OF THE SORROW THAT PERCIVALE AND BORS MADE WHEN GALAHAD WAS DEAD: AND
OF PERCIVALE HOW HE DIED, AND OTHER MATTERS
When Percivale and Bors saw Galahad dead they made as much sorrow as
ever did two men. And if they had not been good men they might lightly
have fallen in despair. And the people of the country and of the city
were right heavy. And then he was buried; and as soon as he was buried
Sir Percivale yielded him to an hermitage out of the city, and took a
religious clothing. And Bors was alway with him, but never changed he
his secular clothing, for that he purposed him to go again into the
realm of Logris. Thus a year and two months lived Sir Percivale in the
hermitage a full holy life, and then passed out of this world; and
Bors let bury him by his sister and by Galahad in the spiritualities.
When Bors saw that he was in so far countries as in the parts of
Babylon he departed from Sarras, and armed him and came to the sea,
and entered into a ship; and so it befell him in good adventure he
came into the realm of Logris; and he rode so fast till he came to
Camelot where the king was. And then was there great joy made of him
in the court, for they weened all he had been dead, forasmuch as he
had been so long out of the country. And when they had eaten, the king
made great clerks to come afore him, that they should chronicle of the
high adventures of the good knights. When Bors had told him of the
adventures of the Sangreal, such as had befallen him and his three
fellows, that was Launcelot, Percivale, Galahad, and himself, there
Launcelot told the adventures of the Sangreal that he had seen. All
this was made in great books, and put up in almeryes at Salisbury. And
anon Sir Bors said to Sir Launcelot: Galahad, your own son, saluted
you by me, and after you King Arthur and all the Court, and so did Sir
Percivale, for I buried them with mine own hands in the city of
Sarras. Also, Sir Launcelot, Galahad prayed you to remember of this
unsyker world as ye behight him when ye were together more than half a
year. This is true, said Launcelot; now I trust to God his prayer
shall avail me. Then Launcelot took Sir Bors in his arms, and said:
Gentle cousin, ye are right welcome to me, and all that ever I may do
for you and for yours ye shall find my poor body ready at all times,
while the spirit is in it, and that I promise you faithfully, and
never to fail. And wit ye well, gentle cousin, Sir Bors, that ye and I
will never depart in sunder whilst our lives may last. Sir, said he, I
will as ye will.
_Thus endeth thistory of the Sancgreal, that was breuely drawen oute
of Frensshe in to Englysshe, the whiche is a story cronycled for one
of the truest and the holyest that is in thys world, the which is the
xvii. book_.
A DESCRIPTION OF ELIZABETHAN ENGLAND
WRITTEN BY
WILLIAM HARRISON
FOR
HOLINSHED CHRONICLES
_INTRODUCTORY NOTE
Near the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, Reginald Wolfe, the Queen's
Printer, with the splendid audacity characteristic of that age,
planned to publish a "universal Cosmography of the whole world, and
therewith also certain particular histories of every known nation."
Raphael Holinshed had charge of the histories of England, Scotland,
and Ireland, the only part of the work ever published; and these were
issued in 1577, and have since been known as "Holinshed's Chronicles."
From them Shakespeare drew most of the material for his historical
plays.
Among Holinshed's collaborators was one William Harrison, chaplain to
Lord Cobham, and later Rector of Radwinter in Essex and Canon of
Windsor. To him was allotted the task of writing the "Descriptions of
Britain and England" from which the following chapters are drawn. He
gathered his facts from books, letters, maps, conversations, and, most
important of all, his own observation and experience; and he put them
loosely together into what he calls "this foul frizzled treatise."
Yet, with all his modesty, he claims to "have had an especial eye to
the truth of things"; and as a result we have in his pages the most
vivid and detailed picture in existence of the England into which
Shakespeare was born.
In 1876 Dr. Furnivall condensed Harrison's chapters for the New
Shakspere Society, and these have since been reprinted by Mr. Lothrop
Withington in the modern dress in which the most interesting of them
appear here. No apology is needed for thus selecting and rearranging,
since in their original form they were without unity, and formed part
of a vast compilation.
Harrison's merit does not lie in the rich interest of his matter
alone. He wrote a racy style with a strong individual as well as
Elizabethan flavor; and his personal comment upon the manners of his
time serves as a piquant sauce to the solid meat of his historical
information._
A DESCRIPTION OF ELIZABETHAN ENGLAND
CHAPTER I
OF DEGREES OF PEOPLE IN THE COMMONWEALTH OF ELIZABETHAN ENGLAND
[1577, Book III., Chapter 4; 1587, Book II., Chapter 5.][1]
[1] These references are to the first two editions of
Holinshed's _Chronicles_. The modernization of the spelling,
etc., follows that of Mr. L. Wilkington, whose notes are signed
W.
We in England, divide our people commonly into four sorts, as
gentlemen, citizens or burgesses, yeomen, and artificers or labourers.
Of gentlemen the first and chief (next the king) be the prince, dukes,
marquesses, earls, viscounts, and barons; and these are called
gentlemen of the greater sort, or (as our common usage of speech is)
lords and noblemen: and next unto them be knights, esquires, and, last
of all, they that are simply called gentlemen. So that in effect our
gentlemen are divided into their conditions, whereof in this chapter
I will make particular rehearsal.
The title of prince doth peculiarly belong with us to the king's
eldest son, who is called Prince of Wales, and is the heir-apparent
to the crown; as in France the king's eldest son hath the title of
Dauphin, and is named peculiarly _Monsieur_. So that the prince is so
termed of the Latin word _Princeps_, since he is (as I may call him)
the chief or principal next the king. The king's younger sons be but
gentlemen by birth (till they have received creation or donation from
their father of higher estate, as to be either viscounts, earls, or
dukes) and called after their names, as Lord Henry, or Lord Edward,
with the addition of the word Grace, properly assigned to the king and
prince, and now also by custom conveyed to dukes, archbishops, and (as
some say) to marquesses and their wives.[2]...
[2] Here follow etymologies of the terms "Duke," "Marquess,"
and "Baron."--W.
Unto this place I also refer our bishops, who are accounted
honourable, called lords, and hold the same room in the Parliament
house with the barons, albeit for honour sake the right hand of the
prince is given unto them, and whose countenances in time past were
much more glorious than at this present it is, because those lusty
prelates sought after earthly estimation and authority with far more
diligence than after the lost sheep of Christ, of which they had small
regard, as men being otherwise occupied and void of leisure to attend
upon the same. Howbeit in these days their estate remaineth no less
reverend than before, and the more virtuous they are that be of this
calling the better are they esteemed with high and low. They retain
also the ancient name ("lord") still, although it be not a little
impugned by such as love either to hear of change of all things or can
abide no superiors. For notwithstanding it be true that in respect of
function the office of the eldership[3] is equally distributed between
the bishop and the minister, yet for civil government's sake the first
have more authority given unto them by kings and princes, to the end
that the rest may thereby be with more ease retained within a limited
compass of uniformity than otherwise they would be if each one were
suffered to walk in his own course. This also is more to be marvelled
at, that very many call for an alteration of their estate, crying to
have the word "lord" abolished, their civil authority taken from them,
and the present condition of the church in other things reformed;
whereas, to say truly, few of them do agree upon form of discipline
and government of the church succeedent, wherein they resemble the
Capuans (of whom Livy doth speak) in the slaughter of their senate.
Neither is it possible to frame a whole monarchy after the pattern of
one town or city, or to stir up such an exquisite face of the church
as we imagine or desire, sith our corruption is such that it will
never yield to so great perfection; for that which is not able to be
performed in a private house will be much less be brought to pass in a
commonwealth and kingdom, before such a prince be found as Xenophon
describeth, or such an orator as Tully hath devised.[4]...
[3] 1 Sam. ii. 15; 1 Kings i. 7.--H.
[4] Here follows a long paragraph on the character of the clergy
which is more appropriate to the chapter on "The Church."--W.
Dukes, marquesses, earls, viscounts, and barons either be created of
the prince or come to that honour by being the eldest sons or highest
in succession to their parents. For the eldest son of a duke during
his father's life is an earl, the eldest son of an earl is a baron, or
sometimes a viscount, according as the creation is. The creation I
call the original donation and condition of the honour given by the
prince for good service done by the first ancestor, with some
advancement, which, with the title of that honour, is always given to
him and his heirs males only. The rest of the sons of the nobility by
the rigour of the law be but esquires; yet in common speech all dukes'
and marquesses' sons and earls' eldest sons be called lords, the which
name commonly doth agree to none of lower degree than barons, yet by
law and use these be not esteemed barons.
The barony or degree of lords doth answer to the degree of senators of
Rome (as I said) and the title of nobility (as we used to call it in
England) to the Roman _Patricii_. Also in England no man is commonly
created baron except he may dispend of yearly revenues a thousand
pounds, or so much as may fully maintain and bear out his countenance
and port. But viscounts, earls, marquesses, and dukes exceed them
according to the proportion of their degree and honour. But though by
chance he or his son have less, yet he keepeth this degree: but if the
decay be excessive, and not able to maintain the honour (as _Senatores
Romani_ were _amoti à senatu_), so sometimes they are not admitted to
the upper house in the parliament, although they keep the name of
"lord" still, which cannot be taken from them upon any such occasion.
The most of these names have descended from the French invention, in
whose histories we shall read of them eight hundred years past.[5]...
[5] Here follows a learned disquisition upon "Valvasors."--W.
