Articles of Commerce between Fezzan and the Interior, as well as
to Egypt, Bornou, and Waday — Gonja — Description of Ghadams
— Benewaleed and Benewazeed — Reports of a Successor to Mukni
— His Illness — Gardens — Costumes of the Natives — Their
Amusements — Visits to the Sultan’s Family — Celebration
of the Feast of Aid el Kebire — Sickness and Sufferings of the
Author and his Companions — Education of the Children of Morzouk
— Revenues of the Sultan of Fezzan — Illness and lamented Death
of Mr. Ritchie — His Funeral — Determination of the Author to
penetrate to the Southward of Morzouk.
THE ARTICLES OF COMMERCE CARRIED FROM FEZZAN TO SOUDAN, BORNOU,
AND WADAY, ARE—
_Beads._ The following kinds are at present in fashion: Mjeddrah
el Baida (white smallpox); of white china, having raised spots on
them. Erwandadi; transparent, oval, and dark blue. Koontombali; red,
transparent, having white streaks and figures, of an oval form. Khorz
el Adi; small beads of opaque glass, all colours. Menjura; large
octagonal beads of red, white, and green. The white are at present
preferred: a fowl is purchased for a bead of this kind. Khabba
Jedeeda; black oval beads, having white or light blue rings on
them. Guttuf; the smallest size, of all colours, mixed. Dhab el
Mesquin (or poor man’s gold); black china beads, having yellow
spots raised on them. Bandeaus of beads and necklaces ready made. I
have been thus particular for the information of future travellers,
as the beads we took with us were unsaleable, and the above are
always to be purchased at Tripoli.
_Coral._ Morgian Teddoo, small coral in strings, in beads, in the
rough, and in necklaces.
_Needles._ Four of which purchase a fine fowl.
_Silks._ Damask, and all light silks of a gaudy colour: if they
have flowers worked on them, they sell much better; _sewing silk_,
or raw silk, and ribbons of various colours.
_Red cloth_, of a coarse kind, and brings an equally high price
with the kerseymere we had with us. Salisbury flannels would sell
very well.
_Red shawls._ As turbans, and a few having fine borders, which are
sold to the chiefs. Our imitation shawls would be highly prized:
the more red they had in them, the better.
_Copper pots and kettles_, tinned inside.
_Brass basin._ If a little ornamented, so much the better. Flat
ones are preferred.
_Looking-glasses._ In stamped brass and other gaudy frames; and
a small kind in little brass boxes called Lamma in Tripoli, are
much admired.
_Swords._ Very long, straight, and double edged; bought greedily
by the Tuarick.
_Guns and pistols._ Seldom taken, as they are not easily carried
in bales.
_Morgoom._ Which is the long striped carpet, made by the Arabs near
Tripoli, and at Mesurāta on the sea-coast.
_Turkey carpets or rugs_, of about six or eight feet in length and
three in breadth, called Sejaada.
_Kaftans_, of silk and cotton in stripes, or red cloth, as gaudy
and cheap as possible: these meet with a ready sale.
_Caps_, of the manufactory of Tunis, long, and having large tassels
hanging from the crown.
_Bornoose._ Large red mantles, some ornamented with silk or gold
lace.
_Horses_, which, if tall, will sell very readily for fifteen, or
even in some places twenty negresses. Though the purchasers take
the trouble to look at their teeth, they scarcely know a colt from
an old horse. All animals of an imposing appearance, and long legs,
are eagerly purchased.
_Glass armlets_, of black and blue, made at Venice.
_Powder_, flints, and lead in bullets, sell quickly.
_Muslins._ For the chiefs to make shirts or turbans.
_Bales of linen._ Thread, and gold thread, which the natives
sometimes spin, mixing it with their cotton cloths.
_Sundries._ Such as files, chisels, and hammers; a few perfumes,
little boxes, and toys; all of which can be procured in Europe for
a mere trifle.
Nearly the whole of these articles are brought from Tripoli or Egypt,
and are very dear even in Morzouk. We had none of these goods,
which alone are objects of trade in the interior.
_In Exchange for which the Traders bring from Soudan,_
_Slaves._ Chiefly females, the males not being worth so much money
by nearly one-third, or sometimes one-half; are the principal goods
brought by the dealers.
_Zebed_ (civet.) Obtained from the cats which are kept in cages,
and are at stated periods irritated to such a degree, that a profuse
perspiration takes place, and the perfume is secreted in some folds
under the tail; which, by securing the animal, they scrape off,
and preserve in small boxes made of hide. A savage old cat will
produce ten or twelve dollars’ worth in three heats. Their price
is enormous, some being sold for three or four slaves.
_Zeneh._ A striped cotton petticoat, worn as a wrapper by all the
women: the patterns are various; some are very handsome, both in
the arrangement of the colours and in the workmanship.
_Cottons._ Dark blue, called Turkedi, striped blue and white, red
and blue, and in fact of many patterns; amongst others, chequered
like the sailors’ shirts. All these cloths are woven in webs about
three or four inches in breadth; they are sewed very neatly together,
and are excessively strong.
_Tobe_, or large shirts, much varied in colours and prices; the best
are called Samia, of blue cotton and white silk woven in stripes. A
female slave is considered a fair exchange for one of these shirts;
others are at seven or eight dollars each. White ones are also
made, but not considered equal to the blue. The names of those most
commonly brought are, Massaquari, Sharia, Shāta, Shinni, Freezy,
and Abiad, or white.
_Aba._ Of cotton: it is a large shawl or wrapper, used and worn
nearly as the barracans or abas of the Arabs and Moors. These
wrappers are always striped, and generally very handsome: they are
called Melhaffi Zaberma.
_Gold._ In dust, and small bars or rings. This precious metal is
not brought openly, owing to the avarice of the Sultan; and the
amount is very small in comparison with the commerce in the time
of the last Sultan. It is valued at about one dollar and a half
the Mitgal, or about the seventh part of an ounce.
_Leather._ Hides of sheep and goats, dyed and prepared extremely
well, of yellow, red, or black; they are even glazed in the same
way as morocco leather. The skins of bullocks prepared with grease
(of which water buckets and sandals are generally made), and quite
pliable. Many ornamental articles in leather are also brought;
amongst others the _Mokhadda_, or pillows, which are beautifully
made. They are mostly of red or yellow, with figures and ornaments
dyed in black or blue, and tassels hanging at the ends.
_Medaas._ Ornamental sandals of exquisite workmanship, for men
and women.
_Kelābo._ These are the ox hides just mentioned, and are sold in
Fezzan for five or six dollars each.
_Gerbas._ Or water skins, made of goats’ hides; they are considered
the best in Africa, are very large and tight, and are worth three
dollars each.
_El Khaaf._ The blue wrappers which form part of the head-dress of
the Tuarick.
_Ostrich skins_ with the feathers on.
_Honey._ Yellow and white, and very good.
_Goor_, _Kolla_, or _Gooroo nuts._ They are brought fresh inclosed
in a particular leaf, which retains its moisture for several days;
if occasionally dipped in water, the nut will remain fresh for
months. The taste is an agreeable bitter; and water drank after
chewing a piece of one appears quite sweet, resembling the flavour
of an artichoke. In Morzouk this luxury sells at the rate of four
nuts for a dollar. They are about the size of a walnut, and shaped
like a large bean. It is said, that in certain years when the
nut has been scarce, people in Soudan have given a slave for one
of them. They are the produce of Dagomba, Ashantee, and several
countries west of Tembuctoo: I conceive they may be the Kolla nut
of Park. When in a dry state, much of their bitterness ceases, and
they resemble a dry chesnut; they are then less valuable, and are
called Kowda. These dainties are offered to visitors as coffee is
on the coast of Barbary: many people call them the negro’s coffee.
