ARRIVAL AT MORZOUK.
Mode of travelling across the Desert — Interview with the Sultan
— Description of Morzouk — Population — Castle of the Sultan
— Illness and severe Distress of the Author and his Companions —
Arrival of a Kafflé of Tuarick — Fast of Rhamadan — Departure
of an Expedition to obtain Slaves from the Country of Borgoo —
Diseases of the Inhabitants, and the Native Methods of Cure — Feast
of Aidel Shraya — Observations on the Tuarick — Their Religion,
Dress, Customs, and Language — Ghraat — Its Government, Laws,
and Trade — Market there — Arrival of a Kafflé from Bornou
with Slaves — Information respecting Bornou and the surrounding
Countries, as collected from the Traders — Of Kashna and Soudan,
in general — Account of Hornemann and his Death — Tembuctoo
— General Remarks on the Geography of the Interior, and probable
Course of the Niger — Vocabulary of the Fellātta Language —
Conjectures on the Fate of Park.
On our entry into the town, the soldiers raced up a very broad
street, firing and shouting, whilst the women uttered their shrill
cry; and the scene was altogether highly interesting. On passing a
large open space, before we reached the castle and walls surrounding
it, we were saluted from two six-pounders. We did not enter the
castle itself, but were conducted to a large house within its outward
boundary, which had been prepared for our reception. An old Mamluke,
Hadje Mahmoud حاج محمود took charge of us, and having passed
our threshold “in the name of God,” brought us a hot mess and
a large mat. We waited until the afternoon, and were then conducted
to pay our respects to the Sultan, and to be introduced to his son,
a boy of about thirteen years of age, born of a slave of Soudan. We,
in our turn, were visited by a great number of people; who had, in
the space of a few hours, informed themselves, very sagaciously,
that we were great men, and had brought 30,000 dollars with us;
when, in truth, we had only 300 (which were in Mukni’s hands),
and knew not where to procure more. Our horses, which were much
fatigued and very thin, were fed from the castle.
We had been thirty-nine days in coming from Tripoli; the road, with
the exception of the immediate vicinity of the towns, was a dreary
desert, having but few wells, and those of salt water. Nothing could
have been more fortunate than our travelling with the Sultan; our
difficulties must otherwise have been very great. Mukni, to do him
justice, showed us every attention; and we always partook of his
meals when in the towns. I was his constant companion, and being
of a less sedate disposition than Mr. Ritchie, he always invited me
to ride by him, generally treating me with some cakes or dainties,
which he carried with him. In return, I allowed him a draught from
my water-skin. He spoke a little Italian, and amused himself much
by asking questions about my country, of the wealth and grandeur
of which he had formed very exalted ideas; particularly respecting
the funds, or _banco_, as he called it. He certainly evinced a
great desire to lodge some of his property, in this manner, in
England, provided he could arrange it privately; it being against
the Mahommedan religion to receive interest.
When I told him that English women were allowed to have money
in their own power, and that some of them had immense fortunes,
he seemed scarcely to credit me. He was much astonished at being
told, that young men often did not marry until they had arrived at
25 or 30 years of age: this he considered as highly improper; but
in some degree reconciled it to his way of thinking, by supposing
that they must, in that case, have a great number of concubines,
and that they only married those who brought them children. He did
not find fault with our customs in that respect, as he had, himself,
only one wife; but he had 50 Negresses, which was considered a very
moderate allowance for a Sultan of Fezzan. He frequently asked me how
natural children were disposed of, when it was requisite to conceal
their birth from the parents of the offending parties. His pointed
manner of questioning me on this subject led me to some suspicion
of his motives for the inquiry; and I afterwards discovered, from
several of his people, that he invariably caused to be strangled
all babes born of his Negresses by other men, and that it was the
general custom at Tripoli, to poison illegitimate infants in the
womb. The mother of little Yussuf, his son, had a child about a
year since, perfectly black. Mukni being satisfied it could not
be his, sent for the suspected father, and made him strangle the
infant: the mother was allowed to return to her own country, which
was considered a great piece of lenity, death being usually the
punishment for such an offence.
Our travelling pace was a walk of the horses, which generally got
considerably in advance of the camels. At noon, or about that time,
if we could find a tree, we stopped under it; if not, we sat under
the shadow of our horses. The Sultan was grand victualler, and
generally produced a bag of bread or dates, or the remains of his
dinner of the day before. Each one then had a portion, not sufficient
to be called a dinner, but to break his fast; and after eating, and
drinking a few mouthfuls of water, stretched himself out, and slept
until the camels came up: the party then mounted and rode on. These
rests were very refreshing to the men and horses; but the loaded
camels never made any stop, neither did the poor Negroes, who, with
their wives and even little children, plodded on the whole day, over
a burning soil, sometimes for twenty, and often for sixteen hours,
whenever want of water made a forced march necessary. Several of
the smallest of the black children, though probably not more than
four or five years of age, walked for many hours with great strength
in the early part of the day, having but a few rags to cover them,
and when unable to proceed further, were put on the camels for the
remainder of the day. One of our party, a poor old man, totally
blind, arrived safe at Morzouk from Tripoli. He had walked all the
way over the rocks and plains, led by his wife, and was kept alive
by the hope of once more hearing the voices of his countrymen.
When we stopped for the night, it was generally so contrived that we
should lie in some spot where bushes might be found for the camels
to browse upon; but even though there might be no wood or herbage,
a wadey was always preferred, as more sheltered. Our tents were
pitched, if the ground was sufficiently soft to admit the pegs,
and our bales and chests so placed, as to form a shelter for those
who had no tents; affording a bulwark against the wind and sand. The
little resistance offered by any intervening objects to the winds
of the desert, renders them very powerful, and the stillness of
the night, in blowing weather, is particularly awful. The tents
are no sooner pitched, than the camels are turned out to feed on
the thin and scattered bushes, and parties go to collect wood; the
horses are hobbled, watered from the skins, and then fed. Should
there be no wood, camels’ dung is an excellent substitute, as it
burns like peat, and forms a very glowing fire. A hole is dug in
the ground, and three stones so placed, as to support the little
copper pot. Cusscussou or Bazeen is then prepared. The Sultanesses
are no contemptible cooks, and they made every evening an excellent
supper for their master. When no fire is to be had, Zumeeta is
prepared with water and oil, and so eaten. We usually managed,
in an evening, to make a little coffee, of which Mukni always came
and partook; and as soon as he left the tent, his slaves and people
generally succeeded him, wishing also to taste some. If we had time,
we occasionally drank a cup of it in the morning fasting, which we
found, in the most sultry weather, prevented thirst. I observed,
that we never required water if we abstained from eating in the
early part of the day, and I thus account for the Arabs drinking
so little: on the contrary, if any quantity of water is taken
on an empty stomach, the person who indulges in it suffers great
thirst for the remainder of the day. When hot, it is much better
to drink from the palm of the hand, which prevents the possibility
of taking too great a draught at once. It is very refreshing after
a long day’s journey, to be well oiled all over; and a wet cloth
applied to the back of the neck relieves the fulness of the head,
after being many hours exposed to the sun.—Horses should not be
brought near the wells until it is their turn to drink; if they are
kept in sight of the water, without being able to reach it, they
frequently become furious, and many of them greedily devour the mud.
The water is generally carried on camels set apart for that purpose,
and having no other loads. The usual quantity is six gerbas, or
water-skins, three on each side, one slung above the other. Each
of these skins is about fifty pounds in weight when full. Should
the Kafflé expect to be four or six days without finding water,
every camel which carries goods, has, in addition to its load, a skin
on each side. In fact, horses generally occasion more trouble to a
caravan than any thing else. The immense quantity of water necessary
to be taken for them is always averaged at one camel for each horse,
not including other loads of corn or dates for their food.
Nothing can be more overpowering than the south wind, El Gibli
قبلي, or the east, El Shirghi الشرقي; each of which is
equally to be dreaded. In addition to the excessive heat and dryness
of these winds, they are so impregnated with sand, that the air is
darkened by it, the sky appears of a dusky yellow, and the sun is
barely perceptible. The eyes become red, swelled, and inflamed;
the lips and skin parched and chopped; while severe pain in the
chest is very generally felt, in consequence of the quantities of
sand unavoidably inhaled. Nothing, indeed, is able to resist the
unwholesome effects of this wind. On opening our boxes, we found
that many little articles, and some of our instruments, which had
been carefully packed, were entirely split and destroyed. Gales of
the kind here described generally continue ten or twelve hours, yet
when a change takes place, the air seems so fresh and delightful,
that the miseries of the sand-wind are soon forgotten. We sometimes
met people on our road, who invariably at parting recited the Fatha,
each one religiously stroking his beard as soon as he had concluded
this prayer.
Being now settled for a time in Morzouk, we went about, in order
to become better acquainted with the people. Mr. Ritchie made
magnificent presents to the Sultan and his sons, and every thing
seemed to promise well, except that we had but little money, and
were obliged to live in a most economical manner on corn, and seldom
able to afford meat; having not only ourselves but our black servant
and four horses to feed.
We had now acquired some little knowledge of the language, when,
on the first Friday after our arrival, Mukni sent to tell us that
he intended going to the Mosque at the Asr عسر, or afternoon
prayers, and that he expected to see us there. As this was to
be Mr. Ritchie’s first appearance in a Mosque, we had no sooner
dressed ourselves in our best clothes than we practised the necessary
prostrations, until we heard the crier call to prayers, when our old
Mamluke came to conduct us to the church. We found a large assembly
sitting in rows on mats, our places being in front. The Sultan soon
after entered with his guards, and the Mosque was instantly filled
with a strong smell of attar of roses, which his Majesty used in
large quantities. Mr. Ritchie and myself got through our part very
well, and after the service was over, waited at the door to see
the Sultan mount and return to the Castle.
His horse, richly caparisoned, was led to an earthen seat,
from which he mounted, three led horses preceding him. He was
surrounded by his armed slaves, and fanned by men with ostrich
feathers; and thus proceeded, slowly, and amidst an immense crowd,
to the Castle, a distance of about five hundred yards. When arrived
there, he remained for a few minutes in the court-yard, seated in
his state chair, and receiving the homage of his subjects, leaning
on two of his principal people; he then ascended into the Castle,
where we followed him, and were allowed to sit on the same carpet as
himself. He here paid to Mr. Ritchie the three hundred dollars which
he owed him, and at the same time made most flattering promises about
assisting us at any future period in money matters. We implicitly
believed his professions, and left the Castle much delighted at
possessing such a friend in one, who, had he been ill-disposed,
had so much power to injure us.
At our return home, on examining our stock of eatables, we found
that we had been robbed of a large sack of rice, another of flour,
and a great quantity of cusscussou. From our hardware we missed one
pistol, both locks of a double-barrelled gun, and several bags of
shot. We made instant complaint to Mukni, who promised that every
inquiry should be made for the stolen articles, and that they should,
if found, be faithfully returned to us. We laid in a stock of dates
for our horses, and commenced keeping house on our own account.
Our habitation was a very good one, and as all the large houses
are built on nearly the same plan, I may, by describing this,
give an idea of all the rest. A large door, sufficiently high to
admit a camel, opened into a broad passage, or Skeefa سكيفه;
on one side of which was a tolerable stable for five horses; and
close to it a small room for the slaves, whose duty it might be
to attend the house. A door opposite to that of the stable opened
into the Kowdi كودي, or large square room, the roof of which,
at the height of eighteen feet, was supported by four palm-trees as
pillars. In the centre of the roofing was a large open space, about
twelve feet by nine; from this the house and rooms receive light
(not to mention dust), and excessive heat in the afternoon. At the
end of the room, facing the door, a large seat of mud was raised,
about eighteen inches high, and twelve feet in length. Heaps of
this description, though higher, are found at the doors of most
houses, and are covered with loungers in the cool of the morning
and evening. Our large room was fifty feet by thirty-nine. From
the sides, doors opened into smaller ones, which might be used as
sleeping or store-rooms, but were generally preferred for their
coolness. Their only light was received from the door. Ascending
a few steps, there was a kind of gallery over the side rooms,
and in it were two small apartments, but so very hot as to be
almost useless. From the large room was a passage leading to a
yard, having also small houses attached to it in the same manner,
and a well of comparatively good water. The floors were of sand,
and the walls of mud roughly plastered, and showing every where
the marks of the only trowel used in the country—the fingers of
the right hand. There are no windows to any of the houses; but some
rooms have a small hole in the ceiling, or high up in the wall.