Knights be not born, neither is any man a knight by succession, no,
not the king or prince: but they are made either before the battle, to
encourage them the more to adventure and try their manhood; or after
the battle ended, as an advancement for their courage and prowess
already shewed, and then are they called _Milites_; or out of the wars
for some great service done, or for the singular virtues which do
appear in them, and then are they named _Equites Aurati_, as common
custom intendeth. They are made either by the king himself, or by his
commission and royal authority given for the same purpose, or by his
lieutenant in the wars.[6]...
[6] Here follows a discourse upon _Equites Aurati_.--W.
Sometime diverse ancient gentlemen, burgesses, and lawyers are called
unto knighthood by the prince, and nevertheless refuse to take that
state upon them, for which they are of custom punished by a fine, that
redoundeth unto his coffers, and (to say truth) is oftentimes more
profitable unto him than otherwise their service should be, if they
did yield unto knighthood. And this also is a cause wherefore there be
many in England able to dispend a knight's living, which never come
unto that countenance, and by their own consents. The number of the
knights in Rome was also uncertain: and so is it of knights likewise,
with us, as at the pleasure of the prince. And whereas the _Equites
Romani_ had _Equum Publicum_ of custom bestowed upon them, the knights
of England have not so, but bear their own charges in that also, as in
other kind of furniture, as armour meet for their defence and service.
This nevertheless is certain, that whoso may dispend forty pounds by
the year of free land, either at the coronation of the king, or
marriage of his daughter, or time of his dubbing, may be informed unto
the taking of that degree, or otherwise pay the revenues of his land
for one year, which is only forty pounds by an old proportion, and so
for a time be acquitted of that title.[7]...
[7] Here is a description of dubbing a knight.--W.
At the coronation of a king or queen, there be other knights made with
longer and more curious ceremonies, called "knights of the bath." But
howsoever one be dubbed or made knight, his wife is by-and-by called
"Madam," or "Lady," so well as the baron's wife: he himself having
added to his name in common appellation this syllable "Sir," which is
the title whereby we call our knights in England. His wife also of
courtesy so long as she liveth is called "my lady," although she
happen to marry with a gentleman or man of mean calling, albeit that
by the common law she hath no such prerogative. If her first husband
also be of better birth than her second, though this latter likewise
be a knight, yet in that she pretendeth a privilege to lose no honour
through courtesy yielded to her sex, she will be named after the most
honourable or worshipful of both, which is not seen elsewhere.
The other order of knighthood in England, and the most honourable, is
that of the garter, instituted by King Edward the Third, who, after he
had gained many notable victories, taken King John of France, and King
James of Scotland (and kept them both prisoners in the Tower o£ London
at one time), expelled King Henry of Castille, the bastard, out of his
realm, and restored Don Pedro unto it (by the help of the Prince of
Wales and Duke of Aquitaine, his eldest son, called the Black Prince),
he then invented this society of honour, and made a choice out of his
own realm and dominions, and throughout all Christendom of the best,
most excellent, and renowned persons in all virtues and honour, and
adorned them with that title to be knights of his order, giving them a
garter garnished with gold and precious stones, to wear daily on the
left leg only; also a kirtle, gown, cloak, chaperon, collar, and other
solemn and magnificent apparel, both of stuff and fashion exquisite
and heroical to wear at high feasts, and as to so high and princely an
order appertaineth....
The order of the garter therefore was devised in the time of King
Edward the Third, and (as some write) upon this occasion. The queen's
majesty then living, being departed from his presence the next way
toward her lodging, he following soon after happened to find her
garter, which slacked by chance and so fell from her leg, unespied in
the throng by such as attended upon her. His grooms and gentlemen also
passed by it, as disdaining to stoop and take up such a trifle: but
he, knowing the owner, commanded one of them to stay and reach it up
to him. "Why, and like your grace," saith a gentleman, "it is but some
woman's garter that hath fallen from her as she followed the queen's
majesty." "Whatsoever it be," quoth the king, "take it up and give it
me." So when he had received the garter, he said to such as stood
about him: "You, my masters, do make small account of this bule garter
here," and therewith held it out, "but, if God lend me life for a few
months, I will make the proudest of you all to reverence the like."
And even upon this slender occasion he gave himself to the devising of
this order. Certes, I have not read of anything that having had so
simple a beginning hath grown in the end to so great honour and
estimation.[8]...
[8] Long details are given of Garter history, very inaccurate,
both here and in the last omitted passage.--W.
There is yet another order of knights In England called knights
bannerets, who are made in the field with the ceremony of cutting away
the point of his pennant of arms, and making it as it were a banner,
so that, being before but a bachelor knight, he is now of an higher
degree, and allowed to display his arms in a banner, as barons do.
Howbeit these knights are never made but in the wars, the king's
standard being unfolded.[9]...
[9] Derivations of "Esquire" and "Gentleman" are given.--W.
Moreover, as the king doth dub knights, and createth the barons and
higher degrees, so gentlemen whose ancestors are not known to come in
with William Duke of Normandy (for of the Saxon races yet remaining we
now make none accounted, much less of the British issue) do take their
beginning in England, after this manner in our times.
Whosoever studieth the laws of the realm, whoso abideth in the
university (giving his mind to his book), or professeth physic and the
liberal sciences, or beside his service in the room of a captain in the
wars, or good counsel given at home, whereby his commonwealth is
benefited, can live without manual labour, and thereto is able and will
bear the port, charge, and countenance of a gentleman, he shall for
money have a coat and arms bestowed upon him by heralds (who in the
charter of the same do of custom pretend antiquity and service, and
many gay things), and thereunto, being made so good cheap, be called
master (which is the title that men give to esquires and gentlemen),
and reputed for a gentleman ever after, which is so much less to be
disallowed of for that the prince doth lose nothing by it, the
gentleman being so much subject to taxes and public payments as is the
yeoman or husbandman, which he likewise doth bear the gladlier for the
saving of his reputation. Being called also to the wars (for with the
government of the commonwealth he meddleth little), whatsoever it cost
him, he will both array and arm himself accordingly, and shew the more
manly courage, and all the tokens of the person which he represented.
No man hath hurt by it but himself, who peradventure will go in wider
buskins than his legs will bear, or, as our proverb saith, "now and
then bear a bigger sail than his boat is able to sustain."
Certes the making of new gentlemen bred great strife sometimes amongst
the Romans, I mean when those which were _Novi homines_ were more
allowed of for their virtues newly seen and shewed than the old smell
of ancient race, lately defaced by the cowardice and evil life of their
nephews and descendants, could make the other to be. But as envy hath
no affinity with justice and equity, so it forceth not what language
the malicious do give out, against such as are exalted for their
wisdoms. This nevertheless is generally to be reprehended in all
estates of gentility, and which in short time will turn to the great
ruin of our country, and that is, the usual sending of noblemen's and
mean gentlemen's sons into Italy, from whence they bring home nothing
but mere atheism, infidelity, vicious conversation, and ambitious and
proud behaviour, whereby it cometh to pass that they return far worse
men than they went out. A gentleman at this present is newly come out
of Italy, who went thither an earnest Protestant; but coming home he
could say after this manner; "Faith and truth is to be kept where no
loss or hindrance of a future purpose is sustained by holding of the
same; and forgiveness only to be shewed when full revenge is made."
Another no less forward than he, at his return from thence, could add
thus much: "He is a fool that maketh account of any religion, but more
fool that will lose any part of his wealth or will come in trouble for
constant leaning to any; but if he yield to lose his life for his
possession, he is stark mad, and worthy to be taken for most fool of
all the rest." This gay booty got these gentlemen by going Into Italy;
and hereby a man may see what fruit is afterward to be looked for where
such blossoms do appear. "I care not," saith a third, "what you talk to
me of God, so as I may have the prince and the laws of the realm on my
side." Such men as this last are easily known; for they have learned in
Italy to go up and down also in England with pages at their heels
finely apparelled, whose face and countenance shall be such as sheweth
the master not to be blind in his choice. But lest I should offend too
much, I pass over to say any more of these Italianates and their
demeanour, which, alas! is too open and manifest to the world, and yet
not called into question.
Citizens and burgesses have next place to gentlemen, who be those that
are free within the cities, and are of some likely substance to bear
office in the same. But these citizens or burgesses are to serve the
commonwealth in their cities and boroughs, or in corporate towns where
they dwell, and in the common assembly of the realm wherein our laws
are made (for in the counties they bear but little sway), which
assembly is called the High Court of Parliament: the ancient cities
appoint four and the borough two burgesses to have voices in it, and
give their consent or dissent unto such things as pass, to stay there
in the name of the city or borough for which they are appointed.