_Pepper._ Red, of two kinds; and three or four sorts of black,
one of which resembles the pod of a vetch or tare.
_Tammerat el filfil._ A large pod, in shape resembling a walnut,
and containing many small seeds of a very pungent taste, equal to
Cayenne pepper.
_Zoogoo._ A kind of cotton cloth of great strength and thickness.
_Elephants’ teeth._ Not often brought.
_Leather jars._ For containing oil, butter, or grease of any
description. Honey is also brought in them: they are called Butta.
_Leather bags._ Capable of containing about a sack of corn; made
of the hide of the black buffalo.
_Bowls_, called Kaffala, highly carved and ornamented, made of
gourds; others are of wood; and wooden spoons.
_Mortars_, called Karroo, made of any hard wood, and used for
pounding corn.
Leather, and skin ornaments, ivory armlets and finger rings,
little fancy baskets, and many other trifles, complete the list,
and serve to supply the deficiency of a camel’s load. Blue
parrots are brought from Noofy, and sell at astonishing prices,
some as high as twenty dollars. They are carried by the negresses,
who soon teach them to speak. They are not found east of Noofy. A
sweet cake, called Aaoud el Kagh (or cough wood) made of spice and
honey, is another article of commerce. Occasionally they bring a
few sheep and goats, as presents to the Sultan, or to the families
of the traders; lions’ skins, and sometimes those of tiger cats.
_To Egypt the Fezzan Merchants carry_
_Slaves_, chiefly female.
_Gold_, procured from the interior.
_Red pepper_, native produce.
_Trona_, or soda, which is procured in the Wadey Shiati, and is
chewed with tobacco.
_Ostrich feathers._
_Tiger cat and lions’ skins._
_Majiggri_, or long-tailed sheep of Soudan, which are bought in
Egypt as high as thirty dollars each.
_Parrots_, procured from Soudan.
_Dates_, which they obtain at Siwah, half-way on the road to
Alexandria.
_Leather_ of Soudan.
_Dark blue Soudan cloths_ in pieces, &c. &c.
In return, the Egyptian traders, who are generally natives of Augela,
a midway town, bring
_Muslin turbans_, which are only worn by great and rich people.
_Silk_, in stuffs, raw, and in thread.
_Gold_, thread and lace.
_Striped stuffs_ of silk and cotton woven together, much worn by
the merchants in the interior.
_Cashmere shawls_, which are not often brought, are generally bought
up by the Morocco traders.
_Striped silk stuffs_ for women’s under garments, and ready made
up shirts.
_Silk and cotton_, sewed together in ribbons; also for shirts.
_Cotton shirts_, with coloured stripes for women.
_Silk handkerchiefs_ for women.
_Copper pots and basins_, tinned inside and out.
_Plates_, cups, and bowls, of earthen ware.
_Glasses_ for lamps, and brass and tin lamps.
_Carpets of cotton_, in coloured stripes.
_Green leather_, called Zengarr.
_Gilt leather_, called Smanto, which the women cut into small
stripes, and plait with their hair.
_Spices_ of several kinds.
_Woollen cloth_ of the most brilliant colours, but of the coarsest
and worst quality.
_Kaftans_, ready made and lined, of the above cloth.
_Beads_ of various kinds and colours.
_Agates_ and cornelians roughly cut in the form of hearts.
_Armlets_ of glass, of various colours.
Brass anklets, armlets, and ear-rings; blunderbusses, pistols,
swords, powder, and daggers; gilt stirrups, tents, soap of
an inferior quality, musk, sugar, brown and white, in loaves,
attar of roses, and jasmin; rosewater, aloes wood and camphor for
perfuming the dead, zebed (or civet) of Mecca, and several other
perfumes; silver ornaments for women; horses occasionally; bottles,
ornamented boxes, tobacco and bowls for pipes; bead headbands for
female slaves; sheet tin, and tin articles; red caps, Luban, a gum
tasting much like resin, which people chew, and gum mastic; Habsia;
handsome girls from Abyssinia, educated in Mecca or Egypt. They
are now but seldom brought, the Fezzanners not being rich enough
to purchase them as formerly.
_From Bornou the Tibboo bring_
Slaves, wooden bowls, kaffala, or gourd bowls; a few tobes or shirts;
sheep, goats, and a little honey. Lion’s skins were once brought,
but they are not now to be had, owing to the Sultan of Bornou buying
them all up for his negresses to sleep on, to prevent their bearing
children, as he has already a large family. It is implicitly believed
that a woman who sleeps on a lion’s skin never can become pregnant.
_From Tuat the Tuarick bring_
Gold procured from Tembuctoo in dust and bars; now, however, rarely
and in small quantities.
_Silk and gold belts_, with cases to hang the books in.
_Tinned copper pots_, basins, &c.
_Light jereeds_, or abas, of wool or cotton.
_Horses_, hair sacks, red, black, and yellow leather, ornamental
bridles.
_Korans_, and other religious books, elegantly written, and often
illuminated with letters of gold or rich colours.
_Kohol._ The black powder used for the eyelids.
_Aaoud el Kagh._ A sweetmeat made of honey.
_Atria._ A perfumed powder of cloves, wild lavender, and other sweet
herbs, with which the Fezzan women powder their hair: the smell is
by no means unpleasant.
Trifles and toys are also brought in great quantities.
* * * * *
In Soudan the people ride on Maherries.
Half-way between Nooffy and Ashantee is a country of great extent,
called Gonja. It is said that the people have the power of taming
the elephants, which there, as in Soudan, are found in great
numbers. This country is traversed by the traders in their way to
the Gold Coast.
The mountains of Kong, near Dagomba, are said actually to exist, but
I know not whether under the same name. Beyond Dagomba the country
is low and marshy, and at certain seasons is overflowed. All the
people, who are not Moslems, in Soudan, Bornou, or indeed over the
greater part of the interior, are called Kerdi, which means Kaffir,
or “unbeliever,” and is considered as a term of reproach;
but no distinct tribe called by that name exists.
The women of the whole of the interior have no hand-mills to grind
their corn, but pound it in large wooden mortars, enlivening their
labour by songs. The want of salt is much felt. The Tuarick of
Aghades and Asben, of the tribes of Kelliwe and Atesin, trade to
great advantage in that article, which they bring from the salt lakes
of Agram (Doomboo of the maps), on the Desert of Bilma, the position
of which I shall mention when speaking of the country of the Tibboo.
[Illustration:
_Drawn from Life by G. F. Lyon._
_On Stone by M. Gauci._
COSTUME OF SOUDAN.
_London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821._
_C. Hullmandel’s Lithography._]
The women of Soudan are much famed for their singing. They accompany
themselves on a little instrument made of a gourd, with a skin
stretched over it like a drum, having a handle and one string, which
is played by a bow made with horse-hair. This instrument is called
Erbab. Their other instruments are drums, bagpipes, rude cymbals,
and a long gourd called Zantoo, which has a hole at each end, and is
beaten against the calf of the leg, and stopped quickly by the hand.
The women of Bornou have not so many attractions as those of
Soudan. They are neither so handsome, well formed, clean, nor
good-tempered; and, in consequence, the slaves from the latter
country bring much higher prices. The costume of the women of
both these places is very remarkable, particularly in the manner
of dressing their hair; those of Soudan stretching it over a high
pad raised like a helmet, and the Bornou girls plaiting it in some
instances close to the head, and in others letting it hang down
like little bobbins. They wear a large shirt of cotton, or striped
silk, and a wrapper in the form of a petticoat, called Zeneh. Their
silver ear-rings, bracelets, and anklets, form a very pretty contrast
with their jetty skins. In their own countries they wear no shirts,
but a long wrapper tied over the breasts and under the arms.
