or stones whereon to set their kettles on) ran by
chance into the ship, and brought great pieces of nitrum with them,
which served their turn for that present. To be short, the said
substance being hot, and beginning to melt, it mixed by chance with
the gravel that lay under it, and so brought forth that shining
substance which now is called glass, and about the time of Semiramis.
When the company saw this, they made no small accompt of their
success, and forthwith began to practise the like in other mixtures,
whereby great variety of the said stuff did also ensue. Certes for
the time this history may well be true, for I read of glass in Job;
but, for the rest, I refer me to the common opinion conceived by
writers. Now, to turn again to our windows. Heretofore also the
houses of our princes and noblemen were often glazed with beryl (an
example whereof is yet to be seen in Sudeley Castle) and in divers
other places with fine crystal, but this especially in the time of
the Romans, whereof also some fragments have been taken up in old
ruins. But now these are not in use, so that only the clearest glass
is most esteemed: for we have divers sorts, some brought out of
Burgundy, some out of Normandy, much out of Flanders, beside that
which is made in England, which would be so good as the best if we
were diligent and careful to bestow more cost upon it, and yet as it
is each one that may will have it for his building. Moreover the
mansion houses of our country towns and villages (which in champaign
ground stand altogether by streets, and joining one to another, but
in woodland soils dispersed here and there, each one upon the several
grounds of their owners) are builded in such sort generally as that
they have neither dairy, stable, nor brew-house annexed unto them
under the same roof (as in many places beyond the sea and some of the
north parts of our country), but all separate from the first, and one
of them from another. And yet, for all this, they are not so far
distant in sunder but that the goodman lying in his bed may lightly
hear what is done in each of them with ease, and call quickly unto
his many if any danger should attack him.
The ancient manors and houses of our gentlemen are yet and for the
most part of strong timber, in framing whereof our carpenters have
been and are worthily preferred before those of like science among
all other nations. Howbeit such as be lately builded are commonly
either of brick or hard stone, or both, their rooms large and comely,
and houses of office further distant from their lodgings. Those of
the nobility are likewise wrought with brick and hard stone, as
provision may best be made, but so magnificent and stately as the
basest house of a baron doth often match in our days with some
honours of a princes in old time. So that, if ever curious building
did flourish in England, it is in these our years wherein our workmen
excel and are in manner comparable in skill with old Vitruvius, Leo
Baptista, and Serlo. Nevertheless their estimation, more than their
greedy and servile covetousness, joined with a lingering humour,
causeth them often to be rejected, and strangers preferred to greater
bargains, who are more reasonable in their takings, and less wasters
of time by a great deal than our own.
The furniture of our houses also exceedeth, and is grown in manner
even to passing delicacy: and herein I do not speak of the nobility
and gentry only, but likewise of the lowest sort in most places of
our south country that have anything at all to take to. Certes in
noblemen's houses it is not rare to see abundance of arras, rich
hangings of tapestry, silver vessels, and so much other plate as may
furnish sundry cupboards to the sum oftentimes of a thousand or two
thousand pounds at the least, whereby the value of this and the rest
of their stuff doth grow to be almost inestimable. Likewise in the
houses of knights, gentlemen, merchantmen, and some other wealthy
citizens, it is not geson to behold generally their great provision
of tapestry, Turkey work, pewter, brass, fine linen, and thereto
costly cupboards of plate, worth five or six hundred or a thousand
pounds to be deemed by estimation. But, as herein all these sorts do
far exceed their elders and predecessors, and in neatness and
curiosity the merchant all other, so in times past the costly
furniture stayed there, whereas now it is descended yet lower even
unto the inferior artificers and many farmers, who, by virtue of
their old and not of their new leases, have, for the most part,
learned also to garnish their cupboards with plate, their joined beds
with tapestry and silk hangings, and their tables with carpets and
fine napery, whereby the wealth of our country (God be praised
therefore, and give us grace to employ it well) doth infinitely
appear. Neither do I speak this in reproach of any man, God is my
judge, but to shew that I do rejoice rather to see how God hath
blessed us with his good gifts; and whilst, I behold how (in a time
wherein all things are grown to most excessive prices, and what
commodity so ever is to be had is daily plucked from the communalty
by such as look into every trade) we do yet find the means to obtain
and achieve such furniture as heretofore hath been unpossible.
There are old men yet dwelling in the village where I remain which
have noted three things to be marvellously altered in England within
their sound remembrance, and other three things too too much
increased.
One is the multitude of chimneys lately erected, whereas in their
young days there were not above two or three, if so many, in most
uplandish towns of the realm (the religious houses and manor places
of their lords always excepted, and peradventure some great
personages), but each one made his fire against a reredos in the
hall, where he dined and dressed his meat.
The second is the great (although not general) amendment of lodging;
for, said they, our fathers, yea and we ourselves also, have lain
full oft upon straw pallets, on rough mats covered only with a sheet,
under coverlets made of dagswain or hopharlots (I use their own
terms), and a good round log under their heads instead of a bolster
or pillow. If it were so that our fathers--or the good man of the
house had within seven years after his marriage purchased a mattress
or flock bed, and thereto a stack of chaff to rest his head upon, he
thought himself to be as well lodged as the lord of the town, that
peradventure lay seldom in a bed of down or whole feathers, so well
were they content, and with such base kind of furniture: which also
is not very much amended as yet in some parts of Bedfordshire, and
elsewhere, further off from our southern parts. Pillows (said they)
were thought meet only for women in childbed. As for servants, if
they had any sheet above them, it was well, for seldom had they any
under their bodies to keep them from the pricking straws that ran oft
through the canvas of the pallet and rased their hardened hides.