In this place also are our merchants to be installed as amongst the
citizens (although they often change estate with gentlemen, as
gentlemen do with them, by a mutual conversion of the one into the
other), whose number is so increased in these our days that their
only maintenance is the cause of the exceeding prices of foreign
wares, which otherwise, when every nation was permitted to bring in
her own commodities, were far better, cheaper, and more plentifully
to be had. Of the want of our commodities here at home, by their
great transportation of them into other countries, I speak not, sith
the matter will easily betray itself. Certes among the Lacedæmonians
it was found out that great numbers of merchants were nothing to the
furtherance of the state of the commonwealth: wherefore it is to be
wished that the huge heap of them were somewhat restrained, as also
of our lawyers, so should the rest live more easily upon their own,
and few honest chapmen be brought to decay by breaking of the
bankrupt. I do not deny but that the navy of the land is in part
maintained by their traffic, and so are the high prices of wares kept
up, now they have gotten the only sale of things upon pretence of
better furtherance of the commonwealth into their own hands: whereas
in times past, when the strange bottoms were suffered to come in, we
had sugar for fourpence the pound, that now at the writing of this
Treatise is well worth half-a-crown; raisins or currants for a penny
that now are holden at sixpence, and sometimes at eightpence and
tenpence the pound; nutmegs at twopence halfpenny the ounce, ginger
at a penny an ounce, prunes at halfpenny farthing, great raisins
three pounds for a penny, cinnamon at fourpence the ounce, cloves at
twopence, and pepper at twelve and sixteen pence the pound. Whereby
we may see the sequel of things not always, but very seldom, to be
such as is pretended in the beginning. The wares that they carry out
of the realm are for the most part broad clothes and carsies[10] of
all colours, likewise cottons, friezes, rugs, tin, wool, our best
beer, baize, bustian, mockadoes (tufted and plain), rash, lead,
fells, etc.: which, being shipped at sundry ports of our coasts, are
borne from thence into all quarters of the world, and there either
exchanged for other wares or ready money, to the great gain and
commodity of our merchants. And whereas in times past their chief
trade was into Spain, Portugal, France, Flanders, Danske (Denmark),
Norway, Scotland, and Ireland only, now in these days, as men not
contented with these journeys, they have sought out the East and West
Indies, and made now and then suspicious voyages, not only unto the
Canaries and New Spain, but likewise into Cathay, Muscovy, and
Tartaria, and the regions thereabout, from whence (as they say) they
bring home great commodities. But alas! I see not by all their travel
that the prices of things are any whit abated. Certes this enormity
(for so I do account of it) was sufficiently provided for (Ann. 9
Edward III.) by a noble statute made in that behalf, but upon what
occasion the general execution thereof is stayed or not called on, in
good sooth, I cannot tell. This only I know, that every function and
several vocation striveth with other, which of them should have all
the water of commodity run into her own cistern.
[10] Kerseys.
Yeomen are those which by our law are called _Legales homines_, free
men born English, and may dispend of their own free land in yearly
revenue to the sum of forty shillings sterling, or six pounds as money
goeth in our times. Some are of the opinion, by Cap. 2 Rich. 2 Ann.
20, that they are the same which the Frenchmen call varlets, but, as
that phrase is used in my time, it is very unlikely to be so. The
truth is that the word is derived from the Saxon term, _Zeoman_, or
_Geoman_, which signifieth (as I have read) a settled or staid man,
such I mean as, being married and of some years, betaketh himself to
stay in the place of his abode for the better maintenance of himself
and his family, whereof the single sort have no regard, but are likely
to be still fleeting now hither now thither, which argueth want of
stability in determination and resolution of judgment, for the
execution of things of any importance. This sort of people have a
certain pre-eminence, and more estimation than labourers and the
common sort of artificers, and these commonly live wealthily, keep
good houses, and travel to get riches. They are also for the most part
farmers to gentlemen (in old time called _Pagani, et opponuntur
militibus_, and therefore Persius calleth himself _Semipaganus_), or
at the leastwise artificers, and with grazing, frequenting of markets,
and keeping of servants (not idle servants, as the gentlemen do, but
such as get both their own and part of their masters' living), do come
to great wealth, insomuch that many of them are able and do buy the
lands of unthrifty gentlemen, and often setting their sons to the
schools, to the universities, and to the Inns of the Court, or,
otherwise leaving them sufficient lands whereupon they may live
without labour, do make them by those means to become gentlemen. These
were they that in times past made all France afraid. And albeit they
be not called "Master," as gentlemen are, or "Sir," as to knights
appertaineth, but only "John" and "Thomas," etc., yet have they been
found to have done very good service.
The kings of England in foughten battles were wont to remain among
them (who were their footmen) as the French kings did amongst their
horsemen, the prince thereby shewing where his chief strength did
consist.
The fourth and last sort of people in England are day-labourers, poor
husbandmen, and some retailers (which have no free land) copyholders,
and all artificers, as tailors, shoemakers, carpenters, brickmakers,
masons, etc.[11]
[11] Capite censi, or Proletarii--H.
As for slaves and bondmen, we have none; nay, such is the privilege
of our country by the especial grace of God and bounty of our
princes, that if any come hither from other realms, so soon as they
set foot on land they become so free of condition as their masters,
whereby all note of servile bondage is utterly removed from them,
wherein we resemble (not the Germans, who had slaves also, though
such as in respect of the slaves of other countries might well be
reputed free, but) the old Indians and the Taprobanes,[12] who
supposed it a great injury to Nature to make or suffer them to be
bond, whom she in her wonted course doth product and bring forth
free. This fourth and last sort of people therefore have neither
voice nor authority in the commonwealth, but are to be ruled and not
to rule other: yet they are not altogether neglected, for in cities
and corporate towns, for default of yeomen, they are fain to make up
their inquests of such manner of people. And in villages they are
commonly made churchwardens, sidesmen, aleconners, now and then
constables, and many times enjoy the name of head boroughs. Unto this
sort also may our great swarms of idle serving-men be referred, of
whom there runneth a proverb, "Young servingmen, old beggars,"
because service is none heritage. These men are profitable to none;
for, if their condition be well perused, they are enemies to their
masters; to their friends, and to themselves: for by them oftentimes
their masters are encouraged unto unlawful exactions of their
tenants, their friends brought unto poverty by their rents enhanced,
and they themselves brought to confusion by their own prodigality and
errors, as men that, having not wherewith of their own to maintain
their excesses, do search in highways, budgets, coffers, mails, and
stables, which way to supply their wants. How divers of them also,
coveting to bear an high sail, do insinuate themselves with young
gentlemen and noblemen newly come to their lands, the case is too
much apparent, whereby the good natures of the parties are not only a
little impaired, but also their livelihoods and revenues so wasted
and consumed that, if at all, yet not in many years, they shall be
able to recover themselves. It were very good therefore that the
superfluous heaps of them were in part diminished. And since
necessity enforceth to have some, yet let wisdom moderate their
numbers, so shall their masters be rid of unnecessary charge, and the
commonwealth of many thieves. No nation cherisheth such store of them
as we do here in England, in hope of which maintenance many give
themselves to idleness that otherwise would be brought to labour, and
live in order like subjects. Of their whoredoms I will not speak
anything at all, more than of their swearing; yet is it found that
some of them do make the first a chief pillar of their building,
consuming not only the goods but also the health and welfare of many
honest gentlemen, citizens, wealthy yeomen, etc., by such unlawful
dealings. But how far have I waded in this point, or how far may I
sail in such a large sea? I will therefore now stay to speak any more
of those kind of men. In returning therefore to my matter, this
furthermore among other things I have to say of our husbandmen and
artificers, that they were never so excellent in their trades as at
this present. But as the workmanship of the latter sort was newer,
more fine, and curious to the eye, so was it never less strong and
substantial for continuance and benefit of the buyers. Neither is
there anything that hurteth the common sort of our artificers more
than haste, and a barbarous or slavish desire to turn the penny, and,
by ridding their work, to make speedy utterance of their wares: which
enforceth them to bungle up and despatch many things they care not
how so they be out of their hands, whereby the buyer is often sore
defrauded, and findeth to his cost that haste maketh waste, according
to the proverb.
[12] The Ceylonese. The Greek name for the island of Ceylon was
Taprobane, which Harrison used merely as a classical scholar.--W.
Oh, how many trades and handicrafts are now in England whereof the
commonwealth hath no need! How many needful commodities have we which
are perfected with great cost, etc., and yet may with far more ease
and less cost be provided from other countries if we could use the
means! I will not speak of iron, glass, and such like, which spoil
much wood, and yet are brought from other countries better cheap than
we can make them here at home; I could exemplify also in many other.
But to leave these things and proceed with our purpose, and herein (as
occasion serveth) generally, by way of conclusion, to speak of the
commonwealth of England, I find that it is governed and maintained by
three sorts of persons--
1. The prince, monarch, and head governor, which is called the king,
or (if the crown fall to a woman) the queen: in whose name and by
whose authority all things are administered.
2. The gentlemen which be divided into two sorts, as the barony or
estate of lords (which containeth barons and all above that degree),
and also those that be no lords, as knights, esquires, and simple
gentlemen, as I have noted already. Out of these also are the great
deputies and high presidents chosen, of which one serveth in Ireland,
as another did some time in Calais, and the captain now at Berwick, as
one lord president doth govern in Wales, and the other the north parts
of this island, which later, with certain counsellors and judges, were
erected by King Henry the Eighth. But, for so much as I have touched
their conditions elsewhere, it shall be enough to have remembered them
at this time.
3. The third and last sort is named the yeomanry, of whom and their
sequel, the labourers and artificers, I have said somewhat even now.
Whereto I add that they may not be called _masters_ and _gentlemen_,
but _goodmen_, as Goodman Smith, Goodman Coot, Goodman Cornell,
Goodman Mascall, Goodman Cockswet, etc., and in matters of law these
and the like are called thus, _Giles Jewd, yeoman; Edward Mountford,
yeoman; James Cocke, yeoman; Harry Butcher, yeoman_, etc.; by which
addition they are exempt from the vulgar and common sorts. Cato
calleth them "_Aratores et optimos cives rei publicæ_," of whom also
you may read more in the book of commonwealth which Sir Thomas Smith
some time penned of this land.