Ghadams. I have frequently had occasion to speak of this place, which
is situated on the Desert, fifteen days south-west of Tripoli. It
is there that merchants going to Tembuctoo or Tuat assemble before
starting for their long journey. This place was once independent,
but a few years since was taken by the son of the Bashaw of Tripoli,
and has ever since remained tributary. The natives are constantly
trading to Tembuctoo, and there are few of them who do not speak
the language of that country, and of the Tuarick also. It is a
singular fact, that two tribes live in Ghadams without having any
communication with each other. From a person who had often traded
there I obtained the following account, and he drew on the sand
the small plan here shown.
[Illustration]
A large circular wall is divided in the middle by another broad
one, which separates the two towns. It has a gate through the
centre, which is shut during any disturbance. The inhabitants of
both towns were always at war with each other, and have even now
occasionally very dangerous quarrels. Outside the towns are the
gardens and date groves. The streets are all covered in, and are
so dark in consequence, that at sunset a person is unable to find
his way without a lamp. The houses are good, formed of mud, and
of one story. The natives are Arabs. Those who reside in the two
towns seldom see, and are as perfect strangers to each other, as
if living many miles apart. No intermarriages or civilities exist
between them, and a chance visitor from one town seldom escapes
insult from the people of the other. In Benewazeed is a spring
sufficiently large to supply both these places, as well as their
gardens. There are five channels from it, by which the water is
distributed in equal shares, at a certain allowance, in proportion
to the houses or gardens to be watered. When the allowance for one
place is poured into its proper channel, it is then dammed up, and
another is supplied. There are people regularly appointed from each
town to attend the distribution. The water is said to be rather
warm and quite fresh, and runs in a channel communicating with
the Mosque, through which it passes. There are many small rooms,
into which those who wish to bathe in performing their ablutions
may retire. The mouadden, or minaret of this Mosque is very high,
and may be seen at the distance of a day’s journey. Each town has a
Sheikh, and the two are under the command of a Kaid appointed by the
Bashaw. There are no manufactories, but it is well supplied by the
constant concourse of traders who pass through it. Many ostriches are
caught in the neighbouring desert, and the feathers form an extensive
article of commerce with Tripoli. In the southern half of the walls
is a tribe of Arabs living by themselves, called Oulad Belail. From
Ghadams to Iddri, in the Wadey Shirghi of Fezzan, is eight days;
and to Ghraat, twenty days short journeys, or fifteen summer days.
September.—All the people were this month busily employed in
getting in their soft dates, which were in great plenty, and
became their chief support. There are two harvests of this fruit;
one while the dates are soft, the other the latter end of October
and beginning of November, when they are dried and candied.
Reports were brought from Tripoli that it was the intention of the
Bashaw to send out another Sultan to supersede Mukni, and that a
larger tribute was expected than had ever been paid. These reports,
corroborated by one or two private letters, very much alarmed the
Sultan, and caused him to fall sick and take to his bed. He began,
for the first time in his life, to pray at the regular hours ordered
by the law; he ceased to swear, talked much of Paradise, and of
the superiority of the other world to this. Mr. Ritchie was at this
time very weak, and began again to be indisposed, but he constantly
visited Mukni, and at last succeeded in restoring him to health;
thus returning by kindness the ill treatment we had received from
him. We both went frequently to the Castle, and learnt by degrees
that some strong expressions of Mukni’s had come to the ears of the
Bashaw, whose emissaries he expected would be sent to strangle him,
and take all his wealth. Never was a haughty tyrant so completely
humbled by his fears as this man: he sat constantly in a dark room,
would receive only one or two visitors, and was nursed by negresses
day and night; always speaking in a low voice, and, in his terror,
betraying all his secrets.
Affairs were in this state when he determined on sending his chief
man, Aboo bekr boo Khalloum, to Tripoli, that he might endeavour
to mediate for him with the Bashaw. Presents of negresses and
perfumes were to be sent as a propitiation. Ten fine girls of the
Sultan’s household were intended for the Bashaw, with about one
hundred dollars’ worth of civet, and three negresses for the bey,
the heir apparent; two for his brothers, and one for each of the
principal people about the Bashaw. I took this opportunity of sending
my bill to the Consul, and Aboo bekr was to bring me back the money,
Mr. Ritchie having written to state our distressed situation. Soon
after the man’s departure we received a present of a sheep, and
two loaves of Egyptian sugar, from Mukni, who now began to feel a
little more at ease; but at the same time made secret preparations
for flight (of which we, however, were informed), by getting several
of his horses shod at night, and causing all his women to grind corn
and to make provision for a long and sudden journey. We were well
aware, that should he be under the necessity of flying, he would
not go empty handed; and it was pretty generally supposed that he
would first revenge himself on the Mamlukes, whom he suspected of
informing the Bashaw of his evil doings, and then take possession
of our effects, which by his artful schemes had remained so long on
our hands unpurchased. Our friends Yussuf and the old Hadje stole
to our house several nights to give us an account of what was going
forward, and, in consequence, we held consultations for our general
safety. It was some satisfaction to know that all the Mamlukes,
to the number of about ten, would have flocked to our house in the
event of any disturbance; and our arms and ammunition being very
superior to those of the Sultan, we should have stood a good siege
had we been attacked.
Mukni’s treacherous intentions were, in the meantime, too apparent
to allow of our feeling quite at ease, though he frequently came
to visit us, and still professed the same friendship for us as
before. One of our amusements on these occasions was to fire pistols
at a mark at the end of the room. He was very fond of this kind of
practice, and appeared to understand our arms; but we happily always
succeeded in firing much better than himself or his followers;
a circumstance of which, at this time, we were glad to have an
opportunity of convincing him. I had some very small pistols,
which he much admired, and he had given me frequent hints of his
desire to purchase them, even many months prior to this period,
but I did not choose to understand him. Mr. Ritchie agreed in the
propriety of keeping our arms loaded and ready, and we frequently
went into our yard to practise at a mark.
Mukni was at this time even more courteous and civil than usual;
indeed so much so, that he overshot his mark, and confirmed us in
our determination to be prepared for him. One of his Eunuchs who
came to ask for medicine for a woman of the castle who wanted to
bear children, hinted to us, that Mukni was preparing for a sudden
escape, and that much mischief was apprehended before he turned
his back on Morzouk. We could not be indifferent to this caution,
and therefore lay all night with our pistols under our heads, and
our other arms in readiness, conceiving we might soon be called
upon to make use of them.
In this state we continued for some days, Mr. Ritchie lying on one
side of the large room, I on the other, and Belford in a small room
adjoining.—One night, at about 12 o’clock, I was awakened by
Mr. Ritchie’s crying out in Arabic, “Who are you?” “Lyon,
there is a man on the house top.” We all instantly started up;
and I, being the most active of our emaciated party, was pushed
up to the roof, while Mr. Ritchie and Belford ran to our yard,
to cut off the retreat of the intruder. I saw no one, however,
and though I ran along the tops of some neighbouring houses, could
make no discovery. Our old Mamluke was sleeping on the top of his
house, and rose instantly with his gun in his hand, to assist in
the search. Meanwhile we all shouted to our neighbours, begging
their assistance to look for any strangers who might endeavour to
get on their terraces. In an instant all our friends were up, and
on the look out; but, after the strictest examination, no person
could be found.
Mr. Ritchie said, that as he was lying in bed, awake, he heard a
slight noise overhead, when, in looking up, he saw a man stooping
over our sky-light, or opening in the roof, as if for the purpose of
examining into the room. After ascertaining where Mr. Ritchie slept,
he knelt down, hanging his head as far over as he could, to observe
where I lay. Mr. Ritchie moved very gently, so as to reach his
pistol, when the intruder disappeared, and he instantly called out
to me. He stated, that he saw as low down as the man’s waist, that
his body appeared naked, and that he had a white cap on his head.