Morzouk is a walled town, containing about 2500 inhabitants, who are
blacks, and who do not, like the Arabs, change their residence. The
walls are of mud, having round buttresses, with loopholes for
musketry, rudely built, but sufficiently strong to guard against
attack: they are about fifteen feet in height, and at the bottom
eight feet in thickness, tapering, as all walls in this country do,
towards the top. The town has seven gates, four of which are built
up in order to prevent the people escaping when they are required
to pay their duties. A man is appointed by the Sultan to attend
each of these gates, day and night, lest any slaves or merchandize
should be smuggled into the town. The people, in building the walls
and houses, fabricate a good substitute for stones, (which are not
to be found in these parts), by forming clay into balls, which they
dry in the sun, and use with mud as mortar: the walls are thus made
very strong; and, as rain is unknown, durable also. The houses,
with very few exceptions, are of one story, and those of the poorer
sort receive all their light from the doors: these are so low, as to
require stooping nearly double to enter them; but the large houses
have a capacious outer door; which is sufficiently well contrived,
considering the bad quality of the wood that composes them. Thick
palm planks, of four or five inches in breadth, (for the size and
manner of cutting a tree will not afford more) have a square hole
punched through them at the top and bottom, by which they are firmly
wedged together, with thick palm sticks; wet thongs of camels’
hide are then tied tightly over them, which, on drying, draw the
planks more strongly and securely together. There are no hinges to
the doors; but they turn on a pivot, formed on the last plank near
the wall, which is always the largest on that account. The locks
and keys are very large and heavy, and of curious construction. The
houses are generally built in little narrow streets; but there
are many open spaces, entirely void of buildings, and covered
with sand, on which the camels of the traders remain. Many palms
grow in the town, and some houses have small square enclosures,
in which are cultivated a few red peppers and onions. The street
of entrance is a broad space of at least a hundred yards, leading
to the wall that surrounds the castle, and is extremely pretty:
here the horsemen have full scope to display their abilities when
they skirmish before the Sultan. The castle itself is an immense mud
building, rising to the height of eighty or ninety feet, with little
battlements on the walls (a fancy of the present Sultan’s); and
at a distance really looks warlike. Like all the other buildings,
it has no pretensions to regularity: the lower walls are fifty or
sixty feet in thickness; the upper taper off to about four or five
feet. In consequence of the immense mass of wall, the apartments are
very small, and few in number. The rooms occupied by the Sultan are
of the best quality, (that is to say, comparatively), for the walls
are tolerably smooth, and white-washed, and have ornamental daubs
of red paint in blotches, by way of effect. His couch is spread
on the ground, and his visitors squat down on the sandy floor at a
respectful distance; we, however, were always honoured by having a
corner of the carpet offered to us. The best and most airy part of
the castle is occupied by the women, who have small rooms round
a large court, in which they take exercise, grind corn, cook,
and perform other domestic offices. The number called Kibere, or
great ladies, seldom exceeds six. This dignified title is generally
given to the mothers of the Sultan’s children, or to those, who,
having once been great favourites, are appointed governesses to the
rest. There are, on the whole, about fifty young women, all black
and very comely; and from what stolen glances we could obtain, they
appeared extremely well dressed. They are guarded by five eunuchs,
who keep up their authority by occasionally beating them. The Sultan
has three sons and two daughters, who live with him in this cage,
the doors of which are locked at night, and the keys brought to
him, so that he remains free from any fear of attack. The castle
is entered by a long winding passage in the wall, quite dark and
very steep. At the door is a large shed, looking on a square space,
capable of containing three or four hundred men closely huddled
together. Under this shed is a great chair of state (once finely
gilt and ornamented), with a patchwork quilt thrown over it; and
behind it are the remains of two large looking-glasses. In this
chair the Sultan receives homage every Friday, before he ascends the
castle, after returning from the Mosque. This place is the Mejlees,
مبولبس, and was the scene of all the cruelties practised by
Mukni when he first took possession of the country.
[Illustration:
_Drawn from Nature by G. F. Lyon._
_On Stone by D. Dighton._
THE CASTLE OF MORZOUK.
_London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821._
_C. Hullmandel’s Lithography._]
There are several pools of stagnant salt water in the town, which,
I conceive, in a great measure, promote the advance of the summer
fevers and agues. The burying-places are outside the walls, and are
of considerable extent. In lieu of stones, small mud embankments
are formed round the graves, which are ornamented with shreds of
cloth tied to small sticks, with broken pots, and sometimes ostrich
eggs. One of the burying-places is for slaves, who are laid very
little below the surface; and in some parts the sand has been so
carried away by the wind, as to expose their skeletons to view. Owing
to the want of wood, no coffins are used; the bodies are merely
wrapped in a mat, or linen cloth, and covered with palm branches,
over which the earth is thrown. When the branches decay, the earth
falls in; and the graves are easily known by being concave instead
of convex. The place where the former Sultans are buried is a plain
near the town; their graves are only distinguished from those of
other people by having a larger proportion of broken pots scattered
about them. It is a custom for the relations of the deceased to
visit, and occasionally to recite a prayer over the grave, or to
repeat a verse of the Koran. Children never pass within sight of
the tombs of their parents without stopping to pay this grateful
tribute of respect to their memory. Animals are never buried, but
thrown on mounds outside the walls, and there left. The excessive
heat soon dries up all their moisture, and prevents their becoming
offensive; and the hair remains on them, so that they appear like
preserved skins.
May 15th.—I was attacked with severe dysentery, which confined
me to my bed during twenty-two days, and reduced me to the last
extremity. Our little party was at this time miserably poor, for we
had only money sufficient for the purchase of corn to keep us alive,
and never tasted meat, unless fortunate enough to kill a pigeon
in the gardens. My illness was the first break up in our little
community, and from that time it rarely happened that one or two
of us were not confined to our beds. The extreme saltness of the
water, the poor quality of our food, together with the excessive
heat and dryness of the climate, long retarded my recovery; and
when it did take place, it was looked on as a miracle by those who
had seen me in my worst state, and who thought it impossible for
me to survive. I was no sooner convalescent, than Mr. Ritchie fell
ill, and was confined to his bed with an attack of bilious fever,
accompanied with delirium, and great pain in his back and kidneys,
for which he required repeated cupping. When a little recovered, he
got up for two days, but his disorder soon returned with redoubled
and alarming violence. He rejected every thing but water; and,
excepting about three hours in the afternoon, remained either
constantly asleep, or in a delirious state. Even had he been capable
of taking food, we had not the power of purchasing any which could
nourish or refresh him. Our money was now all expended, and the
Sultan’s treacherous plans to distress us, which daily became too
apparent, were so well arranged, that we could not find any one to
buy our goods. For six entire weeks we were without animal food,
subsisting on a very scanty portion of corn and dates. Our horses
were mere skeletons, added to which, Belford became totally deaf,
and so emaciated as to be unable to walk.
My situation was now such as to create the most gloomy apprehensions;
for I reflected that, if my two companions were to die, which there
was every reason to apprehend, I had no money with which to bury
them, or to support myself; and must in that case have actually
perished from want, in a land of comparative plenty. My naturally
sanguine mind, however, and above all, my firm reliance in that Power
which had so mercifully protected me on so many trying occasions,
prevented my giving way to despondency; and, Belford beginning
soon to rally a little, we united, and took turns in nursing and
attending on our poor companion. At this time, having no servant,
we performed for Mr. Ritchie and for ourselves the most menial
offices, Mr. Ritchie being wholly unable to assist himself.
Two young men, brothers, whom we had treated with great kindness, and
whom we had engaged to attend on us, so far from commiserating our
forlorn situation, forsook us in our distress, and even carried off
our little store of rice and cusscussou, laughing at our complaints,
and well knowing that our poverty prevented the redress which we
should otherwise have sought and obtained.
During the period of Mr. Ritchie’s illness, a Kafflé of Tuarick
arrived, on their way to Mecca; they had with them a Marāboot of
most extraordinary talent and sagacity, about fifteen years old. This
young saint was said never to look up, but to have his eyes either
fixed on the Koran, or on the ground. I managed to ride out to
visit this exalted personage, and found him a fat silly boy with
sore eyes, very dirty and ragged, and surrounded by Hadge Mahmoud
and a few others, with about the same share of intellect as himself,
who were listening with great admiration to his remarks.
The Sultan, on the arrival of this Kafflé, rode out in state to
see them, and supplied them with provisions during their stay. They
were about one hundred and fifty in number, and with the exception
of two tents of canvas, all the rest were of leather, supported by
sticks and the people’s baggage.
I shall speak at a future period of the Tuarick, their dress,
language, &c.
Rhamadan (the month in which Mohammed is said to have had his first
communication with the angel Gabriel) was announced on the 23d of
June, when the new moon appeared. The strictest fast was immediately
commenced before day, about three o’clock, until sunset at seven
P.M., sixteen hours; during this time no one drinks or eats, smokes
or chews tobacco, and even smelling perfume is considered as wicked,
as is swallowing the saliva.
The excessive heat which raged at this period (see Meteorological
register at the end of the volume) was the occasion of many very
serious illnesses amongst our friends and neighbours. Mr. Ritchie
being very unwell and in bed, was, in a manner, privileged to take
food or drink; but as Belford and myself were now much recovered, we
were obliged to be very cautious, only eating by stealth, and when
no one was likely to interrupt us. We had at this time a servant,
who was a very inquisitive fellow; and our artifices to get him
out of the way on these occasions would, by any but a blockhead
like himself, have been soon discovered: however, we not only got
safely through, but were fortunate enough to obtain credit for
keeping the fast with great strictness, and without exciting the
slightest suspicions of our stolen meals.
Hadje Mahmoud, a most religious old man, became very troublesome to
me, and was continually begging that I would call in some Marāboot
to pray over, and write prayers on Mr. Ritchie’s head and hands:
his delirium he attributed to the devil, and foretold that it would
not cease until we had put a sword, or some implement of iron,
under his head, Iblis being much alarmed at that metal. All these
plans I resisted as well as I could; but found much difficulty in
overcoming a strong desire he had to bring a plate with the names
of God written on it, which were to be washed off, and the inky
water given to the invalid to drink. Our poor patient, meanwhile,
regardless of what was passing, longed and asked only for a little
milk, which unhappily we were not able to procure; the Sultan,
although he had fifty goats, made so many excuses and difficulties
about affording us any, that we were obliged to give up all hopes
of gratifying him.
Great preparations were now making all over the kingdom, to forward
an expedition which the Sultan intended to send against the tribe
of the Tibboo Borgo, a country about a month S.E. Bodies of Arabs
arrived from Sockna, and the towns in that direction; a party of
horse also came from Benioleed, and Morzouk was all confusion. Sidi
Aleiwa, the Sultan’s eldest son, was to take the command. All the
men assembled to accompany him were quartered on the town’s-people,
who were obliged to feed them and their cattle twice a day.
I shall here mention the names of certain persons who came to see us,
and were really friendly towards us, in order to distinguish them
from numberless other visitors, who, at first, were very regular
in their attendance, but who vanished as soon as our sugar and
coffee were expended. Mohammed El Lizari حمداليزهاري
and Yussuf his brother were our two principal and real friends,
and were the sons of a Mamluke long since dead.
On Mukni’s coming to this country, he reduced them from a state
of affluence to complete poverty, leaving them their palms, the
only possessions of which he could not deprive them. The friendship
which these good men evinced for us was perfectly disinterested;
and when we were poor and nearly starving, they most humanely and
considerately conferred on us many acts of real kindness. Mohammed,
the elder brother, was obliged to prepare himself to go on the slave
hunt, much against his inclination, and was appointed to take charge
of the young Aleiwa.
Old Hadje Mahmoud, whom I have before mentioned, was another of our
friends, but rather less disinterested than the two former: he was
credulous, superstitious, and rather time-serving; but being our
neighbour, did us now and then a good office. His kindness, however,
certainly slackened after our poverty became but too apparent.