CHAPTER II
OF CITIES AND TOWNS IN ENGLAND
[1577, Book II., Chapter 7, 1587, Book II., Chapter 13.]
As in old time we read that there were eight-and-twenty flamines and
archflamines in the south part of this isle, and so many great cities
under their jurisdiction, so in these our days there is but one or
two fewer, and each of them also under the ecclesiastical regiment of
some one bishop or archbishop, who in spiritual cases have the charge
and oversight of the same. So many cities therefore are there in
England and Wales as there be bishoprics and archbishoprics.[1] For,
notwithstanding that Lichfield and Coventry and Bath and Wells do seem
to extend the aforesaid number unto nine-and-twenty, yet neither of
these couples are to be accounted but as one entire city and see of
the bishop, sith one bishopric can have relation but unto one see, and
the said see be situate but in one place, after which the bishop doth
take his name.[2]...
[1] If Harrison means to give us the impression that a city has
any direct connection with episcopal affairs, he is quite in
error. Cities are distinctly royal and imperial institutions.
The accident of the number of cities and sees being the same
comes from the natural tendency of the two institutions to drift
together, though of distinct origin--W.
[2] Here follows a long and learned disquisition upon the Roman
and other early towns, especially about St. Albans, a portion of
which will be found in the Appendix.--W.
Certes I would gladly set down, with the names and number of the
cities, all the towns and villages in England and Wales with their
true longitudes and latitudes, but as yet I cannot come by them in
such order as I would; howbeit the tale of our cities is soon found by
the bishoprics, sith every see hath such prerogative given unto it as
to bear the name of a city and to use _Regaleius_ within her own
limits. Which privilege also is granted to sundry ancient towns in
England, especially northward, where more plenty of them is to be
found by a great deal than in the south, The names therefore of our
cities are these: London, York, Canterbury, Winchester, Carlisle,
Durham, Ely, Norwich, Lincoln, Worcester, Gloucester, Hereford,
Salisbury, Exeter, Bath, Lichfield, Bristol, Rochester, Chester,
Chichester, Oxford, Peterborough, Llandaff, St. Davids, Bangor, St.
Asaph, whose particular plots and models, with their descriptions,
shall ensue, if it may be brought to pass that the cutters can make
despatch of them before this history be published.
Of towns and villages likewise thus much will I say, that there were
greater store in old time (I mean within three or four hundred years
passed) than at this present. And this I note out of divers records,
charters, and donations (made in times past unto sundry religious
houses, as Glastonbury, Abingdon, Ramsey, Ely, and such like), and
whereof in these days I find not so much as the ruins. Leland, in
sundry places, complaineth likewise of the decay of parishes in great
cities and towns, missing in some six or eight or twelve churches and
more, of all which he giveth particular notice. For albeit that the
Saxons builded many towns and villages, and the Normans well more at
their first coming, yet since the first two hundred years after the
latter conquest, they have gone so fast again to decay that the
ancient number of them is very much abated. Ranulph, the monk of
Chester, telleth of general survey made in the fourth, sixteenth, and
nineteenth of the reign of William Conqueror, surnamed the Bastard,
wherein it was found that (notwithstanding the Danes had overthrown a
great many) there were to the number of 52,000 towns, 45,002 parish
churches, and 75,000 knights' fees, whereof the clergy held 28,015. He
addeth moreover that there were divers other builded since that time,
within the space of a hundred years after the coming of the Bastard,
as it were in lieu or recompense of those that William Rufus pulled
down for the erection of his New Forest. For by an old book which I
have, and some time written as it seemeth by an under-sheriff of
Nottingham, I find even in the time of Edward IV. 45,120 parish
churches, and but 60,216 knights' fees, whereof the clergy held as
before 28,015, or at the least 28,000; for so small is the difference
which he doth seem to use. Howbeit, if the assertions of such as write
in our time concerning this matter either are or ought to be of any
credit in this behalf, you shall not find above 17,000 towns and
villages, and 9210 in the whole, which is little more than a fourth
part of the aforesaid number, if it be thoroughly scanned.[3]...
[3] Here follows an allusion to the decay of Eastern cities.--W.
In time past in Lincoln (as the same goeth) there have been
two-and-fifty parish churches, and good record appeareth for
eight-and-thirty, but now, if there be four-and-twenty, it is all.
This inconvenience hath grown altogether to the church by
appropriations made unto monasteries and religious houses--a terrible
canker and enemy to religion.
But to leave this lamentable discourse of so notable and grievous an
inconvenience, growing as I said by encroaching and joining of house
to house and laying land to land, whereby the inhabitants of many
places of our country are devoured and eaten up, and their houses
either altogether pulled down or suffered to decay little by little,
although some time a poor man per adventure doth dwell in one of them,
who, not being able to repair it, suffereth it to fall down--and
thereto thinketh himself very friendly dealt withal, if he may have an
acre of ground assigned unto him, wherein to keep a cow, or wherein to
set cabbages, radishes, parsnips, carrots, melons, pompons,[4] or such
like stuff, by which he and his poor household liveth as by their
principal food, sith they can do no better. And as for wheaten bread,
they eat it when they can reach unto the price of it, contenting
themselves in the meantime with bread made of oats or barley: a poor
estate, God wot! Howbeit, what care our great encroachers? But in
divers places where rich men dwelled some time in good tenements,
there be now no houses at all, but hop-yards, and sheds for poles, or
peradventure gardens, as we may see in Castle Hedingham, and divers
other places. But to proceed.
[4] The old and proper form of the modern pumpkin.--W.
It is so that, our soil being divided into champaign ground and
woodland, the houses of the first lie uniformly builded in every town
together, with streets and lanes; whereas in the woodland countries
(except here and there in great market towns) they stand scattered
abroad, each one dwelling in the midst of his own occupying. And as in
many and most great market towns, there are commonly three hundred or
four hundred families or mansions, and two thousand communicants (or
peradventure more), so in the other, whether they be woodland or
champaign, we find not often above forty, fifty, or three score
households, and two or three hundred communicants, whereof the
greatest part nevertheless are very poor folks, oftentimes without all
manner of occupying, sith the ground of the parish is gotten up into a
few men's hands, yea sometimes into the tenure of one or two or three,
whereby the rest are compelled either to be hired servants unto the
other or else to beg their bread in misery from door to door.
There are some (saith Leland) which are not so favourable, when they
have gotten such lands, as to let the houses remain upon them to the
use of the poor; but they will compound with the lord of the soil to
pull them down for altogether, saying that "if they did let them
stand, they should but toll beggars to the town, thereby to surcharge
the rest of the parish, and lay more burden upon them." But alas!
these pitiful men see not that they themselves hereby do lay the
greatest log upon their neighbours' necks. For, sith the prince doth
commonly loose nothing of his duties accustomable to be paid, the rest
of the parishioners that remain must answer and bear them out: for
they plead more charge other ways, saying: "I am charged already with
a light horse; I am to answer in this sort, and after that matter."
And it is not yet altogether out of knowledge that, where the king had
seven pounds thirteen shillings at a task gathered of fifty wealthy
householders of a parish in England, now, a gentleman having three
parts of the town in his own hands, four households do bear all the
aforesaid payment, or else Leland is deceived in his _Commentaries_,
lib. 13, lately come to my hands, which thing he especially noted in
his travel over this isle. A common plague and enormity, both in the
heart of the land and likewise upon the coasts. Certes a great number
complain of the increase of poverty, laying the cause upon God, as
though he were in fault for sending such increase of people, or want
of wars that should consume them, affirming that the land was never so
full, etc.; but few men do see the very root from whence it doth
proceed. Yet the Romans found it out, when they flourished, and
therefore prescribed limits to every man's tenure and occupying. Homer
commendeth Achilles for overthrowing of five-and-twenty cities: but in
mine opinion Ganges is much better preferred by Suidas for building of
three score in India, where he did plant himself. I could (if need
required) set down in this place the number of religious houses and
monasteries, with the names of their founders, that have been in this
island: but, sith it is a thing of small importance, I pass it over as
impertinent to my purpose. Yet herein I will commend sundry of the
monastical votaries, especially monks, for that they were authors of
many goodly borowes and endwares,[5] near unto their dwellings
although otherwise they pretended to be men separated from the world.
But alas! their covetous minds, one way in enlarging their revenues,
and carnal intent another, appeared herein too, too much. For, being
bold from time to time to visit their tenants, they wrought oft great
wickedness, and made those endwares little better than brothel-houses,
especially where nunneries were far off, or else no safe access unto
them. But what do I spend my time in the rehearsal of these
filthinesses? Would to God the memory of them might perish with the
malefactors! My purpose was also at the end of this chapter to have
set down a table of the parish churches and market towns throughout
all England and Wales; but, sith I cannot perform the same as I would,
I am forced to give over my purpose; yet by these few that ensue you
shall easily see what I would have used according to the shires, if I
might have brought it to pass.
[5] The first is a variant on a Keltic, the second on a Saxon
word, both relating to matters sufficiently indicated in the
text.--W.
Shires. Market Towns. Parishes.
Middlesex 3 73
London within the walls and without 120
Surrey 6 140
Sussex 18 312
Kent 17 398
Cambridge 4 163
Bedford 9 13
Huntingdon 5 78
Rutland 2 47
Berkshire 11 150
Northampton 10 326
Buckingham 11 196
Oxford 10 216
Southampton 18 248
Dorset 19 279
Norfolk 26 625
Suffolk 25 575
Essex 18 415
And these I had of a friend of mine, by whose travel and his master's
excessive charges I doubt not but my countrymen ere long shall see all
England set forth in several shires after the same manner that
Ortelius hath dealt with other countries of the main, to the great
benefit of our nation and everlasting fame of the aforesaid parties.