The buildings here being covered with a mixture of sand and clay
which easily receives the impression of feet, I endeavoured to
trace on the top of ours the tracks of our visitor, and succeeded
in finding one long print of a foot, exactly in the direction
in which Mr. Ritchie had first observed this man. The impression
did not resemble the shape of any of our feet; but was longer, and
entirely flat, like those of most Negroes. Little doubt, therefore,
could remain that a stranger had been there, evidently with no
good intentions.
The next morning we waited on Mukni, informing him of what had
occurred, when he affected to think Mr. Ritchie must have been
delirious, and laughed very much at our alarm. Old Hadje Mahmoud
was firmly persuaded it was Iblis, who had haunted our house ever
since a man was murdered in it. The foot-mark, however, staggered
him a good deal, and he offered to bring a Marāboot, who would by
smelling it, and reciting a few prayers, tell us who had imprinted
it. The more rational people agreed in our opinion, that it was a
spy, but this was only ventured in private; in public they pretended
to treat the matter as lightly as the Sultan did.
The preparations we had made, and our being observed to start up
ready armed, perhaps secured us from any farther visits of the kind,
and we took especial care to announce openly, that we would shoot
the first person we saw even looking into our back yard. We never
could positively ascertain why such a mysterious visit was made
to us, but we strongly suspected Mukni to be the sole instigator
of it. He soon after again fell sick, and constantly professed his
great regard for us.
After Boo Khalloum’s departure, some Arab Sheikhs were established
as inmates of the castle, and Mukni frequently walked hand in hand
with one of them, who was Chief of the tribe Barooda. This man
was considered as being better acquainted with all the roads of
the desert, than any other person in Fezzan. His own tribe were,
at this time, near Egypt; and many suspected, that Mukni intended,
with his assistance, to go off in that direction. But whatever
might have been his destination, every route would have been
equally dangerous for him, since he was detested by all the Arabs,
and liable to be tortured and put to death by the Negroes, should
he fall into their power.
For the present, however, leaving him confined in his castle,
I shall speak more of the people of Morzouk. The ablest person of
our sick party always went to the gardens to shoot pigeons, which
had been numerous, but which now had emigrated to the countries
to the southward. These visits to the date groves gave us many
opportunities of observing the manner of cultivating the grain and
esculents. The wells are generally about 20 or 30 feet in depth,
and more resemble large deep ponds than what we call wells. The
water lies on a stratum of grayish clay, is salt, and generally
smells very badly: it is raised by means of sheers made of date
trees, lashed together, and placed slopingly over the centre of the
pit. One or two asses, according to the number of buckets used, are
attached by a light harness and run down a steep bank, which renders
their work less laborious. The men who attend also draw with them,
and quicken their pace by pricking them on the flanks, with their
small reaping hooks, in so rude a manner, that many of the poor
animals are quite scarified. The water runs into small channels,
which are formed round the garden, while the women and children,
with scoops, distribute it as it may be wanted.
In some places where it is intended to allow the ground to
“drink,” the embankments are opened, and the garden is completely
flooded; thus the labour is very great, and absolutely necessary,
as rain is unknown, and no dews ever fall. The people who attend
the gardens, live in little huts constructed of palm branches, and
about six feet in height. The dates, when quite dry, are buried in
square holes, dug in the sand, and are afterwards covered over with
it. Corn is made into little sheaves, and laid out until wanted:
it is then beaten with long date-sticks, and asses are made to
run over it. The ground on which these operations take place is
a circle firmly clayed and quite clean: much sand is, however,
unavoidably mixed with their corn. Pomegranate and fig-trees form
an agreeable shade near some of the wells; they are so planted, as
to stand in the centre of the water channels. The gardens are, as I
have before stated, very small; yet it sometimes happens, that one
alone produces all the vegetables and fruits peculiar to the country.
Near our house was the principal Mosque, to which the Sultan and
ourselves went every Friday, as a matter of course; and every other
day, we found it necessary to appear there once or twice. It is a
low building, having a shed projecting over the door, which, being
raised on a platform, is entered by a few steps. A small turret,
intended to be square and perpendicular, is erected for the Mouadden
to call the people to prayers. One of the great lounges is on the
seats in front of the Mosque; and every morning and evening, they
are full of idle people, who converse on the state of the markets,
and on their own private affairs; or, in a fearful whisper, canvass
the Sultan’s conduct.
The men of Morzouk, of the better sort, dress nearly like the
people of Tripoli; the lower orders wear a large shirt of white
or blue cotton with long loose sleeves, trowsers of the same,
and sandals of camels’ hide: the shirts being long, many wear
no other covering. When leaving their houses, and walking to the
market or gardens, a Jereed or Aba is thrown round them, and a red
cap, or a neatly quilted white cotton one, completes the dress: on
Fridays they perhaps add a turban, and appear in yellow slippers. In
the gardens, men and women wear large broad-brimmed straw hats to
defend their eyes from the sun, and sandals made from the leaves
and fibres of the palm-tree. Very young children go entirely naked;
those who are older have a shirt: many are quite bare-headed, and
in that state exposed all day to the sun and flies. The men have
but little beard, which they keep closely clipped. The dress of
the women here differs materially from that of the Moorish females,
and their appearance and smell are far from being agreeable: they
plait their hair in thick bobbins, which hang over their foreheads,
nearly as low down as the eyebrows, and are there joined at the
bottom, as far round to each side as the temples.
The hair is so profusely oiled, that it drops down over the face
and clothes; this is dried up by sprinkling it with plenty of a
preparation made of a plant resembling wild lavender, cloves,
and one or two more species, pounded into powder and called
Atrïa: it forms a brown, dirty looking paste, and, combined with
perspiration and the flying sand, becomes in a few days far from
savoury in appearance or odour. The back hair is less disgusting,
as it is plaited into a long tress on each side, and is brought to
hang over the shoulders; from these tresses, ornaments of silver
or coral are suspended. Black wool is frequently worked in with
these back locks, to make them appear longer. In the centre of the
forehead, an ornament of coral or beads is placed, hanging down to
the depth of an inch or two. A woollen handkerchief is fastened on
the back of the head; it falls over behind, and is tied by a leather
strap under the chin. Each ear is perforated for as many rings as
the woman possesses, some wear even six on one side; the largest,
which is about five inches in diameter, hanging lowest, supported
by a string from the head. Round the neck, a tight flat collar of
beads, arranged in fancy patterns, is worn with coral necklaces,
and sometimes a broad gold plate immediately in front. A large
blue shirt is generally worn, the collar and breast ornamented
with needle-work: the women also wear white shirts, and striped
silk ones called Shāmi, which are brought from Egypt;—a Jereed
and red slippers complete their dress.
They generally have those wrappers of a darker colour than those
of the men. Some of the better class of women wear trowsers, not
fuller in the leg than those worn in Europe; they are very prettily
embroidered with silk at the bottom of the leg, and form a handsome
contrast to the black skin of the wearer. Cornelians or Agates,
roughly shaped in the form of hearts, are much worn as necklaces,
and they have a variety of rings for the thumbs and fingers. A band
of silk cord hanging round the body from one shoulder is generally
filled with pendent leather or cloth bags containing charms. Round
the wrists and above the elbows, Armlets of silver, gold, glass,
horn, or ivory, are worn according to the ability of the wearer to
purchase them; and on the ankles they have silver, brass, copper,
or iron shackles. I have seen a pair of silver ones, which weighed
128 ounces; but these ponderous ornaments produce a callous lump on
the leg, and entirely deform the ankle. The poorest people have only
the Jereed and sandals. Both men and women have a singular custom
of stuffing their nostrils with a twisted leaf of onions or clover,
which has a very disgusting appearance. The men, not using oil,
are much cleaner than the women; but the whole race of them, high
and low, apparently clean or otherwise, are abominably lousy; and
they make no secret of it. I have frequently observed the Sultan,
when detecting an interloper, moisten his thumb to prevent its
escape, and then demolish it with great composure and dignity. Some
of the neighbours whom we visited, whilst reposing on their carpets,
would send for a slave to hunt for these tormentors on their shirts;
and it is a great recommendation to a female slave, on sale, to
say that she is well skilled in this art, and in that of shampooing.