Mohammed ben Abd Alla was, for a length of time, our most constant
visitor. He was a Mamluke, born at Naples, and apostatised when
about ten years old. He remained some time at Tripoli; and, when
about eighteen years of age, was sent by the Bashaw as a present to
the former Sultan. He recollected but little of his native language;
was shrewd and lively, and was certainly employed by the Sultan as
a spy upon our actions. Having fully ascertained this circumstance,
we employed many tricks to deceive him, in which we completely
succeeded. One of his great points was, to discover for what reason
we came so far into the country, and whether we really were very
great men, as we were reported to be.
A report had been circulated that Mr. Ritchie was married to the
King of England’s daughter, and that I recently had married his
Majesty’s niece. As Mohammed affected to be acquainted with all
our affairs, we always denied our high connexions in such a manner
as to confirm, rather than to contradict, the reports. Our wealth
he imagined to be very considerable, until he found we ceased
to eat meat, and then his suspicions of our real situation were
awakened. As he became excessively importunate in his questions, I
at last undertook to frighten him, and after one or two preparatory
conversations, got him out on the sand one night when there was
no moon. I began talking of King Solomon and his seal, and related
to him as many horrible stories of ghosts as I could conjure up. I
told him that Mr. Ritchie and myself were Freemasons, and that we
understood the writing which was on our Lord Solomon’s seal. On
this subject I also invented tales, to convince him that Freemasons
were acquainted with every thing. I took him home with me, and
(Mr. Ritchie being on that evening pretty well) desired him to
mention some words to me, which I would, with his hand over my
mouth, convey across the room. I accordingly spelt the words with
my fingers, and Mr. Ritchie, to Mohammed’s great astonishment,
repeated them aloud. A few repetitions of this plan made a sensible
alteration in our inquisitive friend, who, from that time, gradually
ceased to intrude on us. Mohammed was particularly proud of his
high blood (being a Mamluke), boasting that his father (though an
unbeliever) was a very great man, and much in the confidence of the
King of Naples, whose revenues he collected, and had a large army
under his orders. He also recollected his having fine laced clothes,
and riding a horse. We were often much puzzled to guess who this
great personage could be, when one evening, by way of surprising
and delighting us, he, with great gravity, informed us that his
father was a caporale, or, in plain English, a corporal!
On the 12th of July, the army all being in readiness, amounting to
about 300 horse and 800 foot, with nearly 2000 camels, set out for
Gutrone, from whence they were to make their final departure. Mukni
accompanied them; and the town was left in a state of quiet we
had never before observed. The charge of the castle was committed
to old Hadge Mahmoud, who locked the females up every evening at
sunset. Mukni, who was not considered to be a very religious person,
was much blamed for setting out during the fast of Rhamadan; and
some, who knew we should not betray their opinions, said, that
his only reason for choosing such a time was, that he might have
an excuse for eating, which is allowed by the Koran to travellers
and sick persons; provided they make amends when they are able,
by fasting in some other month.
Many people came to us to beg for medicines; and Mr. Ritchie being
unable to attend to their wants, I became their physician, having a
medical book constantly at hand to refer to in difficult cases. My
medicines sometimes succeeded, and I must say, that where I could
not afford relief, I never attempted any experiments which could
injure my patients. I shall here state the most prevalent disorders,
with the method of cure employed by the inhabitants:
_Diseases._ _Method of Cure._
Liver complaint, frequently fatal Burning with a hot iron.
Enlargement of the spleen, ditto Ditto.
Asthma, ditto Ditto.
Consumption, ditto Ditto.
Burning the temples, and putting
Blindness pieces of onion between the
eyelids.
Rupture Burning.
Fever and ague, called Hemma Charms drank in water.
Venereal Purges of colocynth, and washes
of soda. Effectual.
Strictures Burning.
Ghonorrhæa Purges and burning.
Palsy Charms.
I saw one instance of elephantiasis. The man afflicted with it
was a native of Morzouk. His right leg was very much swoln, and he
said it had been in that state for more than a year, and was still
increasing in size. He said it gave him no pain, but much incommoded
him in working. His complexion appeared sallow and shrivelled;
but his leg was red, and the skin shining.
I was now considered as a doctor, and my character, in consequence,
became established; although my knowledge was certainly confined
within a very narrow compass, and extended no farther than bleeding,
blistering, and preparing a simple dose of physic.
On the 22nd of July Mukni returned, having seen his son safe on his
way. Rhamadan’s sun was now set; and on the 23rd instant, early
in the morning, the moon was visible. It would be impossible to
describe the joy which this sight occasioned, after thirty days’
fasting. Every body was in motion, screaming, dancing, firing guns,
eating and drinking.
Mr. Ritchie was now beginning to recover, and was able to sit
up a little, after having been confined fifty-eight days to his
bed. At noon, having ornamented myself and my poor lean horse as
well as I could, I joined the procession which was to ride round
the town. The Sultan and his two youngest sons, covered with rich
clothes, rode first, with flags, led horses, and music. All the
people, who remained behind from the army, were dressed in their
finest habits; and we thus proceeded to a small building near the
tombs of the former Sultans. On arriving there we dismounted, and
I entered with the Sultan and one or two more. The Kadi stood in a
niche, from which he could be seen by all the people on the plain,
and recited the usual prayers; after which he read many passages from
the Koran, expressly relating to Rhamadan. All the prayers being
finished, every one embraced his neighbour, and congratulated him
on the happy termination of the fast. Such kissing I never before
witnessed. All who were capable of crowding into this house kissed
the hand of Mukni, and welcomed him with the word of joy, Mabrook el
Aïd! “Welcome the feast!” I was allowed to salute his shoulder,
perhaps because he knew I would not pay that compliment to his
hand. We then remounted, and rode round the town in great state,
leaving the Kadi to kill a fat sheep as a sacrifice. I was much
amused at sight of the little boys, all dressed in their fathers’
clothes, which trailed along the ground as they walked, and had
a most ludicrous appearance. Some had only a rich jacket on, which
hung on them like a great coat; and all wore turbans over their usual
red caps. Every donkey was in requisition, and those which had the
longest backs bore the greatest quantity of elegant riders. The joy
depicted on every countenance, the fineness of the weather, and the
novelty of the scene, was really very striking. Clothes were worn
on this day which had never been used but on similar occasions; and
many a Kaftan revisited the light, which had belonged to the great
grandfather of the wearer. This feast is the Bairam of the Turks,
and lasts three days; during which, the people, in their finest
garments, receive and pay visits of ceremony. Every afternoon the
Sultan rides out in state. Even the most needy manage on this grand
occasion to get a little camels’ flesh, and sometimes mutton.
The great people (as commanded by their religion) give food to the
poor, who take care to come in immense crowds to demand it. We were
obliged to expend two of our remaining dollars, and to distribute
camels’ flesh. However, it really was appropriated to those
who most wanted it; as I sent for the negroes who accompanied
our Kafflé from Tripoli, and who were without friends or money,
and divided it amongst them. One necessary attendant on charity is,
that the person who bestows it should go and boast of his good deeds
to all the world. I was found much fault with by our neighbour for
not sitting outside the door to distribute the flesh, (Mr. Ritchie
being too weak to attend for that purpose), so that every one should
see me—a piece of ostentation which our neighbour did not omit; and
in only giving pieces about the size of a walnut to each applicant,
of whom there were great numbers, he certainly extended his charity
farther than we did.
Many parties of Tuarick came with their slaves and goods, during the
last month, (July), from Kashna, Aghades, and Ghraat. They are the
finest race of men I ever saw; tall, straight, and handsome, with a
certain air of independence and pride, which is very imposing. They
are generally white, that is to say, comparatively so; the dark
brown of their complexions only being occasioned by the heat of
the climate. Their arms or bodies, (where constantly covered),
are as white as those of many Europeans. Their costume is very
remarkable, and they cover their faces as high as the eyes, in
the manner of women on the sea-coast. Their original motive for so
doing is now forgotten; but they say it must be right, as it was
the fashion of their forefathers. This covering extends as high
as half way up the bridge of the nose, from whence it hangs down
below the chin on the breast, much in the same way (but longer)
as crape or lace is hung to a lady’s half mask. This cloth
is generally of blue glazed cotton; but yellow, red, white, and
many other colours are worn according to taste, or the ability
of the wearer to purchase them. The beard is kept close clipped,
so as not to interfere with the covering which is tied behind;
their red caps are generally very high, but some wear yellow or
green ones, fitted close to the head: others have no caps at all,
but leave their hair to grow, and plait it in long tresses. All
wear turbans, which are never of any fixed colour: blue is the most
common and cheap; but gaudy hues are preferred. A large loose shirt
(having the sleeves the same size as the body), called Tobe, is the
common dress; it is of cotton, generally blue, or blue and white,
and is of their own manufacture, although some wear those of Soudan,
which are considered the best that are made. The merchants generally
dress very gaudily while in the towns, wearing kaftans of bright red
cloth, or very gay silk and cotton striped, which they procure from
the Tripoline traders. A leather kaftan is also much worn, of their
own manufacture, as are leather shirts of the skins of antelopes,
very neatly sewed, and well prepared. Their trowsers are not made
so full as those of the Moors, as they would in that case be much
encumbered in riding their maherries: they rather resemble those
called Cossack trowsers, and are made of cotton stuff, dark blue
being the most common. Their sandals are the most elegant part of
their dress, being made of black leather, with scarlet thongs to
brace them to the feet. The ornamental needle-work on the inside
of the sole is really admirable. They all wear a whip, hanging
from a belt passed over the left shoulder by the right side. Their
swords are straight and of great length, and they wield them with
much ease and dexterity. From the left wrist is suspended a dagger,
with the hilt towards the hand; it has a broad leather ring attached
to the scabbard, and through this the hand is passed. No Tuarick
is ever seen without this appendage, and a light elegant spear,
sometimes entirely of iron, inlaid with brass; others are of wood,
but are also highly ornamented. These weapons are about six feet
in length, and are thrown to a great distance. In making war,
they have three longer and heavier spears, and a strong lance,
which are fastened behind the saddle. A long gun is also generally
carried; and these people are considered sure marksmen. They are,
if possible, more superstitious than the natives of Fezzan; some
of them being literally covered with charms against disorders and
accidents, which they wear round their arms, legs, necks, across the
breast, and in fact wherever they can find a place for them. Their
spears and guns have also their due allowance, and in the folds of
the turbans are always hidden a number of holy writings. Some wear
large silver cases tied round the head, containing charms against
the devil. Their language is the Breber, or original African tongue,
still spoken in the mountains behind Tunis, in some parts of Morocco,
and at Sockna, where it is called Ertana. On a future occasion I
shall give a small vocabulary of it. They are very proud of the
antiquity of their language, which some have told me was spoken by
Noah, in preference to any other. They never kiss the hand as other
Mohammedans do, not even that of the Sultan himself, but advance,
and, taking the hand, shake it, and then retire, standing erect,
and looking him full in the face—a striking contrast of manners
to that of the natives of Fezzan. No people have more aversion to
washing than the Tuarick generally have; some, after having equipped
themselves in a new suit of blue, become so stained for a time as to
appear of the same complexion as their garments. Even in performing
their necessary purifications, which require that a man should
wash in a particular way before his prayers, they avoid water,
and make use of sand. Many attempts were made by us to discover
the reason why they kept themselves in such a dirty state; but to
all our inquiries we obtained nearly the same answers: “God never
intended that man should injure his health, if he could avoid it:
water having been given to man to drink, and cook with, it does
not agree with the skin of a Tuarick, who always falls sick after
much washing.” There are some, however, who do wash, and ridicule
the dirty ones; but these are comparatively few. They are Moslem,
and their prayers are in Arabic, of which language many do not
understand a syllable; those who do pray (and there are many who
do not) only repeat their belief, viz. “There is no God but God,
and Mohammed is his prophet,” and know very little besides of their
religion. They inhabit that immense tract of country, known in maps
under the name of Sahara, or the Great Desert, and are of numerous
tribes, some of whom have no settled habitations, but wander like
the Arabs, and subsist by plunder. They are not cruel on these
occasions, provided they meet with no resistance; but should the
party attacked attempt to defend themselves, their death is certain.
[Illustration:
_Drawn from Nature by G. F. Lyon._
_On Stone by M. Gauci._
TUARICK IN A SHIRT OF LEATHER. TUARICK OF AGHADES.