CHAPTER III
OF GARDENS AND ORCHARDS
[1587, Book II., Chapter 20.]
After such time as Calais was won from the French, and that our
countrymen had learned to trade into divers countries (whereby they
grew rich), they began to wax idle also, and thereupon not only left
off their former painfulness and frugality, but in like sort gave
themselves to live in excess and vanity, whereby many goodly
commodities failed, and in short time were not to be had amongst us.
Such strangers also as dwelled here with us, perceiving our
sluggishness, and espying that this idleness of ours might redound to
their great profit, forthwith employed their endeavors to bring in the
supply of such things as we lacked continually from foreign countries,
which yet more augmented our idleness. For, having all things at
reasonable prices (as we supposed) by such means from them, we thought
it mere madness to spend either time or cost about the same here at
home. And thus we became enemies to our own welfare, as men that in
those days reposed our felicity in following the wars, wherewith we
were often exercised both at home and other places. Besides this, the
natural desire that mankind hath to esteem of things far sought,
because they be rare and costly, and the irksome contempt of things
near hand, for that they are common and plentiful, hath borne no small
sway also in this behalf amongst us. For hereby we have neglected our
own good gifts of God, growing here at home, as vile and of no value,
and had every trifle and toy in admiration that is brought hither from
far countries, ascribing I wot not what great forces and solemn
estimation unto them, until they also have waxen old, after which they
have been so little regarded, if not more despised, amongst us than
our own. Examples hereof I could set down many and in many things;
but, sith my purpose is to deal at this time with gardens and
orchards, it shall suffice that I touch them only, and show our
inconstancy in the same, so far as shall seem and be convenient for my
turn. I comprehend therefore under the word "garden" all such grounds
as are wrought with the spade by man's hand, for so the case
requireth.
Of wine I have written already elsewhere sufficiently, which commodity
(as I have learned further since the penning of that book) hath been
very plentiful in this island, not only in the time of the Romans, but
also since the Conquest, as I have seen by record; yet at this present
have we none at all (or else very little to speak of) growing in this
island, which I impute not unto the soil, but the negligence of my
countrymen. Such herbs, fruits, and roots also as grow yearly out of
the ground, of seed, have been very plentiful in this land, in the
time of the first Edward, and after his days; but in process of time
they grew also to be neglected, so that from Henry the Fourth till the
latter end of Henry the Seventh and beginning of Henry the Eighth,
there was little or no use of them in England, but they remained
either unknown or supposed as food more meet for hogs and savage
beasts to feed upon than mankind. Whereas in my time their use is not
only resumed among the poor commons. I mean of melons, pompons,
gourds, cucumbers, radishes, skirets,[1] parsnips, carrots, cabbages,
navews,[2] turnips, and all kinds of salad herbs--but also fed upon as
dainty dishes at the tables of delicate merchants, gentlemen, and the
nobility, who make their provision yearly for new seeds out of strange
countries, from whence they have them abundantly. Neither do they now
stay with such of these fruits as are wholesome in their kinds, but
adventure further upon such as are very dangerous and hurtful, as the
verangenes, mushrooms, etc., as if nature had ordained all for the
belly, or that all things were to be eaten for whose mischievous
operation the Lord in some measure hath given and provided a remedy.
[1] A vegetable something like a carrot.
[2] A kind of turnip.
Hops in time past were plentiful in this land. Afterwards also their
maintenance did cease. And now, being revived, where are any better
to be found? Where any greater commodity to be raised by them? Only
poles are accounted to be their greatest charge. But, sith men have
learned of late to sow ashen kexes in ashyards by themselves, that
inconvenience in short time will be redressed.
Madder hath grown abundantly in this island, but of long time
neglected, and now a little revived, and offereth itself to prove no
small benefit unto our country, as many other things else, which are
now fetched from us: as we before time, when we gave ourselves to
idleness, were glad to have them other.
If you look into our gardens annexed to our houses, how wonderfully is
their beauty increased, not only with flowers, which Columella calleth
_Terrena sydera_[3] saying,
"_Pingit et in varios terrestria sydera flores_,"[4]
and variety of curious and costly workmanship, but also with rare and
medicinable herbs sought up in the land within these forty years: so
that, in comparison of this present, the ancient gardens were but
dunghills and laistowes,[5] to such as did possess them. How art also
helpeth nature in the daily colouring, doubling, and enlarging the
proportion of our flowers, it is incredible to report: for so curious
and cunning are our gardeners now in these days that they presume to
do in manner what they list with nature, and moderate her course in
things as if they were her superiors. It is a world also to see how
many strange herbs, plants, and annual fruits are daily brought unto
us from the Indies, Americans, Taprobane, Canary Isles, and all parts
of the world: the which, albeit that in respect of the constitutions
of our bodies they do not grow for us (because that God hath bestowed
sufficient commodities upon every country for her own necessity), yet,
for delectation sake unto the eye and their odoriferous savours unto
the nose, they are to be cherished, and God to be glorified also in
them, because they are his good gifts, and created to do man help and
service. There is not almost one nobleman, gentleman, or merchant that
hath not great store of these flowers, which now also do begin to wax
so well acquainted with our soils that we may almost account of them
as parcel of our own commodities. They have no less regard in like
sort to cherish medicinable herbs fetched out of other regions nearer
hand, insomuch that I have seen in some one garden to the number of
three hundred or four hundred of them, if not more, of the half of
whose names within forty years past we had no manner of knowledge. But
herein I find some cause of just complaint, for that we extol their
uses so far that we fall into contempt of our own, which are in truth
more beneficial and apt for us than such as grow elsewhere, sith (as I
said before) every region hath abundantly within her own limits
whatsoever is needful and most convenient for them that dwell therein.
How do men extol the use of tobacco in my time, whereas in truth
(whether the cause be in the repugnancy of our constitution unto the
operation thereof, or that the ground doth alter her force, I cannot
tell) it is not found of so great efficacy as they write. And beside
this, our common germander or thistle benet is found and known to be
so wholesome and of so great power in medicine as any other herb, if
they be used accordingly. I could exemplify after the like manner in
sundry other, as the _Salsa parilla, Mochoacan_, etc., but I forbear
so to do, because I covet to be brief. And truly, the estimation and
credit that we yield and give unto compound medicines made with
foreign drugs is one great cause wherefore the full knowledge and use
of our own simples hath been so long raked up in the embers. And as
this may be verified so to be one sound conclusion, for, the greater
number of simples that go unto any compound medicine, the greater
confusion is found therein, because the qualities and operations of
very few of the particulars are thoroughly known. And even so our
continual desire of strange drugs, whereby the physician and
apothecary only hath the benefit, is no small cause that the use of
our simples here at home doth go to loss, and that we tread those
herbs under our feet, whose forces if we knew, and could apply them to
our necessities, we would honour and have in reverence as to their
case behoveth. Alas! what have we to do with such Arabian and Grecian
stuff as is daily brought from those parties which lie in another
clime? And therefore the bodies of such as dwell there are of another
constitution than ours are here at home. Certes they grow not for us,
but for the Arabians and Grecians. And albeit that they may by skill
be applied unto our benefit, yet to be more skilful in them than in
our own is folly; and to use foreign wares, when our own may serve the
turn, is more folly; but to despise our own, and magnify above measure
the use of them that are sought and brought from far, is most folly of
all: for it savoureth of ignorance, or at the leastwise of negligence,
and therefore worthy of reproach.
[3] Earthly stars.
[4] "And paints terrestrial constellations with varied flowers."
[5] Refuse-heaps.
Among the Indians, who have the most present cures for every disease
of their own nation, there is small regard of compound medicines, and
less of foreign drugs, because they neither know them nor can use
them, but work wonders even with their own simples. With them also the
difference of the clime doth show her full effect. For, whereas they
will heal one another in short time with application of one simple,
etc., if a Spaniard or Englishman stand in need of their help, they
are driven to have a longer space in their cures, and now and then
also to use some addition of two or three simples at the most, whose
forces unto them are thoroughly known, because their exercise is only
in their own, as men that never sought or heard what virtue was in
those that came from other countries. And even so did Marcus Cato, the
learned Roman, endeavour to deal in his cures of sundry diseases,
wherein he not only used such simples as were to be had in his own
country, but also examined and learned the forces of each of them,
wherewith he dealt so diligently that in all his lifetime he could
attain to the exact knowledge but of a few, and thereto wrote of those
most learnedly, as would easily be seen if those his books were
extant. For the space also of six hundred years the colewort only was
a medicine in Rome for all diseases, so that his virtues were
thoroughly known in those parts. * * *
For my part, I doubt not if the use of outlandish drugs had not
blinded our physicians of England in times past, but that the virtues
of our simples here at home would have been far better known, and so
well unto us as those of India are to the practitioners of those
parts, and thereunto be found more profitable for us than the foreign
either are or may be. This also will I add, that even those which are
most common by reason of their plenty, and most vile because of their
abundance, are not without some universal and special efficacy, if it
were known, for our benefit: sith God in nature hath so disposed his
creatures that the most needful are the most plentiful and serving for
such general diseases as our constitution most commonly is affected
withal. Great thanks therefore be given unto the physicians of our age
and country, who not only endeavour to search out the use of such
simples as our soil doth yield and bring forth, but also to procure
such as grow elsewhere, upon purpose so to acquaint them with our
clime that they in time, through some alteration received from the
nature of the earth, may likewise turn to our benefit and commodity
and be used as our own.