About the 20th of September, Mr. Ritchie again became ill, and
was confined to his bed; and though Belford had, in some degree,
recovered his health, he was completely deaf. We hired a woman to
cook for us, at a dollar a month; but she was only required to come
once a day to bake our bread, or to make our cusscussou, as we were
now on an allowance. It often happened, that when she had stolen
half our pittance, we were obliged to fast until the morrow. In
all our troubles, however, I struggled to keep up my spirits; and,
in the evenings when Mr. Ritchie had composed himself to sleep,
I sometimes accompanied Mohammed (who was civil to me on account
of some tobacco I possessed) to the parties of the natives, where I
joined them in dancing, and drinking Lackbi and Booza. The latter is
a liquor resembling in taste bad thick beer, and is made of dates,
the flour of Gussub, and water; it ferments in the course of a
night, and on becoming sour, is fit for drinking: it is preferred
when thick, and it soon intoxicates.
As these meetings were not very select, I was obliged to promise
secresy; for, had it been known that Mohammed or myself ever tasted
such unlawful beverage, we should have been looked on as downright
kaffirs. The people who formed these parties were generally of the
lower class, although I once detected amongst them the religious
old Kadi himself, in a state very far from sober, and listening
to a woman playing the Erbab; but I found, by occasionally mixing
with them, that I became better acquainted with their language and
customs, which I knew would be of essential advantage as I proceeded
southward. I also acquired many friends who, as far as their power
extended, were of much assistance to me. Mohammed condescended
to join in the dances, becoming always very much intoxicated,
and I frequently remained the only sober person amongst them; so
that I was able to make observations, and to be much amused by my
companions. As on all these occasions we were with closed doors,
in an open court, the women played to us on the Erbab, and really
produced a very pleasing, though a wild melody: their songs were
pretty and plaintive, and generally in the Soudan language, which
is very musical.
At some of our parties, a woman sang a song, which she said was
much admired by the brother of the last Sultan, whose name was Sidi
Montesor; and from certain expressions in it, I discovered that it
was the same mentioned by Horneman; and what was singular enough,
it was sung by the same woman: she recollected that traveller, as
having often been at the castle when she performed there. Some of
these songs abound with poetical images;—for example, a lover will
compare his mistress to a young date just ripened; the jetty hue of
her skin, to the wing of a raven; her teeth to pearls; her eyes to
the sun; and her breath to the attar of roses; her words to musk;
her voice to the erbab; and her kisses to honey, or the sugar brought
from Egypt. The Arab songs are also very pretty, and generally in
the same style. A young man once took much pains to teach me one;
composed, as he said, by a relation of his own. He sang it, as is
the Arab custom, in a voice low and monotonous, though far from
disagreeable. The hero of the piece is one of the Waled Suliman;
he is riding to see a girl whom he admires, but who belongs to
another tribe.—As nearly as I can recollect, the words ran thus:
“Here I am, well mounted, on a horse whose ears are like pens,
who runs like an antelope, and knows none but his master. My new
red cap becomes me well; my sword is sharp, my pistols well cleaned,
and my belt shines in the sun. As the heart of a pigeon beats when
she finds she is robbed of her young, so will my love’s heart
beat when she sees me. She will not allow the dog to bark, and she
will leave the tent as if in search of wood. Should her kinsmen
see her with me, she shall not fall under their displeasure. I will
lift her on my horse, and fly with her; for my steed has ears like
pens, he runs like an antelope, and knows none but his master. My
new tagaïa becomes me well; my sword is sharp, my pistols clean,
and my belt shines in the sun.”
The natives have a variety of dances, of which two or three are
peculiar to the country. The parties assemble on the sands, in the
dusk of the evening, when a number of young men and women range
themselves side by side, and dance to the sound of drums, to which
they keep very good time. The men have a rude kind of iron cymbal
in each hand, which opens and shuts: this they beat in the manner
of castanets; both sexes singing at the same time in chorus. The
movements consist in stepping forward, the whole line at once,
at a particular turn of the tune, as if to catch something with
their two hands, which they hold out; they balance themselves a
short time on the advanced foot, and then step back, turning half
round, first to one side and then the other. The whole line then
moves slowly, in a circle, round the musicians who form the centre,
and who all join in the dance.
There is nothing improper or immodest in this exhibition; but
on the contrary, from its slowness and the regularity of its
movements, it is extremely pleasing and elegant. Another dance
is performed by women only, who form a circle round the drummers,
and occasionally sing a lively chorus; one advances, and with her
arms extended, foots it to and from the drummers, two or three
times, until a change of tune, when she runs quickly backwards,
and falls flat down. The women behind are ready to receive her,
and by a jerk of their arms, throw her again upright; on which she
once more turns round, and resumes her place, leaving the one next
in succession to her to go through the same movements, all of which
are performed in the most just time; the whole party occasionally
enlivening the music, by their shrill and extraordinary cry of
joy. The dancing in the houses is not quite so pleasing as that
in public, and as for decency it is quite out of the question;
no man or woman standing up, unless to throw themselves into a
variety of indelicate postures. The male slaves have many dances,
in which great activity and exertion are requisite. One consists
in dancing in a circle, each man armed with a stick; they all move,
first half and then quite round, striking, as they turn, the sticks
of those on each side of them, and then jumping off the ground as
high as they can. Another is performed by boys, and they have no
drum, but keep chorus, by singing in a particular manner, La illa il
’Alla لاالله الاالله. “There is no God but God.”
The Sultan had frequently requested Mr. Ritchie to visit his
children, and some of his negresses, when they were indisposed,
and he had, in consequence, frequently attended them; but now being
himself confined by illness, I was allowed to prescribe for them,
and had, therefore, frequent opportunities of observing the interior
of his family, which would not otherwise have been afforded me. I
was much struck with the appearance of his daughters, one of three,
the other of one year and a half old, who were dressed in the
highest style of barbarian magnificence, and were absolutely laden
with gold. From their necks were suspended large ornaments of the
manufacture of Tembuctoo, and they had massive gold armlets and
anklets of two inches in breadth, and half an inch in thickness,
which, from their immense weight, had produced callous rings round
the legs and arms of the poor infants. They wore silk shirts,
composed of ribbons sewed together in stripes of various colours,
which hung down over silk trowsers. An embroidered waistcoat and cap
completed this overwhelming costume. Their nails, the tips of their
fingers, the palms of their hands, and the soles of their feet,
were dyed dark brown with henna. I had viewed with amazement and
pity the dress of these poor little girls, borne down as they were by
finery; but that of the youngest boy, a stupid-looking child of four
years old, was even more preposterous than that of his sisters. In
addition to the ornaments worn by them, he was loaded with a number
of charms, enclosed in gold cases, slung round his body; in his
cap were numerous jewels, heavily set in gold in the form of open
hands, to keep off the effects of the “Evil Eye.” These talismans
were sewn on the front of his cap, which they entirely covered. His
clothes were highly embroidered, and consisted of three waistcoats,
a shirt of white silk, the women only wearing coloured ones, and
loose cloth, silk, or muslin trowsers.
The costume of the Sultan’s court, or hangers on, is strictly
Tripoline, and as fine as lace or presents of cast off clothes can
make them. It is the custom with Mukni, in imitation of the Bashaw,
to bestow occasionally on his principal people some article of
dress. These presents are made with much affected dignity, by
throwing the garment to the person intended to be honoured, and
saying, “wear that;” the dress is immediately put on in his
presence, and the receiver kneels and kisses his hand in token of
gratitude. I once saw the old Kadi, who is very corpulent, receive
as a gift, a Kaftan, which was so small for him, that when he had
squeezed himself into it, he was unable to move his arms, and was
in that condition obliged to walk home.