_London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. 1821._
_C. Hullmandel’s Lithography._]
The Tuarick, or more properly tribes of them, are always at war with
the Soudan states, and carry off from them incalculable numbers of
slaves. They are so completely masters of their weapons, and so
very courageous, that they are much dreaded, which enables them
to traverse unmolested, and in very small bodies, countries full
of armed people. Each tribe has some peculiarity in its dress,
or manner of riding and making war. The nearest Tuarick to Fezzan
are at Ghraat, which is ten days from Morzouk, and from Oubari,
the most western village in the Wadey Shiati. Near Sebha (see map)
it is seven days west by south.
Ghraat, غرعت is a walled town, having houses in streets, and
built of stone and mud, in the same manner as Morzouk. It is twenty
days from Tuat, طوات and five days from Ganat, which place is
not, as has been generally supposed, a town, but merely a country
producing dates, and having a few scattered huts and gardens,
the wells of which are salt.
Ghadams, غدامس is twenty days north-west of Ghraat. At about
the distance of five or six miles from the latter, is a town called
El Berkaat, البركعت famous for the quantity and fineness
of the grapes produced there. It is also a walled town, but rather
smaller than its neighbour, which may be about the size of Sockna.
[Illustration:
_Drawn from Nature by G. F. Lyon._
_On Stone by M. Gauci._
TUARICKS OF GHRAAT.
_London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. 1821._
_C. Hullmandel’s Lithography._]
Ghraat is built partly on a plain, and partly on a steep hill
side. It is closely surrounded by high mountains, which are
perfectly barren: the plains are not sandy, but gravel. The Sheikh
is there called Sultan, and his name is Bel Gassem. He receives but
a precarious revenue, and that only from the settled inhabitants,
who are called Ghratïa. The Tuarick show no respect to him, and pay
no duties. They are generally wanderers, leaving only a few of each
tribe in the country; but they never settle any where else. They are
of the tribes Heggār, حقار, Booghrasāten, بوغراساتن,
Menghrāata, منغرعت, and Haïoon, حيون; which last people
are famed for sanctity, and there are but few of them who have not
performed the pilgrimage to the Holy House. They are settled in the
country, and seldom go to the negro kingdoms to trade. The Sultan
has not the power of life and death; cannot alter or make laws;
and is directed by an assembly of the elders of the people, who
always try offences of a criminal nature, and then submit their
sentence to him for his approval. He cannot even resolve on any
measure of importance without first obtaining the permission of
those elders. Neither in his dress, mode of living, or habitation,
is he distinguished from the common people; and he walks about and
trades by himself without attracting any notice. The Sultanship
is hereditary, and not being a very desirable office, occasions no
wars for the succession.
The Ghrātïa allow strangers to sit and converse with their wives
and daughters, who seldom are known to abuse the liberty allowed
them. They are said to be fine looking women, and inclined to
corpulency. These people are reputed to be rich, from their constant
trade with Soudan, and from having no one to deprive them of their
gains. Provisions of all kinds are exorbitantly dear. The dates
are not plentiful, and of a very inferior quality. They grow but
little corn, and procure more from Morzouk in exchange for slaves,
gold, or other merchandize.
The Tuarick of the tribes frequenting Ghraat are insatiable and
unwearied beggars, generally securing possession, and then begging
the thing taken as a present.
There is annually in the spring a great market, to which dealers
from all the neighbouring countries resort in great numbers. The
Ghadamsines bring swords, guns, powder, flints, lead and iron ware,
also a few articles of clothing. The Soudan traders bring slaves,
cotton cloths, skins, gold, civet, shears, daggers, water skins,
Goroo nuts, &c.: the Fezzan merchants a mixed cargo of such goods
as they procure from Tripoli or Egypt. Slaves and camels, dates
and corn, are always the principal articles of commerce, and in
great abundance. All traders have a tribute exacted from them by the
Tuarick of the country. Clothing, some powder, or any small article,
franks a Kafflé; and if a single trader goes, the same is expected
from him: friends only being allowed to pass free. This tribute is
called “safety money,” and once paid, the merchants are exempt
from farther demand. The Mamlukes of Morzouk, or people sent by
them, do not pay any thing, it being the interest of the Tuarick,
who constantly come to the capital, to keep on terms with them.
The manner of riding amongst these people is very singular. They
have swift, tall camels, called Maherry (the Herie of travellers),
with which they perform extraordinary journeys. The saddle is placed
on the withers, and confined by a band under the belly. It is very
small, and difficult to sit, which is done by balancing with the
feet against the neck of the animal, and holding a tight rein to
steady the head. They manage these creatures with great dexterity,
fighting when mounted on them, and firing at marks while at full
speed, which is a long trot, in which, the maherry can continue at
about nine miles an hour for many hours together. They do not much
esteem horses, and never buy them but for the purpose of exchanging
them for slaves in Soudan.
We had many visits from these extraordinary people, who came to
see us as curiosities, and minutely examined every thing we would
allow them to handle. The report which they had heard of our great
knowledge, and of our being able to look steadfastly at the sun,
or in other words, to take celestial observations, brought large
parties to our habitation, on whom we not unfrequently played a few
tricks. Phosphorus astonished them beyond all measure; kaleidoscopes,
and the camera obscura, also excited great amazement; but the compass
was quite beyond their comprehension, so much so, that they generally
were afraid to touch it. Our arms were more suited to their taste,
and they took much pleasure in handling them. The pistols with stop
locks were looked upon with great reverence, and a sword which
I had, with a pistol in the handle, was considered so valuable,
that I might have purchased with it a couple of Negresses. Our
having a stock of medicines was a sufficient inducement for all
our visitors to find themselves very ill, and to imagine not one,
but every disorder of the country. One man had bad eyes; if he
succeeded in getting something to relieve them, the whole party
all began immediately to blink, and affect to be half blind, hoping
also to get some medicine. Another had a liver complaint; the rest
then were all so ill as to be unable to walk or to speak without a
great many ejaculatory oh’s; and so on, until they had exhausted
the whole chapter of ailments. We at first gave them medicine, but
soon discovered it was a preconcerted plan to impose on us, and
that when one set had obtained what they wanted, another brought
forward a friend or two, who were exactly in the same miserable
and suffering state as themselves, and equally disposed to deceive
us. One begged a little physic to keep in store, another some sugar
just to taste, a small piece for their wives as a curiosity, and
a few lumps into the bargain for their children: a little writing
paper for charms, a handful of tobacco, one of our nice knives, or
a pair of scissars, or a little powder to show when they got home,
with many other et cæteras, until our patience being completely
exhausted, we were obliged, very unceremoniously, and much to their
astonishment, to push the whole party out of the house. Many amusing
incidents occurred on the score of medical knowledge, which showed
the implicit confidence reposed in us.
During Mr. Ritchie’s illness, an old man, aged eighty, came to
consult us about his back, which was very much bent, and had been so
for many years: he had seen us give a liniment to a person who had
sprained his ankle, which got well in a few days; and his request
was, that some of the same medicine might be given him to strengthen
his back, which, he said, was becoming very inconvenient to him. One
of the Tuarick, who had taken a very strong dose of salts, brought a
friend to interpret for him, as he understood but little Arabic, and
begged to be told what he was to do to stop the effects of the dose,
lest, not rightly understanding me, he might be in danger of dying
on the road. A Negress of the Sultan’s chief man being sick, sent
her armlet to Mr. Ritchie, by which he was to discover her disorder,
and to send her the requisite medicine. The Sultan’s own women
were continually sending little bottles for something to cause them
to bear children, and their emissaries sometimes whispered whether
it was a boy or girl that was desired. Mr. Ritchie prescribed for
the whole of the Sultan’s establishment, which, with the males
and females, might amount to at least a hundred. Numbers came or
sent daily with such an air of authority, as led us to suppose that
Mukni had spread a report of his paying liberally for Mr. Ritchie’s
attentions, which was not the case; on the contrary, we were all
day weighing out doses for the slaves, who never even thanked
us for our trouble; and when we were poor and destitute of every
comfort, Mukni never gave us the slightest assistance: if, however,
any of his family required charms for their disorders, the writers
were liberally rewarded, and the effect of the medicines always
attributed to those charms. When I commanded at the laboratory,
I took good care to give such doses as were not easily forgotten,
and, in consequence, none of his household ever after sent for
medicine, unless really ill. Many of the women required a great
deal of explanation, as to how any thing taken into the stomach
could relieve a head-ache. Purgatives were always despised in
comparison with emetics. The allowance which would suffice for a
strong European took no effect with them; but when a double dose
was given, it pleased so much, that many requests were made for
“Just such another dose as was given to such a one, which made him
so sick that he almost died.” The prevalent disorder when a man
wanted medicine for novelty’s sake was, being “ill all over.”
By the 20th August, Mr. Ritchie had tolerably recovered. Mukni
had several times, during his illness, talked publicly of his
great friendship for us, declaring, that if we were in want
even of a thousand dollars, he would immediately lend them:
but his conduct was in direct contradiction to his professions;
for although he visited Mr. Ritchie during his illness, he never
offered him the least assistance, or even bestowed such trifling
articles of nourishment as I requested. Once, and once only, when
rice was not to be bought, he, with great parade, sent a quart,
on which the poor invalid dined for eight days.
It became indeed but too apparent that he expected and wished us all
to die, in which case he would have seized on, and appropriated all
our effects and merchandise to his own use: of the latter, we had a
great quantity, which Mr. Ritchie would not allow me to dispose of,
lest it should lower us in the eyes of the natives; but I thought
it could be of little consequence when compared with our lives,
which were so perpetually endangered by want and privation. We
had in vain tried to dispose of our horses; they were so lean,
(and we had no money with which to buy any provision to fatten them)
that no one would even look at them.
I had managed to keep my own in rather better case than the others,
by giving him our travelling baskets, and occasionally stealing
a little food for him, but still he was not sale-worthy. In this
situation were our affairs, when in one of our visits to the Sultan,
Mr. Ritchie ventured to ask from him the loan of some money:
his answer, though a negative, was couched in very plausible and
friendly terms; and he assured us, by the name of God, that we
were welcome to all he had in the world, but that the Bashaw had
lately exacted so much from him, that he had not a single dollar
remaining. It happened, however, that on the preceding day, he had,
to our certain knowledge, received 4000, which were deposited in
the very chest against which he leant, whilst he uttered these
falsehoods. Finding that nothing was to be gained at this visit,
we retired in utter disappointment, not knowing where else to apply.
Belford, at this time, was attacked with giddiness and deafness,
and fell into a very weak state. Our situation was daily becoming
more deplorable in all respects; our rate of living was reduced to
one saa, or quart of corn per diem, with occasionally a few dates,
amongst four of us. Mukni’s spy, about this time, came and made
some very mean offers, (but which Mr. Ritchie thought proper to
reject) about purchasing our cloth and gunpowder, and we plainly
perceived he was negotiating for the Sultan. We had endeavoured,
indeed, to sell some of our merchandise, by offering it somewhat
cheaper than the people of the country; but no one would actually
buy, or even propose for it, and we then became convinced, that Mukni
was the cause of all our distresses; he, however, still continued
to call on us, proffering kindness which he never intended to fulfil.
Being now reduced to the last extremity, and Mr. Ritchie not thinking
it right to draw for money on the Treasury, I drew a bill on my own
private account, for £20, with which we proceeded immediately to the
Sultan, hoping it would have the desired effect: Mr. Ritchie having
at the former interview explained to them, that if he accommodated
us with 80 dollars, and sent the draft to his (the Sultan’s) wife,
who was then resident in Tripoli, she would instantly receive the
amount from the British consul. He still, however, refused to assist
us; when on a sudden, artfully pretending to mistake 8 for 80, he
exclaimed, “Well! I did not think it necessary to draw a written
agreement for so small a sum; I will, however, advance you the eight
dollars you require, and you may return them when convenient.”
Farther explanation to a man determined not to understand was wholly
useless, and our poverty not allowing us to refuse the sum, however
small, we accepted it; and immediately employed part of our newly
acquired riches in treating ourselves with a little meat.
Though we knew not where to procure farther pecuniary aid, we were,
for the moment, happy, and soon after had reason to be more so. We
had, on coming to Morzouk, lent to our neighbour, Hadje Mahmoud,
20 dollars, of which he paid us 10; and now, in the moment of need,
brought us the remainder. At this critical period, it acquired
tenfold value, and was of course received with thankfulness and
delight.