The chief workman (or, as I may call him, the founder of this device)
is Carolus Clusius, the noble herbarist whose industry hath
wonderfully stirred them up into this good act. For albeit that
Matthiolus, Rembert, Lobell, and others have travelled very far in
this behalf, yet none hath come near to Clusius, much less gone
further in the finding and true descriptions of such herbs as of late
are brought to light. I doubt not but, if this man were in England but
one seven years, he would reveal a number of herbs growing with us
whereof neither our physicians nor apothecaries as yet have any
knowledge. And even like thanks be given unto our nobility, gentlemen,
and others, for their continual nutriture and cherishing of such
homeborne and foreign simples in their gardens: for hereby they shall
not only be had at hand and preserved, but also their forms made more
familiar to be discerned and their forces better known than hitherto
they have been.
And even as it fareth with our gardens, so doth it with our orchards,
which were never furnished with so good fruit nor with such variety as
at this present. For, beside that we have most delicate apples, plums,
pears, walnuts, filberts, etc., and those of sundry sorts, planted
within forty years past, in comparison of which most of the old trees
are nothing worth, so have we no less store of strange fruit, as
apricots, almonds, peaches, figs, corn-trees[6] in noblemen's
orchards. I have seen capers, oranges, and lemons, and heard of wild
olives growing here, beside other strange trees, brought from far,
whose names I know not. So that England for these commodities was
never better furnished, neither any nation under their clime more
plentifully endued with these and other blessings from the most high
God, who grant us grace withal to use the same to his honour and
glory! And not as instruments and provocations into further excess and
vanity, wherewith his displeasure may be kindled, lest these his
benefits do turn unto thorns and briers unto us for our annoyance and
punishment, which he hath bestowed upon us for our consolation and
comfort.
[6] Probably _cornels_.
We have in like sort such workmen as are not only excellent in
grafting the natural fruits, but their artificial mixtures, whereby
one tree bringeth forth sundry fruits, and one and the same fruit of
divers colours and tastes, dallying as it were with nature and her
course, as if her whole trade were perfectly known unto them: of hard
fruits they will make tender, of sour sweet, of sweet yet more
delicate, bereaving also some of their kernels, other of their cores,
and finally enduing them with the savour of musk, amber, or sweet
spices, at their pleasures. Divers also have written at large of these
several practices, and some of them how to convert the kernels of
peaches into almonds, of small fruit to make far greater, and to
remove or add superfluous or necessary moisture to the trees, with
other things belonging to their preservation, and with no less
diligence than our physicians do commonly show upon our own diseased
bodies, which to me doth seem right strange. And even so do our
gardeners with their herbs, whereby they are strengthened against
noisome blasts, and preserved from putrefaction and hindrance: whereby
some such as were annual are now made perpetual, being yearly taken
up, and either reserved in the house, or, having the ross pulled from
their roots, laid again into the earth, where they remain in safety.
With choice they make also in their waters, and wherewith some of them
do now and then keep them moist, it is a world to see, insomuch that
the apothecaries' shops may seem to be needful also to our gardens and
orchards, and that in sundry wise: nay, the kitchen itself is so far
from being able to be missed among them that even the very dish-water
is not without some use amongst our finest plants. Whereby, and sundry
other circumstances not here to be remembered, I am persuaded that,
albeit the gardens of the Hesperides were in times past so greatly
accounted of, because of their delicacy, yet, if it were possible to
have such an equal judge as by certain knowledge of both were able to
pronounce upon them, I doubt not but he would give the prize unto the
gardens of our days, and generally over all Europe, in comparison of
those times wherein the old exceeded. Pliny and others speak of a rose
that had three score leaves growing upon one button: but if I should
tell of one which bare a triple number unto that proportion, I know I
shall not be believed, and no great matter though I were not; howbeit
such a one was to be seen in Antwerp, 1585, as I have heard, and I
know who might have had a slip or stallon thereof, if he would have
ventured ten pounds upon the growth of the same, which should have
been but a tickle hazard, and therefore better undone, as I did always
imagine. For mine own part, good reader, let me boast a little of my
garden, which is but small, and the whole area thereof little above
300 foot of ground, and yet, such hath been my good luck in purchase
of the variety of simples, that, notwithstanding my small ability,
there are very near three hundred of one sort and other contained
therein, no one of them being common or usually to be had. If
therefore my little plot, void of all cost in keeping, be so well
furnished, what shall we think of those of Hampton Court, Nonsuch,
Tibaults, Cobham Garden, and sundry others appertaining to divers
citizens of London, whom I could particularly name, if I should not
seem to offend them by such my demeanour and dealing.
CHAPTER IV
OF FAIRS AND MARKETS
[1577, Book II., Chapter 11; 1587, Book II., Chapter 18.]
There are (as I take it) few great towns in England that have not
their weekly markets, one or more granted from the prince, in which
all manner of provision for household is to be bought and sold, for
ease and benefit of the country round about. Whereby, as it cometh to
pass that no buyer shall make any great journey in the purveyance of
his necessities, so no occupier shall have occasion to travel far off
with his commodities, except it be to seek for the highest prices,
which commonly are near unto great cities, where round[1] and
speediest utterance[2] is always to be had. And, as these have been in
times past erected for the benefit of the realm, so are they in many
places too, too much abused: for the relief and ease of the buyer is
not so much intended in them as the benefit of the seller. Neither are
the magistrates for the most part (as men loath to displease their
neighbours for their one year's dignity) so careful in their offices
as of right and duty they should be. For, in most of these markets,
neither assizes of bread nor orders for goodness and sweetness of
grain and other commodities that are brought thither to be sold are
any whit looked unto, but each one suffered to sell or set up what and
how himself listeth: and this is one evident cause of dearth and
scarcity in time of great abundance.
[1] Direct.
[2] Market.
I could (if I would) exemplify in many, but I will touch no one
particularly, sith it is rare to see in any country town (as I said)
the assize of bread well kept according to the statute; and yet, if
any country baker happen to come in among them on the market day with
bread of better quantity, they find fault by-and-by with one thing or
other in his stuff, whereby the honest poor man (whom the law of
nations do commend, for that he endeavoureth to live by any lawful
means) is driven away, and no more to come there, upon some round
penalty, by virtue of their privileges. Howbeit, though they are so
nice in the proportion of their bread, yet, in lieu of the same, there
is such heady ale and beer in most of them as for the mightiness
thereof among such as seek it out is commonly called "huffcap," "the
mad dog," "Father Whoreson," "angels' food," "dragon's milk,"
"go-by-the-wall," "stride wide," and "lift leg," etc. And this is more
to be noted, that when one of late fell by God's providence into a
troubled conscience, after he had considered well of his reachless
life and dangerous estate, another, thinking belike to change his
colour and not his mind, carried him straight away to the strongest
ale, as to the next physician. It is incredible to say how our
malt-bugs lug at this liquor, even as pigs should lie in a row lugging
at their dame's teats, till they lie still again and be not able to
wag. Neither did Romulus and Remus suck their she-wolf or shepherd's
wife Lupa with such eager and sharp devotion as these men hale at
"huffcap," till they be red as cocks and little wiser than their
combs. But how am I fallen from the market into the ale-house? In
returning therefore unto my purpose, I find that in corn great abuse
is daily suffered, to the great prejudice of the town and country,
especially the poor artificer and householder, which tilleth no land,
but, labouring all the week to buy a bushel or two of grain on the
market day, can there have none for his money: because bodgers,
loaders, and common carriers of corn do not only buy up all, but give
above the price, to be served of great quantities. Shall I go any
further? Well, I will say yet a little more, and somewhat by mine own
experience.
At Michaelmas time poor men must make money of their grain, that they
may pay their rents. So long then as the poor man hath to sell, rich
men bring out none, but rather buy up that which the poor bring, under
pretence of seed corn or alteration of grain, although they bring none
of their own, because one wheat often sown without change of seed will
soon decay and be converted into darnel. For this cause therefore they
must needs buy in the markets, though they be twenty miles off, and
where they be not known, promising there, if they happen to be espied
(which, God wot, is very seldom), to send so much to their next
market, to be performed I wot not when.
If this shift serve not (neither doth the fox use always one track for
fear of a snare), they will compound with some one of the town where
the market is holden, who for a pot of "huffcap" or "merry-go-down,"
will not let to buy it for them, and that in his own name. Or else
they wage one poor man or other to become a bodger, and thereto get
him a licence upon some forged surmise, which being done, they will
feed him with money to buy for them till he hath filled their lofts,
and then, if he can do any good for himself, so it is; if not, they
will give him somewhat for his pains at this time, and reserve him for
another year. How many of the like providers stumble upon blind creeks
at the sea coast, I wot not well; but that some have so done and yet
do under other men's wings, the case is too, too plain. But who dare
find fault with them, when they have once a licence? yes, though it be
but to serve a mean gentleman's house with corn, who hath cast up all
his tillage, because he boasteth how he can buy his grain in the
market better cheap than he can sow his land, as the rich grazier
often doth also upon the like device, because grazing requireth a
smaller household and less attendance and charge. If any man come to
buy a bushel or two for his expenses unto the market cross, answer is
made: "Forsooth, here was one even now that bade me money for it, and
I hope he will have it." And to say the truth, these bodgers are fair
chapmen; for there are no more words with them, but _"Let me see it!