Each of the Sultan’s sons has a large troop of slaves, who attend
him wherever he goes; they are generally about the same age as their
master, and are his playmates, though they are obliged to receive
from him many hearty cuffs without daring to complain. The suite of
the youngest boy in particular forms a very amusing group, few of
them exceeding five years of age. One bears his master’s Bornouse,
another holds one shoe, walking next to the boy who carries its
fellow. Some are in fine cast off clothes with tarnished embroidery,
whilst others are quite, or nearly naked, without even a cap on
their heads; and the procession is closed by a boy tottering under
the weight of his master’s state gun, which is never allowed to
be fired off.
In Morzouk the luxuries of life are very limited, the people
subsisting principally on dates. Many do not, for months together,
taste corn, and when obtained, they make it into a paste called
Aseeda اسيد, which is a softer kind of Bazeen. Fowls have now
almost disappeared in the country, owing to the Sultan’s having
appropriated all he could find for the consumption of his own family.
The sheep and goats are driven from the mountains near Benioleed,
a distance of four hundred miles; they pass over one desert, which,
at their rate of travelling, occupies five days, without food or
water. Numbers, therefore, die, which of course raises the price of
the survivors. They are valued at three or four dollars each when
they arrive quite skeletons, and are as high as ten or twelve when
fatted. Bread is badly made, and baked in ovens formed of clay
in holes in the earth, and heated by burning wood; the loaves,
or rather flat cakes, are stuck into the side, and are thus baked
by the heat which rises from the embers. Cusscussou, Dweeda, and
Mogatta, are the best food they have.
The mills are of the same description as the hand-mills of the
Arabs. The corn, when ground, is tolerably fine; but the unavoidable
friction of the stones causes much grit to mingle with it. In all
their food, those who can afford it mix as much grease and red pepper
as possible. A quart of butter is sometimes poured over the doughy
mess for one man, who generally manages to finish it. This butter is
brought in goats’ skins from the Syrtis, and other parts of the
sea-coast; is very rancid, and from having been boiled previously
to putting it in skins, is as liquid as oil: it is considered a
great dainty, and is very dear. Shahm, or salt boiled suet, is
brought by the same people who trade in butter. Oil is the produce
of Benioleed, Mesurāta, and the Gharian Mountains. All the animals
live on dates. Horses and asses are fed on the fruit; camels, sheep,
and goats, on the stones, which the women break up by hammering them
on some hard substance. This is the general occupation of females,
who are not employed to work in the gardens.
October 1st.—This was the great feast called Aid el Kebire,
which is to commemorate the meeting of the pilgrims at Mecca, and
their offering sacrifices on holy ground. On this occasion each
master of a family feeds his wives, children, and slaves on meat,
and it is considered meritorious in him to kill, with his own hands,
any animals he may purchase. By chance the Sultan recollected us
at this festival, and sent us a lamb, which was a treat we little
expected. Mr. Ritchie being weak and nervous, I, as in duty bound,
became the butcher, and performed my task with great alacrity. Animal
food was such a novelty to us, that we actually were tempted to
eat too much, and in consequence the next day we all fell ill.
No good Moslem will eat of an animal which has not had its throat
cut in a particular way, and “In the name of God.” We had never
offered meat, having, indeed, none to offer but such as was killed
in the markets; but on this occasion we found the most scrupulous
ready to accept, and perfectly satisfied with the lawfulness of
the food, although when we first came into the country they would
not eat pigeons, which were killed by us, fancying that in cutting
their throats we had omitted the prescribed ceremonies.
At this period the Sultan became a little better, and began to give
Belford a great deal of trouble, by employing him to repair his three
field-pieces, the wheels and carriages of which were much out of
order. There was great difficulty in explaining to the blacksmiths
how to make large nails, or to bend the iron for the wheels, and,
in Belford’s weak state, he found it a very laborious task to
overlook and instruct them. He, however, was rewarded with wholesome
food, with which we could not have supplied him at home, the Sultan
daily sending him some rice and meat whilst at his work. The poor
fellow often thought of us, and wished we could have partaken of
his good fare. This job being at last finished, I was consulted
by Mukni respecting the construction of a coach, and I promised
him that if he could manage to procure good wood for the purpose,
Belford should make it, provided Mr. Ritchie did not object, and
that I would train four horses to run in it.
I anticipated much pleasure and amusement in this new occupation, as
I had at the time nothing to interest or divert me. Mukni sometimes,
in high good humour, sent us a few fresh dates of a peculiar kind,
of which Mr. Ritchie was very fond, and even extended his generosity
so far as to allow of our cutting two palm-trees out of a million
and a half, for Lackbi.
Belford now began to contrive the coach in question, and out of
an old Shiblia and some boxes, he made a body, six feet in length,
three in breadth, and four in height. This he covered over like a
higgler’s cart, with an arched top, having a door open behind,
by which a person could easily get in; but Mukni finding he could
squeeze himself into a smaller compass, had it reduced in such a
way, as to render it necessary for him to be pushed in and shot out
like a sack of coals. The body being completed, and springs being
out of the question, it was mounted on two strong poles, which did
duty as shafts; and to these were fixed two wheels from one of the
field-pieces, so that the carriage stood at about three feet from
the ground. The Sultan never for a moment quitted the place where
Belford was at work, and was all delight at the progress which he
made. Numbers of people came to see it, and many asked if that was
the kind of vehicle in which our King and his wives used to ride. I
was frequently puzzled how to answer; for to say the truth, though
Belford, considering his want of materials, had done wonders, it very
much resembled one of those little market carts which are dragged
about London by donkies. It soon, however, lost that appearance,
by being covered with a splendid hood of scarlet cloth, and having
a bed laid inside of it. The shafts, body, and wheels were painted
green, though not very durably. The Sultan had some verdigris, which
he had brought from Tripoli; part of this was mixed with olive oil,
which, not drying, was scraped off, but the rest being prepared with
vinegar, formed a wash which answered his fondest expectations. The
carriage was now as gaudy as the Sultan could wish, and he was the
sole and happy possessor of it; but a serious inconvenience soon
presented itself: the coach was not large enough to allow of a
place for a driver, and his horses were too spirited to be trusted
alone with such a small state-carriage. After devising many plans
to remedy the defect, we found we had but one expedient left, which
was to convert the vehicle into a gig. Accordingly, a jack of all
trades, who was a very ingenious fellow, made, by my directions,
a set of harness tolerably well, except that the little pad on
the horse’s back weighed above fifty pounds. This, however,
was soon reduced; but when the animal was put into the shafts,
we discovered that the carriage was so low as to form an angle of
at least twenty-five degrees with the ground. The Sultan’s head
would consequently be about a foot lower than his feet; but as he
intended at any rate sitting with his face to the horse, he thought
nothing of this inconvenience.
His Majesty indulged himself with many rides in the space near the
Castle, and in one instance through the town, the coach being drawn
by slaves. He, however, at last determined to venture a ride into
the country with the horse to draw him. The animal being put into
the vehicle, and led slowly through one little gate to where Mukni
stood, made an attempt to run through another to his stable; the
man who led him being frightened, suffered him to set off at full
speed. The gate brought him up, one of the wheels knocking down the
gate-post and part of the wall, but the carriage itself remained
undamaged. This proof of its great strength quite charmed every
one, and it was at last decided that a large saddle should be put
on the horse, and that Baba Ismael, the Turkish cannoneer, should
ride him, and direct the whole machine. Mukni, by way of showing
his approbation of Belford’s talents, gave him seven dollars,
which he brought home to us in triumph, and which really saved
us when on the very brink of starvation. This piece of good luck
was soon followed by another, for within a day or two afterwards
I managed to sell a saddle for eight dollars to a Tibboo.