In this unexpected improvement of our circumstances, we determined to
fatten our horses for sale, and to purchase some fowls and a milch
ewe, as a resource against future illness. We frequently rode out
to the gardens near the town, and Mr. Ritchie became again tolerably
well, though I observed, with much regret, that his late and frequent
disorders appeared to have very materially depressed his spirits,
insomuch, that he almost constantly remained secluded in his own
apartment, silent, unoccupied, and averse to every kind of society.
At the end of this month, a large Kafflé of Arabs, Tripolines,
and Tibboo, arrived from Bornou, bringing with them 1400 slaves of
both sexes and of all ages, the greater part being females. Several
smaller parties had preceded them, many of whom also brought
slaves. We rode out to meet the great kafflé, and to see them enter
the town—it was indeed a piteous spectacle! These poor oppressed
beings were, many of them, so exhausted as to be scarcely able to
walk; their legs and feet were much swelled, and by their enormous
size, formed a striking contrast with their emaciated bodies. They
were all borne down with loads of fire-wood; and even poor little
children, worn to skeletons by fatigue and hardships, were obliged
to bear their burthen, while many of their inhuman masters rode on
camels, with the dreaded whip suspended from their wrists, with which
they, from time to time, enforced obedience from these wretched
captives. Care was taken, however, that the hair of the females
should be arranged in nice order, and that their bodies should be
well oiled, whilst the males were closely shaven, to give them a
good appearance on entering the town. Their dresses were simply
the usual cotton wrappers, and even these, in many instances, were
so torn, as scarcely to cover them. We observed one girl (of what
country I know not) who had her back and shoulders burned in little
sprigs, in a very curious manner, so as to resemble figured silk;
it had a very pretty appearance, and must have been done when she
was quite an infant. Some of the women carried little children on
their backs, some of whom were so small, that they must have been
born on the road.
The Tibboo, who bring the slaves from Bornou, are of the tribes on
the road; and some are from Fezzan. They never trade to Soudan,
on account of the distance; but prefer exchanging their slaves
for horses, which they sell to great advantage in the interior:
for though there are horses in Bornou, they are not much esteemed;
but those of Tripoli are greatly valued. The Tibboo ride on saddles,
resembling in some respects our English ones; but they are smaller,
and have a high peak in front: their stirrups resemble ours, but
they do not put the whole foot in them, only the four small toes,
the great one remaining out; their shoes are all contrived for this
purpose, by having a separate division for a great toe, and are made
in the same manner as childrens’ mittens. Their bridles are also
in our style, being much lighter than those of the Arabs. They are
more careful of their horses than of their families, sparing no
expense to fatten them; this is done by cramming them with large
balls of meal or dough, which are considered highly nourishing. A
fine horse will, in the Negro country, sell for 10 or 15 Negresses;
each of which, at the Barbary ports, is worth from 80 to 150 dollars.
All the traders speak of slaves as farmers do of cattle. Those
recently brought from the interior were fattening, in order
that they might be able to go on to Tripoli, Benghazi, or Egypt:
thus a distance of 1600 or 1800 miles is to be traversed, from
the time these poor creatures are taken from their homes, before
they can be settled; whilst in the Interior they may, perhaps,
be doomed to pass through the hands of eight or ten masters, who
treat them well or ill, according to their pleasure. These devoted
victims fondly hoping that each new purchaser may be the last, find
perhaps that they have again to commence a journey equally long and
dreary with the one they have just finished, under a burning sun,
with new companions, but with the same miseries.
The females are always considered as bearing fatigue much better
than the males; perhaps because their small allowance of food and
water more easily suffices them. I have always observed that the
men were more miserable in their appearance, and walked with more
difficulty than the women.
Having been enabled to collect a great deal of information from
Bornou traders, respecting that country, I shall here detail it;
but I have to request my readers to bear in mind, that I only report
what I have heard, and refrain from giving any opinion as to the
Course of the Niger, having so often found how little the accounts
concerning it are to be credited. I certainly have formed my own
conjectures; but may be mistaken, as better theorists than myself
have been, on that most interesting subject.
COUNTRY OF BORNOU,
AS COLLECTED FROM TRADERS.
_Bornou Language._
One Teelo
Two Andee
Three Yaskoo
Four Daigoo
Five Oogoo
Six Araskoo
Seven Tuller
Eight Oskoo
Nine Lekār
Ten Maigoo
Twenty Maigoo lata Maigoo
Hundred Jarroo
Man Kooa
Woman Mata
Father Abbah
Mother Yany
Head Kela
Eyes Shim
Nose Kensha
Hair Kondoly
Teeth Timmi
Belly Soro
Hand Moskoo
Foot Shie
Blood Boo
Day Koo
Night Booné
Sleep Koonem
Dead Nowy
White Bull
Black Tsellm
Sun Koo
Moon Kengāl
Stars Shilluga
Stone Kow
Good Unglla
Fire Kanno
Water Ankee
Earth Shiddi
Bird Ongoodo
Egg Engoôbble
Fish Boney
Camel Kalgāmoo
Cow Faï
God Allah الله
Bornou is a large tract of country, 40 days’ journey, or about 700
miles, south of Fezzan. It is bounded on the east by Baghermi, on the
west by Kano كنّو, and to the northward by Kanem. Few traders
ever go due south of Bornou, and are therefore unable to speak of
the countries in that direction. There are many contradictions
respecting the principal town, called Birnie برني; or more
properly, Birnie Jedeed or new Birnie, to distinguish it from
another town, called Gedeem or _old_.
These towns are five days east and west of each other, and the River
Tsād runs near them both. The old town is the most to the westward,
and is now nearly forsaken. In consequence of its vicinity to the
Fellāta, who were masters of Soudan, it was constantly exposed to
Ghrazzies, or incursions for the purpose of carrying off the natives;
and even single inhabitants were often seized and dragged from their
labour by small marauding parties, who lay in ambush for them. It
was therefore determined about eight years since, to build a new
town more in the centre of their country, and to forsake what had
been their capital from the earliest times in which they were known.
Thus it is that the accounts received are often materially different:
those who have visited the old town, giving their distances from
it, whilst more recent traders speak only of the new one. All the
distances I have laid down are from the last.
From Birnie to Baghermi is ten days to the borders, S.E. Looggan,
a town of Bornou, is half way, or five days; and the Tsād runs past
it, across the road, in such a way, that those going to Baghermi
must necessarily pass it. This river runs from S.W. to N.E. is
of great breadth, and is crossed by heavy goods being carried
on rafts, floated on large gourds, which are impelled forward by
swimmers, who hold or push with one hand whilst they strike with
the other. Smaller rafts are used to carry four or five men, or
some light goods; these, according to my informants, are formed
with cross spars and gourds. The men sit astride on this machine,
having their legs in the water, and so propel themselves forward
with their hands and feet. A lighter vehicle is used for one man,
and is merely a spar on two flat gourds, carried on by paddling
with the feet and a small oar.
[Illustration]
I learnt with astonishment, that though the river has many
crocodiles, they never attack the legs of people passing in
this manner. Whether the raft or the bright yellow of the gourds
intimidates them I cannot tell, but so it is.
The river, according to the natives, is said to run past Foor—
(Dar fur of Brown), and thence to Egypt. Horses are swam over,
being buoyed up with inflated water-skins slung round them; and
camels are conducted by men who hold them by their long upper lips,
and keep their heads above water: the forepart of that animal being
the heaviest, another man sits behind the hump, in order to raise
the fore and depress the hinder parts, whilst crossing.
Almost every account we received of the Tsād was so materially
different, that it long remained a puzzle to us, how to account
for such palpable errors as some of our informers must have fallen
into. Some declared it to be so large a Lake, that the opposite
side of it could not be seen from Birnie; others termed it an
inconsiderable river: at last, the nephew of the Kadi, who had just
arrived, furnished us with the following clear statement. “The
Tsād is not a river, but an immense Lake, into which many streams
discharge themselves after the summer rains. It is then, for some
months, of such extent, that the opposite shores cannot be seen,
and the people catch many fish, and go about on it in boats. In
the early part of the spring, when the great heats come on, it soon
changes its appearance, and dries up, with the exception of a small
rill. This streamlet, which runs through the centre of its bed,
is called by the same name, and comes from the westward, taking an
easterly direction; but to what place he knows not.”
All the inhabitants of the villages on the borders of the Lake go
out and sow corn and esculent vegetables, which come to maturity,
and are gathered in before the rainy season, as in Egypt, after the
flowing of the Nile, which he has seen. He had himself observed the
people getting in their harvest on the same ground which he had,
only a few months before, known to be covered with water.
The rivers which, he says, flow into the lake after the rains,
appear to be torrents from the mountains, as he never observed more
than the small stream I have mentioned in the dry season.
The Tsād is also called the Gambarro after it quits Birnie, and even
there it is as frequently called the Nil. Until a few years ago,
when the country became much improved under the mild government of
a very religious Moslem, it was the custom to throw into the stream
at the time of its rise a virgin richly dressed, and of superior
beauty. The greatest people of the country considered themselves
honoured if the preference was given to one of their daughters,
and the learned men augured a good or bad year from the ease or
difficulty with which their victim was drowned.
There are several tribes of wandering Tibboo to the northward
of Bornou, the principal of which are the Wandela, Gunda, and
Traïta. These people are principally Kaffirs: they do not trade,
but live by their flocks, and not unfrequently by pillage.
To the eastward of Bornou, near Baghermi, is a country called Mandra,
which is tributary to Bornou, but does not escape the incursions for
slaves, which are frequently made by its nominal protectors. The
language of this country is a corrupt dialect of the Bornou. The
people are finely formed, and the females have lively intelligent
countenances: they are all Kaffirs, and live in huts of grass,
woven like mats, and sewed together, called Booshīa.
I shall have occasion, when speaking of the country of the Tibboo,
to mention three rivers of note which I am able to trace to some
distance at ten days to the north of Wadāy.
I now return to the accounts of the bearings of several places of
note from Bornou.
Birnie Jedeed to
Baghermi, ten long days, east-south-east.
Maoo, principal town of Kanem, fifteen days, north-north-east.
Kanno, ten days, west.
Kooka, fifteen days, east by south.
Kattagum, four days, west-south-west.
Ringhem, nine days, west-south-west.
Shaikoo, two days, west.
Kawar, ten days, north-eastward.
Bilma, fifteen days, north-eastward.
Makaree, eight days, east-south-east.
Ongornoo, fourteen days, east by south.
Zegzeg, fifteen days, south-west.
Zakari, eight days, westerly.
Waday, sixteen days, easterly.
Bahr el Ghazal (south part), ten days, east-north-east.
Kashna, sixteen days, west.
Morzouk, forty days, north.
At Kattagum, a river called Nil by the natives flows across the road
from Bornou to Kashna to the north-east. It is of great magnitude,
and is passed on rafts; the water is sweet, and full of fish. It
rises periodically, and sometimes overflows the country.
Ongornoo is situated within a day of Kooka, and is much frequented
by traders in the spring, when a large market is held there,
principally for slaves, who are brought from all the surrounding
countries in security; a general armistice prevailing during the
annual sale. It is subject to Bornou: the people are Mohammedans. A
river flows past it to the eastward.
Bahr el Ghazal, the south part of which is about ten days
east-north-east of Birnie, runs nearly north-east and south-west
for a great distance. It is inhabited by Negro tribes, of whom the
greater part are Kaffirs, or, at all events, not Moslems. The nearest
part of it to Bornou is about ten days east-north-east. It is an
immense wadey, or valley full of trees, and having many inhabitants,
who are wanderers. Elephants, rhinoceroses, lions, buffaloes, and
the camelopard, or giraffe, called Jimel Allah جمل الله,
or God’s camel, by the Arabs, are in great numbers. The natives
generally use a kind of corrupt Arabic, though one or two languages
peculiar to the country are also spoken.
These people are a fine race, well made, and very active. They wear
their hair, which is not woolly, long and plaited. The general
dress is leather, but some go entirely naked. The cattle are in
such numbers, that parts of the country appear literally covered
with them. Great quantities of elephants’ teeth are procured in
the woods.
All the accounts of this country agree in one material point,
namely, that though called Bahr, there is no river; but that there
has been one of great magnitude. Immense bones of unknown animals
and fish are frequently found here in a state of petrifaction. The
Arabs account for this, by saying, “They went to take them up
as bones, but by a deception of Iblis they proved to be stones.”