What shall I give you? Knit it up! I will have it--go carry it to such
a chamber, and if you bring in twenty_ seme[3] _more in the weekday to
such an inn or sollar[4] where I lay my corn, I will have it, and give
you ( ) pence or more in every bushel for six weeks' day of payment
than another will."_ Thus the bodgers bear away all, so that the poor
artificer and labourer cannot make his provision in the markets, sith
they will hardly nowadays sell by the bushel, nor break their measure;
and so much the rather for that the buyer will look (as they say) for
so much over measure in the bushel as the bodger will do in a quarter.
Nay, the poor man cannot oft get any of the farmer at home, because he
provideth altogether to serve the bodger, or hath an hope, grounded
upon a greedy and insatiable desire of gain, that the sale will be
better in the market, so that he must give twopence or a groat more in
the bushel at his house than the last market craved, or else go
without it, and sleep with a hungry belly. Of the common carriage of
corn over unto the parts beyond the seas I speak not; or at the
leastwise, if I should, I could not touch it alone, but needs must
join other provision withal, whereby not only our friends abroad, but
also many of our adversaries and countrymen, the papists, are
abundantly relieved (as the report goeth); but sith I see it not, I
will not so trust mine ears as to write it for a truth. But to return
to our markets again.
[3] Horse-loads.
[4] Loft.
By this time the poor occupier hath sold all his crop for need of
money, being ready peradventure to buy again ere long. And now is the
whole sale of corn in the great occupiers' hands, who hitherto have
threshed little or none of their own, but bought up of other men as
much as they could come by. Henceforth also they begin to sell, not by
the quarter or load at the first (for marring the market) but by the
bushel or two, or a horseload at the most, thereby to be seen to keep
the cross, either for a show, or to make men eager to buy, and so, as
they may have it for money, not to regard what they pay. And thus corn
waxeth dear; but it will be dearer the next market day. It is possible
also that they mislike the price in the beginning for the whole year
ensuing, as men supposing that corn will be little worth for this and
of better price the next year. For they have certain superstitious
observations whereby they will give a guess at the sale of corn for
the year following. And our countrymen do use commonly for barley,
where I dwell, to judge after the price at Baldock upon St. Matthew's
day; and for wheat, as it is sold in seed time. They take in like sort
experiment by sight of the first flocks of cranes that flee southward
in winter, the age of the moon in the beginning of January, and such
other apish toys as by laying twelve corns upon the hot hearth for the
twelve months, etc., whereby they shew themselves to be scant good
Christians; but what care they, so that they come by money? Hereupon
also will they thresh out three parts of the old corn, towards the
latter end of the summer, when new cometh apace to hand, and cast the
same in the fourth unthreshed, where it shall lie until the next
spring, or peradventure till it must and putrify. Certes it is not
dainty to see musty corn in many of our great markets of England which
these great occupiers bring forth when they can keep it no longer. But
as they are enforced oftentimes upon this one occasion somewhat to
abate the price, so a plague is not seldom engendered thereby among
the poorer sort that of necessity must buy the same, whereby many
thousands of all degrees are consumed, of whose death (in mine
opinion) these farmers are not unguilty. But to proceed. If they lay
not up their grain or wheat in this manner, they have yet another
policy, whereby they will seem to have but small store left in their
barns: for else they will gird their sheaves by the band, and stack it
up anew in less room, to the end it may not only seem less in
quantity, but also give place to the corn that is yet to come into the
barn or growing in the field. If there happen to be such plenty in the
market on any market day that they cannot sell at their own price,
then will they set it up in some friend's house, against another on
the third day, and not bring it forth till they like of the sale. If
they sell any at home, beside harder measure, it shall be dearer to
the poor man that buyeth it by twopence or a groat in a bushel than
they may sell it in the market. But, as these things are worthy
redress, so I wish that God would once open their eyes that deal thus
to see their own errors: for as yet some of them little care how many
poor men suffer extremity, so that they fill their purses and carry
away the gain.
It is a world also to see how most places of the realm are pestered
with purveyors, who take up eggs, butter, cheese, pigs, capons, hens,
chickens, hogs, bacon, etc., in one market under pretence of their
commissions, and suffer their wives to sell the same in another, or to
poulterers of London. If these chapmen be absent but two or three
market days then we may perfectly see these wares to be more
reasonably sold, and thereunto the crosses sufficiently furnished of
all things. In like sort, since the number of buttermen have so much
increased, and since they travel in such wise that they come to men's
houses for their butter faster than they can make it, it is almost
incredible to see how the price of butter is augmented: whereas when
the owners were enforced to bring it to the market towns, and fewer of
these butter buyers were stirring, our butter was scarcely worth
eighteen pence the gallon that now is worth three shillings fourpence
and perhaps five shillings. Whereby also I gather that the maintenance
of a superfluous number of dealers in most trades, tillage always
excepted, is one of the greatest causes why the prices of things
became excessive: for one of them do commonly use to outbid another.
And whilst our country commodities are commonly bought and sold at our
private houses, I never look to see this enormity redressed or the
markets well furnished.
I could say more, but this is even enough, and more peradventure than
I shall be well thanked for: yet true it is, though some think it no
trespass. This moreover is to be lamented, that one general measure is
not in use throughout all England, but every market town hath in
manner a several bushel; and the lesser it be, the more sellers it
draweth to resort unto the same. Such also is the covetousness of many
clerks of the market, that in taking a view of measures they will
always so provide that one and the same bushel shall be either too big
or too little at their next coming, and yet not depart without a fee
at the first so that what by their mending at one time, and impairing
the same at another, the country is greatly charged, and few just
measures to be had in any steed. It is oft found likewise that divers
unconscionable dealers have one measure to sell by and another to buy
withal; the like is also in weights, and yet all sealed and branded.
Wherefore it were very good that these two were reduced unto one
standard, that is, one bushel, one pound, one quarter, one hundred,
one tale, one number: so should things in time fall into better order
and fewer causes of contention be moved in this land. Of the complaint
of such poor tenants as pay rent corn unto their landlords, I speak
not, who are often dealt withal very hardly. For, beside that in
measuring of ten quarters for the most part they lose one through the
iniquity of the bushel (such is the greediness of the appointed
receivers thereof), fault is found also with the goodness and
cleanness of the grain. Whereby some piece of money must needs pass
unto their purses to stop their mouths withal, or else "My lord will
not like of the corn," "Thou art worthy to lose thy lease," etc. Or,
if it be cheaper in the market than the rate allowed for it is in
their rents, then must they pay money and no corn, which is no small
extremity. And thereby we may see how each one of us endeavoureth to
fleece and eat up another.
Another thing there is in our markets worthy to be looked into, and
that is the recarriage of grain from the same into lofts and cellars,
of which before I gave some intimation; wherefore if it were ordered
that every seller should make his market by an hour, or else the
bailey or clerk of the said market to make sale thereof, according to
his discretion, without liberty to the farmers to set up their corn in
houses and chambers, I am persuaded that the prices of our grain would
soon be abated. Again, if it were enacted that each one should keep
his next market with his grain (and not to run six, eight, ten,
fourteen, or twenty miles from home to sell his corn where he doth
find the highest price, and thereby leaveth his neighbours
unfurnished), I do not think but that our markets would be far better
served than at this present they are. Finally, if men's barns might be
indifferently viewed immediately after harvest, and a note gathered by
an estimate, and kept by some appointed and trusty person for that
purpose, we should have much more plenty of corn in our town crosses
than as yet is commonly seen: because each one hideth and hoardeth
what he may, upon purpose either that it will be dearer, or that he
shall have some privy vein by bodgers, who do accustomably so deal
that the sea doth load away no small part thereof into other countries
and our enemies, to the great hindrance of our commonwealth at home,
and more likely yet to be, except some remedy be found. But what do I
talk of these things, or desire the suppression of bodgers, being a
minister? Certes I may speak of them right well as feeling the harm in
that I am a buyer, nevertheless I speak generally in each of them.
To conclude therefore, in our markets all things are to be sold
necessary for man's use; and there is our provision made commonly for
all the week ensuing. Therefore, as there are no great towns without
one weekly market at least, so there are very few of them that have
not one or two fairs or more within the compass of the year, assigned
unto them by the prince And albeit that some of them are not much
better than Louse fair,[5] or the common kirkemesses,[6] beyond the
sea, yet there are divers not inferior to the greatest marts in
Europe, as Stourbridge fair near to Cambridge, Bristow fair,
Bartholomew fair at London, Lynn mart, Cold fair at Newport pond for
cattle, and divers other, all which, or at leastwise the greatest part
of them (to the end I may with the more ease to the reader and less
travel to myself fulfil my task in their recital), I have set down
according to the names of the months wherein they are holden at the
end of this book, where you shall find them at large as I borrowed the
same from J. Stow and the reports of others.
[5] The ancient London counterpart of the more modern "Rag
Fair" known to literary fame.--W.
[6] The Kermess, or literally, "Church mass," so famous in
"Faust."--W.
CHAPTER V
OF THE ANCIENT AND PRESENT ESTATE OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND
[1577, Book II., Chapter 5, 1585, Book II., Chapter 1.]