Mr. Ritchie again got a little better by the middle of the month,
but continued so very silent and low spirited, that we feared he
would soon relapse.
Some Kafflés of the Tibboo now came in with slaves, and our
horses having got a little more into condition, owing to the great
cheapness of the dates at harvest time, we made many attempts
to sell them. From my having sent a bill to the Consul, we soon
expected money, and Mr. Ritchie empowered me, in the meantime,
to dispose of one of our horses. Accordingly, after a good deal of
manœuvring, I succeeded in getting the Tibboo to come and examine
them, the Sultan having given us leave to sell them if we could. I
often drenched the horses with water when they were not thirsty to
increase their size, and to improve their appearance, and at length
sold a grey horse, given by the Bashaw to Mr. Ritchie, for seventy
dollars, twenty of which, with a negress, valued at thirty-two,
were paid us on taking the animal away; the remainder was to be
given us when the man had sold his slaves. We sent the girl, who
was a native of Mandra in Bornou, and about thirteen years of age,
to Hadje Mahmoud’s daughters, until she was able to cook for
us. Mr. Ritchie was witness with Belford to my liberating her in
due form from slavery; but as we were much in want of a servant,
it was settled that she was not to return to her native country, my
ticket of freedom being only to prevent all chance of her being sold.
We economised, as well as we could, our small allowance of money,
which, however, soon became much reduced, as we had incurred many
debts, which we now punctually paid. We laid in a stock of corn,
which for a time afforded us a secure resource. Within the last two
or three months we frequently had passed a whole day without food.
Belford and I fell ill about this period, and were both confined to
our beds; he with a bilious fever, and I with severe pains in my back
and head, which frequently caused delirium. I had repeated attacks
of ague and fever (called Hemma by the natives) from the beginning
of August, generally about three times a week, and sometimes more
frequently, which had much weakened me, and brought on a decided
liver complaint, as well as an affection of the spleen. Fortunately,
however, my spirits were good, or I must have sunk under so many
attacks. In this month about twenty Tripoli merchants died from
the effects of climate, bad water, and the want of nourishing food;
even many of the natives were very ill, and it was quite rare to see
a healthy looking person. I remained a week in bed, and arose from
it quite a skeleton; Belford was still in a very dangerous state.
[Illustration:
_Drawn from Life by G. F. Lyon._
_On Stone by M. Gauci._
NEGRESSES OF SOUDAN.
_London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821._
_C. Hullmandel’s Lithography._]
One night, as we were all sitting pensively on our mat, our friend
Yussuf, the Mamluke, came in, and addressing Mr. Ritchie, said,
“Yussuf, you and Saïd are my friends; Mukni has behaved to you
as he has done to us, and hopes you may die that he may secure to
himself all your goods. You seem very melancholy, and never speak;
answer me one question, do you want money?” Mr. Ritchie having
acknowledged that he did, Yussuf rejoined, “I do not myself
possess any, but I will go and borrow some for you: how much do
you require?” Twenty dollars being the sum named by Mr. Ritchie,
our kind friend went out, and soon after returned, bringing us
thirty! an act of generosity so unlooked for, that we were wholly
incapable of thanking him as he deserved. This seasonable supply
enabled us to buy good food, and to make some amends for our late
privations. We soon became in better health, and Mr. Ritchie’s
spirits began to brighten up.
Belford, on his recovery, assisted me to make a little flag-staff
with a topmast, on which we placed rigging and a small vane
instead of colours, Mr. Ritchie not wishing to hoist our little
union jack. This contrivance brought us many visitors, who were
much entertained at seeing the vane turn round; but the greatest
part of them hinted pretty plainly, that we must be fools for
wishing to see what quarter the wind came from, which they could
not possibly imagine to be of the least consequence to us. At this
season, Scorpions were very numerous in all the houses, and I think
more particularly so in ours. I had acquired, at Tripoli, a knack
of catching without receiving harm from them, and in consequence
had the credit of possessing a charm against them; however, I once
received a very severe sting. When going to sit down on our mat,
I inadvertently put my hand, it being dark, on a small scorpion,
which instantly stung me. Aware of what it was, I procured a light,
and hastened with a lancet, to cut to the bone and to suck out the
blood: Mr. Ritchie then burnt a deep hole with caustic. The pain
remained very acute for some time, and my right side felt rather
paralysed; but, owing to the precautions which I had taken, I passed
a good night, and the next morning found no inconvenience except a
little swelling, and the usual soreness attendant on a burn. Many
instances are known of children dying of the sting in three days.
There is a little reptile found in the sand here, called Aselis; it
somewhat resembles a lizard in form, and has the power, when alarmed,
of instantly burying itself in the sand. If one is thrown down from
the hand, it sinks so perpendicularly on the spot where it falls,
that it can immediately be found again. These little creatures are
eagerly bought by the girls and married women, for the purpose of
ascertaining how many children they shall have. By stretching them,
the spine will immediately crack, and the women most religiously
believe, that for every sound they shall bear a child.
The reptiles are few, and consist of lizards, and small snakes,
some of a venemous kind, called El Effa. Scorpions and spiders are
also very numerous; one of the latter being of an immense size, and
called Agrab el riahh عقرب الريح or scorpion of the wind,
from its great swiftness in running; its bite is venomous, but not
dangerously so. There is a large species of lizard called Warral,
which is about thirty inches long from the nose to the tip of the
tail; it is very fierce, and when it bites, never relinquishes its
hold until it dies, or has its mouth forcibly opened. We had one
which kept a piece of rope in its mouth for four or five days, and
in that state died. A blow from the tail of this reptile, which it
uses like a whip, is much dreaded, as the natives suppose, that a
person so struck can never be the parent of a child. One of these
having struck my horse on the nose, I was seriously told that he
would be incapacitated from becoming the father of a foal.
Tobacco is very generally chewed by the women as well as the men;
they use the Trona or Soda with it. Smoking is rather the amusement
of a great man than of the lower class, the mild tobacco being very
dear, and pipes not easily procured.
On the 28th October, during the time I was in bed, we had another
grand rejoicing day, called Aid el Tagtāga, which is to welcome
in the new year of the Hegira, 1235 years having now passed since
the flight of Mohammed from Mecca to Medina. Mukni having given
a couple of his cast off women to two of his slaves, one of whom
was secretary and barber, and the other groom, we had gay doings
in the little square before our Mosque. The first night the barber
and secretary (who was the greatest man of the two) was seated in
state on a carpet and mats placed on the ground, in the centre of the
square, supported on each side by a friend, who, as well as himself,
was covered with fine borrowed clothes, though the bridegroom, of
course, shone most bright. He was very solemn and dignified, having
a lighted candle and lamp placed on the ground before him. The
men and women sung round him until near midnight, treating him
with great respect. He held a fan in his hand, and occasionally
bowed to the company. The bride was then brought from the castle,
surrounded by a great concourse of women, who were vociferating
in rapid succession, their cries of joy. She held a lighted candle
in her hand, and had on a profusion of silver and bead ornaments:
she was quite black and very handsome, and had borne three children
by the Sultan, all of whom had died. The bridegroom did not deign to
look at her, but suffered the procession to pass along to his house;
when, after waiting about half an hour, he rose in a stately manner,
and leaning his hands on the friends who walked on each side of
him (in the manner of the Bashaw of Tripoli, and the Sultan of
Fezzan), he slowly proceeded home; the dancers following him and
singing songs of congratulation. The second night passed in much
the same manner; and, on the following day, I saw the bridegroom,
who had been a few hours before glittering in scarlet and gold,
cleaning a horse in the street, with a ragged shirt on.