Handsome shells, Beit el Khoot, بيت الخوت or “fishes’
houses,” are often found imbedded in the earth, and retaining a
fine polish. Some are so large, that the Negroes make trumpets of
them. By their description of the bones and vertebræ, some of the
fish must have been ten or twelve feet in length.
Battalïa, which is often called Bahr, appears by some accounts
to be near Bahr el Ghazal, while others assert that it is part
of it. The same accounts of its having once been a river, and of
petrified bones being found in it, are generally believed.
Bornou is governed by a Sultan, who is considered very powerful;
but of late years he has allowed the Sheikh of Kanem (which
country is dependant) to encroach upon his authority. The Sheikh,
who is a great Marāboot, never uses gold or silver in his apparel,
and confines himself to four wives; but has several female slaves,
who have borne him a multitude of children. He is constantly making
war, under the plea of religion, against the neighbouring Kaffirs,
and has enriched himself by the immense number of slaves and horses
which he has taken. He lives at Kanem, in the chief town Maoo,
which is fifteen days north-north-east of Birnie: his name is El
Hadge el Ameen. All the traders from Fezzan carry him presents,
and consider him as a far greater man than his master, who now
lives in a very retired manner.
In Kanem, within one day of Maoo (the capital), is a very
large river, which comes from the south-west, and runs to the
north-east. It is deep, broad, and full of fish, which the natives
dry in the sun, and keep in store for the rainy season; it is called
by the people of the country Yaoo, but by the Moorish traders, Nil.
On Mukni’s last excursion in that direction, he made an attack on
the defenceless people of Kanem, Moslem as well as Kaffir: and having
first burnt their town, pursued them to the banks of the river; many
were drowned in attempting to cross it; others were taken out of the
water; and the women and children who had not the power of escaping,
were caught on the banks; the number of captives made on that day
amounting to 1800. The route of Mukni’s army on its return, was
over a wide sandy desert, without water for three days. During their
journey a tremendous wind arose, which blew the sand about in all
directions, and continued to rage in so furious a manner during two
entire days, that Mukni and his people were totally at a loss in what
direction to proceed. On the second evening, however, it was resolved
that a number of the captives should be sent on under a small guard;
but many of these poor creatures expired by the way: the remaining
few succeeded in finding a watering place. Mukni himself remained
until the third morning; when the sand wind still continuing, and
his impatience increasing in proportion to the delay, he gave an
order that all the remaining slaves should be put to death. This
cruel mandate was immediately executed in cold blood on three hundred
defenceless beings, whose country he had first entered under the mask
of friendship, pretending that he came only to wage war against some
states which had injured them. This aggravated cruelty and treachery
was therefore the more odious; and his very name, in consequence,
is never mentioned by the people of that country without curses on
himself and ancestors, which even little children are taught to utter
as soon as they can speak. This war on Kanem set the wild tribes in
motion, and a ferment arose, which, even three years after, was not
appeased. The Sheikh of Kanem, whom I have already mentioned, was
fortunate enough, on this dreadful occasion, to escape to Birnie,
many of his family having fallen sacrifices to Mukni’s barbarity.
In Bornou there is current a small copper coin of little value, which
is struck in the country. Gold is also used, but more generally as
an ornament, than as an object of exchange. The people are called
Believers, but a great part of them are Kaffirs. Their dresses,
in the most civilized parts, are of cotton. Their arms are lances,
bows, and arrows: the Sheikh and a few of the Sultan’s guards have
muskets; but they are unable to make good powder. It is reported,
that in Birnie are 60,000 horsemen, who have armour for themselves
and horses, which are small but hardy, and are said not to run as
other horses do, but to spring forward by repeated bounds: large
ones are in great request, and are chiefly purchased from the Fezzan
traders. Wedda, ودّه or cowrie shells, are not used as money, but
as ornaments, and bands for the head. The country is very fertile,
producing corn and fruits; amongst others the Tamarind, طمر
الهندي, or fruit of the Indies. The woods are numerous, and
the trees very large and shady: from these the boards are brought
on which prayers are written, and children taught to read.
From Tegerry to Kanem is 20 days south by east; Kanem to Bornou is
15 south by west. Many of the Kafflés pass over the countries of
the Tibboo, and through the desert of Bilma, from whence they enter
on the borders of Bornou. As I intend speaking of these places on
a future occasion, the routes I shall there mention may be taken
as the nearest.
OF KASHNA AND SOUDAN IN GENERAL.—FROM MORZOUK TO KASHNA.
South-west by south.
Morzouk to Akraf 14 days.
Akraf to Felezlis 4
Felezlis to Tadent 4
Tadent to Assieu 6
Assieu to Trajeet 4
Trajeet to Seloofia 2
Seloofia to Āghades 2
Āghades to Begzam 3
Begzam to Ghrulghīwa 3
Ghrulghiwa to Tagama 7
Tagama to Kashna 7
--
56 days, of 20 miles per diem.
Āghades is a large district, having a town of the same name; it is
36 days from Morzouk in summer, and in winter is sometimes 45. It
is 15 or 20 days from Kashna; 20 from Bornou; 6 from Asouda; 3 or
4 from Begzam; 30 in summer, and 35 or 40 in winter, from Ghraat;
and 40 from Tuat. The inhabitants are Tuarick of the tribe of
Kellewi. It is a larger town than Morzouk; the houses are of mud,
and are built in the same style, and of the same size, as in Fezzan:
some have a kind of second story. It is surrounded by a wall of mud
and stone, of sufficient strength to protect it. There is a very high
Mouadden or Minaret to the principal mosque, which the Tuarick affect
to consider higher than any in Egypt. The country is independent,
and is governed by a Sheikh, who is a Mulatto, and of middle age,
named Yusuffah. He is considered as great a man as the Sultan of
Fezzan. Dome dates are in great plenty: the common ones are scarce,
and never arrive at any degree of perfection. The soil of the country
is earth, not sand, and is quite covered with grass. There are
large trees, chiefly the Talhh. Corn and vegetables are in plenty,
and animal food is very cheap. The people are rigid Moslems.
Kashna is 20 days from Noofy. I here give an account of the road, as
we received it from a friend of Horneman’s, who is well acquainted
with Soudan.
{Kashna to Yandekka.
{Yandekka to Doogroomakee.
{Doogroomakee to Zurmee, a very large town.
{Zurmee to Faoushee, or Zanfara.
{Faoushee to Doofa Mafora.
West{Doofa Mafora to Thalata noma.
{Thalata noma to Bacoora.
{Bacoora to Gandee.
{Gandee to Burnee dengāda.
{Burnee dengāda to Sakkatoo, a large Fellata town.
{Sakkatoo to Mifferadaati; from whence several small
towns are passed until Noofy, which is a country on the borders
of the Nil. Its chief town is Bakkanee; and it was there that
Horneman died, in the house of a man called Ali el Felatni. Our
informant gave the following account of his having accompanied
Horneman from Morzouk to that place. They first became acquainted
in Fezzan, from whence they went together with a large Kafflé to
Bornou, when they separated. After Horneman had resided three or
four months there, they again met in a Kafflé going to Kashna,
and associated much together. The people became greatly attached
to Horneman, on account of his amiable deportment and skill in
medicine; and he was generally considered as a Marāboot. After a
short time they proceeded with another party of merchants to Noofy,
living together in the house of a man named Ali, of the tribe
Fellata. It was Horneman’s custom while on his journeys after
quitting Fezzan, to note down the bearings of every tree, mountain,
or village, he saw; by which means he might be more easily enabled
to know his road again without a guide. His intention was to go on
through Dagomba to Ashantee, which is forty days’ journey to the
southward. When our merchant left Noofy, he was in good health and
spirits, and had not experienced any difficulties; but this man,
on arriving in Kashna, heard that Horneman had died of dysentery,
a few days after their separation.
The clearest account I have yet heard of the rivers which flow near
Kashna is from a person named Mustapha, a son of the old Mamluke
who, with his two other sons, was strangled by Mukni. This man fled,
and spent some years in Soudan. He has himself passed three rivers,
all running from _east_ to _west_, as he thinks; but will not be
positive. One alone is very considerable; fish, alligators, and
hippopotami, being found in it. It is very deep, and is passed in
boats, and by rafts. He mentions the rivers in the following order:
Kashna to the river Ringhem is seven days east. This river is
the smallest; it is deep, but narrow; water quite fresh. A town,
called Sankara, is distant one day east.
From Kashna to the river Doodroo is six days nearly south. On
this river are canoes, which are hollowed out of a single tree:
they have sharp bottoms, not rounded. They are numerous, and serve
equally well for fishing, and for ferry-boats from shore to shore.
From Kashna to Kattagum (which again appears east-north-east on the
road to Bornou) south-east is ten days. This river is at all times
large; but after the rains it overflows the country. During the
inundation the natives use rafts floated on gourds, which grow to an
extraordinary size. A quantity of these are scooped out, and lashed
together; a deck is then formed of brushwood, or bundles of rushes.
The only palpable inaccuracy in his account (and which, indeed,
is a great one) is that relating to the course of these rivers:
he was by no means certain whether they flowed to or from the east,
and always concluded by saying, that he never had thought it worth
while to remember the circumstance.
From Kashna to Sakkatoo is nine days and a half west. This place is
the residence of Bello, son of the celebrated Fellata chief Hatman
Danfodio. It is a walled town of much consideration, three days
east of Gooberr, which is also a Fellata town, and one day east of
Kebbi (the Cabi of our maps.) The natives are now a settled people,
but were once wanderers of the warlike tribe of Fellata, who, some
years since, came from the west, and succeeded in overcoming the
whole of Soudan, carrying their conquests as far as old Birnie,
and causing the Sultan and his people to remove five days farther
to the eastward. These conquests have, in the end, occasioned their
ruin; for not having it in their power to continue a force in each
subjugated country, they became scattered, and were easily driven
back by the different tribes who had been subject to them. They
now are not found (except in small parties) farther east than
Kashna. Their complexion being of a much lighter hue than that of
the other tribes, they call themselves white; their colour resembles
that of our gipsies in England.
Many female slaves are brought to Morzouk from their nation,
and are very handsome women. The men I have never seen, and I
understand that in the late wars all the male prisoners were put to
death. They walk very erect, and have rather a haughty expression
of countenance. These people have been of late chiefly at war with
the Tuarick, who are powerful enemies, and harass them continually.
Kashna is still in a great measure dependant on Bello, who appoints
its Kaid or Governor. This man is named Mellona Amarroo Delagie,
and assumes the title of Sultan in his master’s absence. He makes
constant incursions on the countries round him, and is much dreaded;
though he sometimes suffers severely from retaliations. His family
consists of two hundred Negresses, and the same number of children,
which they have borne him. I conceive from a vocabulary, which I
subjoin, that the Fellata will be found to be the Foulah of Park:
they call themselves Fellan.
From a young woman, who arrived direct from Sakkatoo, I obtained
some trifling information. The account she gave of herself was,
that as she was leading her cows out to feed, a party of Gooberr
people (also Fellata, and subject to the same King), seized and
brought her away; but meeting on their progress with some Tuarick,
she was sold to them. Her complexion was fair, and she had an
intelligent countenance; her legs were much swelled, and her form
emaciated. She was called into her master’s presence to give me
some words of her language, when I began by asking her how she named
a man in her country: thinking I wished to know that of her husband,
she looked up, and with tears in her eyes, answered, “Mohammed;
but he is alone now;” and then added, “I had a little boy, too,
called Mohammed; when I was stolen he had no teeth, and I know not
who will suckle him.”
I here subjoin the words she taught me.
Man Efillo.
Woman Debbo.
Boy Pipullo.
Girl Bitadeppo.
Small Toccochu.
Heavy Teddoodoo.
Light Oodumhaïneddi.
I understand Andal.
Hand Jungo.
Head Hora.
Sun Naanga.
Moon Laighroo.
Stars Caudie.
Meat Niri.
Flesh Taïoo.
Horse Pootchio.
Cow Nagga.
Ass Babba.
Camel Gailopa.
Goat Baïa.
Sheep Baloo.
Dog Kootooroo.
Walk Jiadoo.
Sleep Fokadaan.
Come Warr.
Go Beadillo.
Good Oodonwodi.
Bad Kalloodoo.
Large Maoodoo.
River Lana.