There are now two provinces only in England, of which the first and
greatest is subject to the see of Canterbury, comprehending a part of
Lhoegres, whole Cambria, and also Ireland, which in time past were
several, and brought into one by the archbishop of the said see, and
assistance of the pope, who, in respect of meed, did yield unto the
ambitious desires of sundry archbishops of Canterbury, as I have
elsewhere declared. The second province is under the see of York. And,
of these, each hath her archbishop resident commonly within her own
limits, who hath not only the chief dealing in matters appertaining to
the hierarchy and jurisdiction of the church, but also great authority
in civil affairs touching the government of the commonwealth, so far
forth as their commissions and several circuits do extend.
In old time there were three archbishops, and so many provinces in
this isle, of which one kept at London, another at York, and the third
at Caerleon upon Usk. But as that of London was translated to
Canterbury by Augustine, and that of York remaineth (notwithstanding
that the greatest part of his jurisdiction is now bereft him and given
to the Scottish archbishop), so that of Caerleon is utterly
extinguished, and the government of the country united to that of
Canterbury in spiritual cases, after it was once before removed to St.
David's in Wales, by David, successor to Dubritius, and uncle to King
Arthur, in the 519 of Grace, to the end that he and his clerks might
be further off from the cruelty of the Saxons, where it remained till
the time of the Bastard, and for a season after, before it was annexed
to the see of Canterbury.
The Archbishop of Canterbury is commonly called the Primate of all
England; and in the coronations of the kings of this land, and all
other times wherein it shall please the prince to wear and put on his
crown, his office is to set it upon their heads. They bear also the
name of their high chaplains continually, although not a few of them
have presumed (in time past) to be their equals, and void of
subjection unto them. That this is true, it may easily appear by their
own acts yet kept in record, beside their epistles and answers written
or in print, wherein they have sought not only to match but also to
mate[1] them with great rigour and more than open tyranny. Our
adversaries will peradventure deny this absolutely, as they do many
other things apparent, though not without shameless impudence, or at
the leastwise defend it as just and not swerving from common equity,
because they imagine every archbishop to be the king's equal in his
own province. But how well their doing herein agreeth with the saying
of Peter and examples of the primitive church it may easily appear.
Some examples also of their demeanour--I mean in the time of popery--I
will not let to remember, lest they should say I speak of malice, and
without all ground of likelihood.
[1] Overcome.
Of their practices with mean persons I speak not, neither will I begin
at Dunstan, the author of all their pride and presumption here in
England....
Wherefore I refer you to those reports of Anselm and Becket
sufficiently penned by other, the which Anselm also making a shew as
if he had been very unwilling to be placed in the see of Canterbury,
gave this answer to the letters of such his friends as did make
request unto him to take the charge upon him--
_"Secularia negotia, nescio, quia scire nolo, eorum námque
occupationes horreo, liberum affectans animum. Voluntati sacrarum
intendo scripturarum, vos dissonantiam facitis, verendumque est né
aratrum sancta ecclesia, quod in Anglia duo boves validi et pari
fortitudine, ad bonum certantes, id est, rex et archepiscopus,
debeant trahere nunc ove verula cum tauro indomito jugata,
distorqueatur a recto. Ego ovis verula, qui si quietus essem,
verbi Dei lacte, et operinento lanæ, aliquibus possèm fortassis
non ingratus esse, sed si me cum hoc tauro coniungitis, videbitis
pro disparilitate trahentium, aratrum non rectè procedere,"_ etc.
Which is in English thus--
"Of secular affairs I have no skill, because I will not know them;
for I even abhor the troubles that rise about them, as one that
desireth to have his mind at liberty. I apply my whole endeavour
to the rule of the Scriptures; you lead me to the contrary; and it
is to be feared lest the plough of holy church, which two strong
oxen of equal force, and both like earnest to contend unto that
which is good (that is, the king and the archbishop), ought to
draw, should thereby now swerve from the right furrow, by matching
of an old sheep with a wild, untamed bull. I am that old sheep,
who, if I might be quiet, could peradventure shew myself not
altogether ungrateful to some, by feeding them with the milk of
the Word of God, and covering them with wool: but if you match me
with this bull, you shall see that, through want of equality in
draught, the plough will not go to right," etc.
As followeth in the process of his letters. The said Thomas Becket was
so proud that he wrote to King Henry the Second, as to his lord, to
his king, and to his son, offering him his counsel, his reverence, and
due correction, etc. Others in like sort have protested that they owed
nothing to the kings of this land, but their council only, reserving
all obedience unto the see of Rome, whereby we may easily see the
pride and ambition of the clergy in the blind time of ignorance.
And as the old cock of Canterbury did crow in this behalf, so the
young cockerels of other sees did imitate his demeanour, as may be
seen by this one example also in King Stephen's time, worthy to be
remembered; unto whom the Bishop of London would not so much as swear
to be true subject: wherein also he was maintained by the pope....
Thus we see that kings were to rule no further than it pleased the
pope to like of; neither to challenge more obedience of their subjects
than stood also with their good will and pleasure. He wrote in like
sort unto Queen Maud about the same matter, making her "Samson's
calf"[2] (the better to bring his purpose to pass)....
[2] A fool or dupe.
Is it not strange that a peevish order of religion (devised by man)
should break the express law of God, who commandeth all men to honour
and obey their kings and princes, in whom some part of the power of
God is manifest and laid open unto us? And even unto this end the
cardinal of Hostia also wrote to the canons of Paul's after this
manner, covertly encouraging them to stand to their election of the
said Robert, who was no more willing to give over his new bishopric
than they careful to offend the king, but rather imagined which way to
keep it still, maugre his displeasure, and yet not to swear obedience
unto him for all that he should be able to do or perform unto the
contrary....
Hereby you see how King Stephen was dealt withal. And albeit the
Archbishop of Canterbury is not openly to be touched herewith, yet it
is not to be doubted but he was a doer in it, so far as might tend to
the maintenance of the right and prerogative of holy church. And even
no less unquietness had another of our princes with Thomas of Arundel,
who fled to Rome for fear of his head, and caused the pope to write an
ambitious and contumelious letter unto his sovereign about his
restitution. But when (by the king's letters yet extant, and beginning
thus: _"Thomas proditionis non expers nostræ regiæ majestati insidias
fabricavit"_[3]) the pope understood the bottom of the matter, he was
contented that Thomas should be deprived, and another archbishop
chosen in his stead.
[3] "Thomas, not innocent of treason, has intrigued against
the majesty of our court."
Neither did this pride stay at archbishops and bishops, but descended
lower, even to the rake-hells of the clergy and puddles of all
ungodliness. For, beside the injury received of their superiors, how
was King John dealt withal by the vile Cistertians at Lincoln in the
second of his reign? Certes when he had (upon just occasion) conceived
some grudge against them for their ambitious demeanour, and upon
denial to pay such sums of money as were allotted unto them, he had
caused seizure to be made of such horses, swine, neat, and other
things of theirs as were maintained in his forests, they denounced him
as fast amongst themselves with bell, book, and candle, to be accursed
and excommunicated. Thereunto they so handled the matter with the pope
and their friends that the king was fain to yield to their good
graces, insomuch that a meeting for pacification was appointed between
them at Lincoln, by means of the present Archbishop of Canterbury, who
went off between him and the Cistertian commissioners before the
matter could be finished. In the end the king himself came also unto
the said commissioners as they sat in their chapterhouse, and there
with tears fell down at their feet, craving pardon for his trespasses
against them, and heartily requiring that they would (from henceforth)
commend him and his realm in their prayers unto the protection of the
Almighty, and receive him into their fraternity, promising moreover
full satisfaction of their damages sustained, and to build an house of
their order in whatsoever place of England it should please them to
assign. And this he confirmed by charter bearing date the
seven-and-twentieth of November, after the Scottish king was returned
into Scotland, and departed from the king. Whereby (and by other the
like, as between John Stratford and Edward the Third, etc.) a man may
easily conceive how proud the clergymen have been in former times, as
wholly presuming upon the primacy of their pope. More matter could I
allege of these and the like broils, not to be found among our common
historiographers. Howbeit, reserving the same unto places more
convenient, I will cease to speak of them at this time, and go forward
with such other things as my purpose is to speak of. At the first,
therefore, there was like and equal authority in both our archbishops,
but as he of Canterbury hath long since obtained the prerogative above
York (although I say not without great trouble, suit, some bloodshed,
and contention), so the Archbishop of York is nevertheless written
Primate of England, as one contenting himself with a piece of a title
at the least, when all could not be gotten. And as he of Canterbury
crowneth the king, so this of York doth the like to the queen, whose
perpetual chaplain he is, and hath been from time to time, since the
determination of this controversy, as writers do report. The first
also hath under his jurisdiction to the number of one-and-twenty
inferior bishops; the other hath only four, by reason that the
churches of Scotland are now removed from his obedience unto an
archbishop of their own, whereby the greatness and circuit of the
jurisdiction of York is not a little diminished. In like sort, each of
these seven-and-twenty sees have their cathedral churches, wherein the
deans (a calling not known in England before the Conquest) do bear the
chief rule, being men especially chosen to that vocation, both for
their learning and godliness, so near as can be possible. These
cathedral churches have in like manner other dignities and canonries
still remaining unto them, as heretofore under the popish regiment.
Howbeit those that are chosen to the same are no idle and unprofitable
persons (as in times past they have been when most of these livings
were either furnished with strangers, especially out of Italy, boys,
or such idiots as had least skill of all in discharging of those
functions whereunto they were called by virtue of these stipends), but
such as by preaching and teaching can and do learnedly set forth the
glory of God, and further the overthrow of anti-Christ to the
uttermost of their powers.