Eat Aniami.
Drink Ghiarki.
Sweet Oodomwaili.
Sour Oodomlammi.
Heaven Samaachi.
Father Babama.
Mother Imāma.
Elder brother Maoona.
Younger brother Minia.
Sister Bānda.
Grandfather Mamama.
Wife Tirajumma.
Friend Haigomo.
Foot Koinka.
Leg Korla.
I do not Mianda.
Milk Koossum.
Mat Dago.
Carpet Baïtookki.
Pillow Ting ada.
I Mahan.
You Maan.
He Damaitoo.
Shirt Toggora.
Trowsers Serla.
Gold Laamdi.
Iron Yamgoo.
Corn Elcamarani.
Maize Baïra.
Gussub Gaouri.
Tree Barkihi.
Wood Leddi.
Water Ghium.
Fire Eeta.
God Allah.
House Oora.
Town Gerri.
Bowl Laa.
A well Oondoo.
Water Ghium.
Rope Bogool.
Bucket Kianga.
Book Deftera.
To-day Ilanda nundi.
To-morrow Tiango.
Yesterday Fadijiango.
Not yet Towli.
I am ill Tyawdoo.
I am well Hairama.
Beads Kaadeh.
Petticoat Oodarra.
Aba Godori.
Thigh Asanga.
Arm Kiauwall ghisingo.
Belly Kraigoo.
Back Baoo.
Breast Barendi.
Neck Daandi.
Nipples Endoo.
Fingers Honedoo.
Cap Hoffanaïra.
Cat Mussouroo.
Shoes Paddi.
Beard Wari.
Eye Gitta.
Nose Hinari.
Mouth Kondookkoo.
Forehead Teeda.
Ear Leppi.
Turban Maitello.
Blood Eia.
Bones Kial.
Burn Awli.
Roast Awoodi.
Hot Odunwooli.
Cold Dumfai.
Hungry Ïam.
I am full Mihāri.
Thirsty Nanadumka.
This Doondo.
Give Okon.
Take Gabboo.
Fat Paidoo.
Thin Fautdo.
Dirty Toondi.
Clean Loomram mitell.
Tired Ensoomi.
Language Bolli.
Sword Kansakali.
Stone Booddi.
Sand Jearidi.
Earth Laidi.
Red Bodaijo.
White Daraijiu.
Black Balaijiu.
Green Koraijiuna.
Yellow Jianajiu.
Get up and go Ummadillo.
Grass Koodoo.
Hard Uddumyori.
Soft Oodum haihaitirri.
How are you Mia Loodoo.
Well Noobāndoo.
Whence come Kai ooaidi.
Where going Tingailta.
Is he within Uden wodi.
He is not Unwalla.
Garden Engassa.
Run Endogga.
Quick Ommandillo.
Enough Doodoo.
A little Sedda.
To weave Sansanbi.
Flour Kiandi.
Pepper Syasi.
Poor Kolakomi.
Rich Waidande.
Honey Jumeri.
Bird Soodoo.
Fowl Gertooka.
Pigeon Umfoodi sondo.
Set down Jiaura.
Night Ghem.
Morning Dun waidi.
Day Hansi.
Lion Jagerri.
Arrow Lebbo.
Glass Karroo.
Spoon Gerbal.
Pot Footira.
Knife Lab.
Spear Ghembirri.
Dagger Labijungo.
Gun Bendiga.
Rain Ghium ghiwondi.
Brass Yamgo daikoo.
Tiger Melaho.
Antelope Lelwa.
Happy Well well ti.
I am sad Berna metti.
Sing Ghimmoo.
Dance Fidio.
Fear Dooba.
Teeth Nïa.
I thank you Allah imoghni.
Bello, son, as I have said, of the celebrated Fellata Chief, is famed
for many very noble actions, and is a man generally beloved. He
is a great warrior, and the people about him are very well armed
and appointed. He does not, like the other chiefs, seek out the
gaudy dresses and toys brought by the Kafflés, but buys up arms
of all descriptions. Reverence for his religion, and for those who
are eminent in it, are amongst his virtues. I was acquainted with
a man who passed himself off as a Shreef, which he was not, and
who had been plundered by the Tuarick. Bello actually presented to
this impostor one hundred Negresses, thinking that he only offered
a slight testimony of respect to the memory of the Prophet in the
person of his pretended descendant.
Cowries, or shells, are the current money of Kashna, and all
the towns westward: 2000 is the exchange for a dollar. By way of
showing their comparative value, it may be mentioned, that a fowl
costs five shells, a sheep 600, and a bullock 2500. Corn, rice, and,
indeed, all the necessaries of life, are very cheap in Soudan. Rice
is purchased at one dollar for 3 cwt. Bullocks are used to carry
burthens, and to bring the grain home from the fields. The asses
are fine animals, the camels scarce, and dear in some parts.
The people are excellent workers in wood and leather, which
they prepare equally well as Europeans, dying it of very fine
colours, and sometimes glazing it. Pillows, bags, sandals, jars,
and even boxes of leather are brought by the Kafflés, and sold
very cheap. Bowls composed of wood, or gourds, are finely carved,
and much sought after by the Fezzan traders.
The women make very fine cotton cloth of gay patterns (having
generally a great proportion of blue), and of firm texture; but it
is remarkable that they never exceed in breadth three inches. Shirts
made of these cloths are so very neatly sewed, that it is impossible
at first sight to discover the seams.
The natives of Soudan are very ignorant; the few among them who
can read find it their interest to make a great display of their
knowledge. A man who reads is always respected, and becomes a person
of great consideration; his presence being frequently sought for
at a high price at births or marriages, in order to prevent the
attendance of the devil, who immediately flies from a man capable
of reading from the Koran. The power of writing charms, or saffis,
is a sure step to riches.
About half the population on the banks of the Nil are Mohammedans in
outward forms, but are unacquainted with every part of their religion
except the prayers; some, indeed, are quite ignorant even of these,
and only acknowledge the unity of God and the excellence of the
Prophet. The other half are Pagans. Some nations have no idea of
worship, or of a Supreme Being; others pray to the devil; and many
are idolaters, and pay homage to any striking object in nature.
All the nations south of the Waters are said to be unbelievers,
and to live in a state of nature, resembling in their appearance,
manners, and habitations, wild beasts rather than men.
The Moslems have a greater share of superstition and vices than
those they call their blind neighbours, and seldom undertake any
thing without being first fortified by charms. They are constantly
fancying themselves bewitched, attribute every unpleasant occurrence
to Iblis; and are so fearful of the “Evil Eye,” that they adopt
many strange precautions to avert its baneful effects.
In justice to the poor unenlightened beings whom they make
their prey, I must say that I never witnessed such innocence,
tenderness, and mildness as most of them evince when brought to
Morzouk, particularly at the death of any of their companions in
adversity. On these occasions they do not, like their persecutors,
scream and make an insincere wailing; but sit silent and in tears,
and often refuse their little allowance of food. Should one of the
females fall sick, the others nurse, feed, comfort, and very often
give up the whole of their scanty meal to the sufferer. I speak
merely of the women, for the men are not blessed with very kind
hearts; and it would be considered by them as disgraceful to betray
any soft and tender feeling. Should a woman have an infant belonging
to her, each of her companions in turn will carry and endeavour to
amuse it. The women very seldom become sullen, and are lively without
being at all boisterous or noisy; they are clean in their persons,
very fond of ornaments, tractable and easily taught; but in acquiring
knowledge they unfortunately lose much of their native simplicity.
_Kashna to Sakkatoo._
West.
Kashna to Zumma 1 day.
Zumma to Kalawa 3
Kalawa to Gadaya ½
Gadaya to Kararee 2 days.
Kararee to Tekamoorāfa 2
Tekamoorāfa to Sakkatoo 1
--
Total 9½ days.
Two days farther west is Kebbi; half a day from which is a large
town called Bodinga.
Kashna to Gooberr five or six days west by south. This is a
principal Fellāta town, and was for some years the residence of
their Sultan. The houses are built in streets, surrounded by a wall,
and the adjacent country is very fine. Three days east-north-east
of Kashna is Tessawa, a town.
_From Kashna into Bornou._
East.
Kashna to Sabongaree 1 day.
Sabongaree to Roma 1
Roma to Beshi 1
Beshi to Kanno 1
Kanno is fourteen days from Birnie; it is governed by a Sultan,
and is a town of note.
North.
Kashna to Gayzaa 1 day.
Gayzaa to Zakari 1
Zakari to Ringhem 1
Here is a river of the same name, which comes from the countries
south of Kashna.
East.
Ringhem to Gongā 1 day.
Gongā to Mayga 1 producing many dome dates.
Mayga to Awyek 1
Awyek to Kattagum 1
Here the Nil, Goulbi, or Kattagum, passes from behind Kashna about
thirteen days south. It runs north-east at this place, and must
be crossed.
East.
Kattagum to Zoomawa 1 day.
Zoomawa to Gizzra ½
Gizzra to Ibrahim Zubbo ½
There is a tribe of Arabs here whose dwelling-place is called Bled
Ibrahim Zubbo, from the Sheikh who first established them as a
tribe. They are dark men without the negro features.
North.
Ibrahim Zubbo to Dowrā. 1 day.
Dowrā to Kalāwa 1
East.
Kalāwa to Shackow 1 day.
Shackow to Bayankalāwa 1
Bayankalāwa to Demetro 1
Kashna is four days east of Zanfara. To the north-east of Kashna
three days is a country (not a town) called Daura. The natives
are Kaffirs, very numerous, and constantly preyed on by the
Fellata. Kebbi is three days north-east of Bakkanee, the chief town
of Noofy. Kooka (the Cauga of the maps) is thirty days east by south
of Kashna; it is much exposed to the incursions of the people of
Waday. Kanno is four days east of Kashna, from which town Zegzeg is
four or five days south-west. Yagooba is six days south of the latter
place. Yemyem is the Lamlam of the maps. The inhabitants are reputed
to be cannibals, and from a circumstance which came under my notice,
I have no doubt they are so. A friend of mine had a male slave who
came from that country, and who was about ten years of age. I desired
a person, who spoke a language understood by the boy, to ask him,
as if undesignedly, which part of a man was considered to taste best
in his country. He immediately and readily answered, “The breast,
which is eaten by the men; the other parts being given to the women
and children.” But on further questioning him, it appeared he
did not know whether the victims were prisoners or natives.
This country joins Zegzeg to the southward; it is of great extent,
and the people are reported to live in a state of nature. Yagooba
borders on Yemyem, six days south of Zegzeg. Marādi is a country
lying half-way between Kashna and Gooberr, now nearly depopulated
by the constant attacks of the Fellāta. The natives are Kaffirs,
and go naked, with the exception of a leather wrapper round their
loins. They are a very handsome race of people. Tirka in Soudan
appears not to be known. There is a watering place of the Tibboo
in Borgoo, called Tirki.
Tuat is mentioned in many maps as a town; but it is a large tract of
country on the borders of Soudan, inhabited chiefly by Tuarick. It is
situated on the Great Desert, and is not very fertile. Fine horses
are bred there, and the flocks are numerous. The natives trade with
Tembuctoo, Soudan, Ghadams, and Fezzan, but seldom go so far east
as Bornou. The chief length of the country is from north to south,
and the towns bear very nearly in that direction to each other. The
houses are built of stone and mud, and have no second story; many
of the towns are walled. Ain el Salah, or the Fountain of Saints,
is the principal town. It takes its name from the sanctity of
its inhabitants, who have all the credit of being Marāboots. A
story is told of its having 366 castles, which were built by the
first Mohammedan conquerors of the country; they are said to be
of a great height and in fine preservation. I suspect, however,
they are pretty nearly of the same description as those of Fezzan,
of which we heard so many wonderful accounts, and which proved to
be only mud tombs, or remains of old houses. From Morzouk to this
place is about forty days’ journey.
West.
In Fezzan {Morzouk to Tessowa 1 day. Town and old castle.
{Tessowa to Oubāri 2 Town.
Oubāri to Haghki 2 Resting place.
Haghki to Kaïbo 4 do.
Kaïbo to Bengheh 6 do.
Bengheh to Doukaraat 2 do.
Doukaraat to Tadera 5 do.
Tadera to Amaghi 7 do.
Amaghi to Temadraati 3 do.
Temadraati to Houhaned 1½ do.
Houhaned to Oonabraghri 4 do.
Oonabraghri to Ain el Sala 2 Town in Tuat.
Between Tadera and Amaghi is a desert, which is travelled eight days
without water. All the road is sand without any other vegetation
than a few occasional shrubs, from Morzouk to Ain el Sala, which
is the northern town in Tuat, and the first reached by all the
Kafflés from the coast of Morocco. Tafilet is ten days north-west
of it. Tombuctoo, or Tembuctoo, is fifty days from Ain el Sala,
and the road is entirely over a desert. The first place from Ain el
Sala is Akably, a very large town, which is two days. From thence to
Mabrook is thirty-five days: this place is so called from its being
the custom for those who have passed the Desert to rest and refresh
there, each congratulating the other on having safely arrived over
their perilous road, by the usual salutation of “Mabrook,”
which signifies joy or happiness. Hence to Tembuctoo is fifteen
days. Ghadams, belonging to the Bashaw of Tripoli, is twenty days
north-north-west of Ain el Sala.
Tembuctoo is about 90 days’ journey from Morzouk, and the road
thence is through Tuat. From the account given by merchants,
it appears that it is not so large a town as has been imagined;
and indeed some agree in saying, that it is not more extensive
than Morzouk. It is walled; the houses are very low, and with the
exception of one or two small streets, are built irregularly. Huts
of mats seem to be in greater numbers than the houses.
The merchants to whom I suggested the idea, generally agreed with
me, that the immense population which is said to exist there,
may be thus accounted for. Many of the kafflés from Morocco,
Ghadams, Tripoli, and the Negro states along the banks of the Nil,
are obliged to remain there during the rainy season, or until their
goods are sold. During their stay, they find it necessary to build
huts or houses, to shelter themselves and their merchandise. These
buildings are got up in a few days; and thus, perhaps, ten or fifteen
thousand inhabitants may, in the course of a month, be added to the
population, which occasions Tembuctoo to be thought an immense town
by those who are only there at the same time as other strangers;
but when the causes which detain the travellers cease, the place
appears (what in reality it is said to be) insignificant. Thus it
is that the accounts of it differ so much.
Kabra, which is its port, is situated south of it about 12 miles,
and a person on foot may easily walk to and return from it in a
day. It is more properly a collection of store-houses than a town;
the few people residing there being employed to take care of the
cargoes of vessels. Large boats from Jenne come and unload at this
place. The river, called Goulbi or Nil (the former name is Soudan,
merely a generic term for all waters, and by no means applicable
to the Niger alone), is here very broad, and flows slowly past from
the westward. Many people agree in saying, that in the dry season,
a camel may pass over it without swimming; but after the rains,
it becomes very deep, rapid, and dangerous.
Tembuctoo is governed by a King or Sultan, who has but little
power. The people are all blacks, and dress like the natives of
many parts of Soudan; the better class in shirts and trowsers,
while the poorer order are nearly naked. Gold, cotton clothes,
leather, and arms, are the principal manufactures of Tembuctoo and
the surrounding villages. Jenne is said to be the place from which
gold comes, and is thence called Bledd el Tibbr بلد التبر,
or the country of gold.
I could obtain no account of Mr. Park, but every one agreed that
it would be quite impossible (the buildings being so small and ill
constructed) for him or any other white man to be confined in the
town unknown to the traders, who enter every house, not excepting
that of the Sultan himself. This, I think, entirely confutes the
idea that Mr. Park has been, or is still confined by the Sultan, on
account of his skill in surgery; and there is equal reason to doubt
his being in existence, which some have supposed. Many Jews trade
from Morocco, which, as they differ from the Mohammedans in their
customs, has given rise to the report that there are Christians
in the country; they are said to be circumcised, eat no pork,
kill their animals in a peculiar way, and neither acknowledge
Christ nor Mohammed. A nation of these people is said to exist
south of Tembuctoo, the language of which place is peculiar to
itself,—though Arabic is a little spoken; the people are regarded
as good Moslems.
_Language of Tembuctoo._
Man Ahinda.
Woman Afintoo.
Boy Aberry.
Girl Aterry.
Hand Akhood.
Head Agodi.
Iron Azeli.
Eye Aiti.
Ass Ehaid.
Camel Elgimmo.
Goat Egghsi.
Sheep Taili.
Gold Agreef dodi.
Pillow Kote.
Corn Attow.
Tree Esheri.
Wood Esheri.
Water Ami.
Fire Ofi.
God Allah.
House Bactoo.
Town Agherri.
Heaven Engi.
Father Abbi.
Mother Emmi.
Brother Kati.
Sister Aghotoo.
Grandfather Ajeddi.
Friend Sehhi.
I understand Foni.
I do not Mofedi.
Sun Ofitti.
Moon Hitti.
Meat Taasoo.
Flesh Hamo.
Horse Aïs.
Cow Abari.
Sweet Zaidi.
Milk Alebbi.
Mat Boshti.
Carpet Fershit.
Foot Edthi.
Leg Edthair.
Beard Heti.
Nose Hoshti.
River Bori.
Eat Tay.
Drink Ushti.
Walk Kaedodi.
Sleep Auti.
Come Ka.
Go Dodi.
Bad Ferri.
Large Koti.
Small Katch.
Heavy Toozi.
Mouth Fetti.
Light Afi.
Arm Eghrai.
Belly Teddis.
Back Kerri.
Neck Terri.
Nipples Foffi
Fingers Beddi.
I Anikikki.
You Ani looloo.
He Hooti.
Here the intelligence of my informant ceased.
The King of Tembuctoo is an old man, named Kaoo, which, I believe,
means governor or master; his wife is an old woman, and he has many
concubines. The Sultanship is hereditary.—Tembuctoo is distant
from Downa, a large town or district on the banks of the Nil,
one day and a half east. Arowan is north of the city seven days,
and is a place of consequence. Ezawen is east twenty days, and
is also a large town. Taudenny, from whence the large kafflés,
who bring rock salt, come annually, is twenty-four days north of
Tembuctoo. Telemsen, which is twelve days north of the latter, or
indeed half-way to Taudenny, is remarkable for a desert, having no
water for ten days; thence called Asherïa. Mabrook is three days
north of this place, ten days south of Taudenny, seven days east
of Arowan, and eighteen days south of Awlef in Tuat.
Sala is a place three days from Tembuctoo, on the Nil to the
eastward.
The Nil, Goulbi, Joliba or Kattagum, runs from Tembuctoo, through
Melli in the country of the Fellata; thence to Kebbi, which is three
days north of Nooffy: past this place or country, it runs to Yaowri,
which is seven days east; from thence to Fendah, a Fellāta country
S.W. of Kashna, which latter kingdom it passes at thirteen days south
of the capital. It again makes its appearance at Kattagum, four days
W.S.W. of the capital of Bornou, where it runs into a lake, called
the Tsaad. Beyond this lake, a large river runs through Baghermee,
and is called the Gambarro and Kamadakoo; the word Nil being also
used for the same stream.—Thus far are we able to trace the Nil,
and all other accounts are merely conjectural. All agree, however,
that by one route or other, these waters join the great Nile of
Egypt, to the southward of Dongola.
Wangara is a place of which we cannot obtain any decided account;
it is, however, generally supposed to be a low country, and
sometimes inundated. One person states it to be twenty days south of
Tembuctoo; another places it south of Kashna; and many even assert,
that it is beyond Waday: but it is quite impossible from the varied
accounts given of it, to form any idea as to its actual situation,
or even existence.
Should there really be three places so called, may it not be probable
that it is a general name for marshes and swamps? In the one spoken
of behind Tembuctoo, the capital is said to be Battagoo, and is
a large town, near which much gold is reported to be found. An
invisible nation, according to our informant, inhabit near this
place, and are said to trade by night. Those who come to traffic
for their gold, lay their merchandise in heaps, and retire. In the
morning, they find a certain quantity of gold dust placed against
every heap, which, if they think sufficient, they leave the goods;
if not, they let both remain until more of the precious ore is
added. These traders in gold dust are by many supposed to be devils,
who are very fond of red cloth, the favourite article of exchange. I
cannot conceive Arabs to be the merchants, for assuredly they would,
least of all people, refrain from stealing the gold thus temptingly
placed in their view.
Haousa, Soudan or Afnoo, may be comprehended between Kanno, which is
four days east of Kashna, and the borders of Tembuctoo. It appears,
that the name only extends to the country which runs east and west,
near the great river; for Aghades, which is north of Kashna, is
not in Soudan: neither is Yemyem, which is south.
Soudan is an Arabic word, signifying the black country; and is
also named by them Ber el Abeed بار البيد or “Land of
Slaves;” but the natives all agree in calling it Haousa, which has
been mistaken for a town. The language of the country, of which I
shall give a specimen, is called by the people, “Haousa Tongue.”
Always Koollum.
All Doka.
Afterwards Zoōashan.
Ass Jackee.
Antelope Baraiwa.
Arm Dumsi.
A fly Koodda.
Arrow Kibbia.
Alive Derrai.
Asleep Bershi.
Butter Mai Ferri.
Bad Moogoo.
Bread Korāsa.
Boil Taffasa.
Bucket Googa.
Boy Yaroo.
Bowl Akooshee.
Bring Kaoo.
Bone Kushēe.
Beads Doosi.
Better Yafi.
Burn Jugrinica.
Black Bekki.
Breast Gubba.
Belly Shikki.
Blood Jinni.
Basket Sanfoo.
Before Dowree.
Brother Kani.
Bull Sania.
Bird Soonsoo.
Book Littafi.
Bitter Deddāshi.
Beat Boogga.
Buy Saïya.
Beard Gaymi.
Blue Dafoa.
Brass Jankerfi.
Blacksmith Mekeri.
Bag Jekka.
Box Sandook.
Come Yaka.
Crest of hair Doka.
Cry Ikooka.
Cold Daree.
Corn Elcamma.
Camel Rakomie.
Cow Sania.
Cotton Abdiga.
Copper Jankērfi.
Check Komatoo.
Cat Fatoo.
Country Garee.
Chin Habba.
Clean Fittatai.
Don’t Kaddakai.
Do this Kai.
Drink Isha.
Dance Eewassa.
Drunk Iasha Gheea.
Don’t go Kadda Kattafi.
Don’t cry Kaddakai Kooka.
Day Rana.
Door Kofa.
Dirty Dowda.
Dates Dibino.
Daughter Ia.
Dog Karre.
Die Meteshey.
Date tree Kershemi.
Dry Kaikasusshi.
Deaf Korma.
Eye Iddo.
Ear Koonnēh.
Eggs Koi.
Enough Iaisi.
Earth Kassa.
Eunuch Baba.
Elephant Gheewas.
Eat Ishee.
Fire Oota.
Fear Kai sooro.
Fat Kibba.
Flesh Nāma.
Fingers Fershi.
Fall Yafādi.
Forget Namanshi.
Face Fiska.
Friend Abokee.
Fish Keevi.
Fowl Kazā.
&c. &c.
1 Daya.
2 Bïoo.
3 Okoo.
4 Fooddoo.
5 Bïat.
6 Shidda.
7 Bokkoi.
8 Tokkos.
9 Tara.
10 Goma.
11 Goma shadaya.
&c.
100 Daree.
1000 Doobboo.
From 20 to 100 are as in Arabic:—
Asherin, Thalateen, Erbain, &c.
Bornou is comprehended between Kanno and Baghermee. The people of
Waday bring dried fish from a large river to the East of Baghermee
to Wara, the capital.
I did not find any one who knew any thing of Solan, Berissa, Tirka,
Gana, or Noro. People are said to go constantly from Noofy to the
Great Sea, to trade with the Whites, and they even bring back
crockery ware, powder, brandy, and arms. One of our informants
went so far as to assert, that there were one or two people there
who understood the language of the Whites. I must observe, that
from Kanno to Zegzeg the road is dry even in winter; but in summer
in many places the country is covered with water, which for forty
days gives it the appearance of a great lake. Our present informant,
an observing man, said that he saw no rivers flowing there; but the
water which was “sleeping” came, as he supposed, from the Nil
of Kashna. He remained trading in Zegzeg until the inundation was
over, and made some great bargains. For seven yards of red cloth,
resembling baize, he purchased nine females, three of whom he
showed to me; they were grown up girls, and very handsome, taken
from Yagooba.