I had many opportunities of observing the Fighi and their scholars,
sitting on the sand. The children are taught their letters by
having them written on a flat board of a hard wood, brought from
Bornou and Soudan, and repeating them after their master. When quite
perfect in the alphabet, they are allowed to trace over the letters
already made; they then learn to copy sentences, and to write such
small words as are dictated to them. The board generally used is
in this form:
[Illustration]
The master often repeats verses from the Koran, in a loud voice,
which the boys learn by saying them after him; and when they begin to
read a little, he sings aloud, and all the scholars follow him from
their books, as fast as they can. Practice at length renders them
perfect; and in three or four years, their education is considered
complete. Thus it is that many who can read the Koran with great
rapidity, cannot peruse a line of any other book. Arithmetic is
altogether out of the question.—For children who learn by the
month, the general pay is about two Saa, or two quarts of corn,
and by the year one dollar.
When the boy is considered to have finished his studies, the parents,
if they can afford it, present the master with some clothes, or a
few dollars; if poor, they give him something to eat, and the usual
salutation of Alla iebārek, or God prosper you. On breaking up for
the day, the master and all the scholars recite a prayer. The school
hours are by no means regular, being only when the Fighi has nothing
else to do. Mornings early, or late in the evenings, are the general
times for study. The punishments are, beating with a stick on the
hands or feet, and our good old English custom of whipping, which is
not unfrequently practised. Their pens are reeds, their rubber sand.
While learning their tasks (and perhaps each boy has a different
one), they all read aloud, so that the harmony of even a dozen boys
may be easily imagined.
In the time of the native Sultans, it was the custom, on a fixed day,
annually, for the boys who had completed their education, to assemble
on horseback, in as fine clothes as their friends could procure for
them, on the sands to the westward of the town. On an eminence, stood
the Fighi, bearing in his hand a little flag rolled on a staff: the
boys were stationed at some distance, and on his unfurling the flag,
and planting it in the ground, all started at full speed. He who
first arrived and seized it, was presented by the Sultan with a fine
suit of clothes and some money, and rode round the town at the head
of the others. These races have ceased since the arrival of Mukni,
and parents complain that their sons have now no inducement to study.
All the houses are infested by multitudes of small ants, which
destroyed all the animals we preserved, and even penetrated into
our boxes; their bite was very painful, and they were fond of coming
into our blankets.
One singularity I must remark of Fezzan, which is that fleas are
unknown there, and those of the inhabitants who have not been on the
sea coast cannot imagine what they are like. Bugs are very numerous,
and it is extraordinary that they are called by the same name as
with us. There is a species of them which is found in the sands,
where kafflés are in the habit of stopping; they bite very sharply,
and fix in numbers round the coronet of a horse: the animals thus
tormented often become so outrageous as to break their tethers.
The revenues of the Sultan of Fezzan arise from slaves, merchandise,
and dates. For every slave, great or small, he receives, on their
entering his kingdom, two Spanish dollars. In some years the number
of slaves amounts to 4000. For a camel’s load of oil or butter,
seven dollars; a load of beads, copper, or hardware, four dollars;
and of clothing, three dollars. All Arabs who buy dates pay a dollar
duty on each load (equal at times to the price of the article)
before they are allowed to remove it. Above 3000 loads are sold to
them annually. Date trees, except those of the Kadi and Mamlukes,
are taxed at the rate of one dollar for every 200: by this duty,
in the neighbourhood of Morzouk, or more properly, in the few
immediately neighbouring villages, the Sultan receives yearly
10,000 dollars. Of all sheep or goats he is entitled to a fifth. On
the sale of every slave, he has, in addition to the head money,
a dollar and a half, which, at the rate of 4000, gives another
6000 dollars. The trees, which are his private property, produce
about 6000 camels’ loads of dates, each load 400 pounds weight,
and which may be worth, at a low estimate, 18,000 dollars. Every
garden pays a tenth of the corn produced; presents of slaves are
frequently made, and fines levied; each town pays a certain sum,
which is small, but as the towns are numerous, may be averaged to
produce 4000 dollars. Add to this, his annual excursions for slaves,
sometimes bringing 1000 or 1500, of which one-fourth are his, as
well as the same proportion of camels. He alone can sell horses;
which he buys for five or six dollars, when half starved, from the
Arabs, who come to trade and cannot maintain them; and makes a great
profit by obtaining slaves in exchange for them. All his people are
fed by the public, and he has no money to pay but to the Bashaw,
which, until the recent quarrel, was 15,000 dollars per annum. I
have enumerated his general income, but there are various other
ways in which he extorts money. If a man dies childless, the Sultan
inherits great part of his property; and if he thinks it necessary
to kill a man, he becomes his entire heir! All his people are on an
allowance from him, out of what he takes from others, at about the
rate of two Kail, or above two gallons, of corn, and four of dates,
per month. His negresses are also allowanced in corn, dates, oil,
&c. according to their size and age.
In company with Mohammed the Mamluke, I rode to Tessouwa, an
inconsiderable town about twenty miles west of Morzouk. It has
the remains of an old Arab castle, built of mud. The palms are not
numerous, and the inhabitants amount to about 300. It is divided
from Morzouk by a plain of sand.
On the 8th of November, 1819, Mr. Ritchie being again attacked by
illness, I much wished him to allow of my selling some of our powder
to procure him a few comforts; but to this he would not consent. On
the 9th I also fell ill, and was confined to my bed; and Belford,
though himself an invalid, attended on us both. Our man servant
was of no use to us whatever; but, on the contrary, presuming on
our poverty, did exactly as he pleased. Our little girl, however,
assisted in nursing us. After lying in a torpid state for three or
four days, without taking any nourishment or even speaking to us,
Mr. Ritchie became worse, and at last delirious, as in his former
illnesses. In the interval, my disorder having abated, I was enabled
to rally a little, and to attend my poor suffering companion.
After he had somewhat recovered his intellect, he appeared very
anxious to know whether any letters had arrived, announcing to
us a further allowance of money from Government; but when I,
unfortunately, was obliged to reply in the negative, he avoided
all comment on the subject. He would not drink any tea, of which we
still had some remaining; but preferred vinegar and water, our only
acid, which he drank in great quantities. Being entirely free from
pain, he flattered himself that he should, in a day or two, recover,
particularly as he was not at all emaciated, but rather stouter than
he had been for some months previous to his illness. One day (the
17th) he appeared so far recovered as to be able to get up and be
dressed. We placed him on the mat in the centre of the room, when he
seemed much refreshed, and thanked us for the trouble we had taken;
he then expressed a wish to have a little coffee, which, for a time,
I was unwilling to give him, fearing it might injure him: he was,
however, so earnest in his request, that I was obliged at last to
comply with it. As he complained of the closeness of his room, and
appeared determined on lying that night on the mat, we made his bed
on it; and I laid myself down by him. In the afternoon he examined
his tongue in the glass, and appeared a good deal alarmed at its
colour; but presently said, “I was frightened at the blackness
of my tongue, but now recollect I have been drinking coffee; had I
observed that appearance without knowing the cause, I should have
said I had a bilious fever, and should bid you good bye.” In the
evening one or two of the Mamlukes came in; he spoke to them for
a little while, and soon after fell asleep. I remained awake the
greater part of the night, during which he slept soundly; but in the
morning I found he had crept from his bed, and was lying uncovered,
and in a state of delirium, on the cold sand. We immediately put
him to bed in his own room, and he appeared to rally again.
On the 20th we got a fowl, of which we made a little soup for him;
and while he was taking it, a man came in, and told me a courier
had arrived from Tripoli with letters. I went out, but returned,
to my sad disappointment, empty-handed, the man having no despatches
for us. The broth which Mr. Ritchie drank was the first nourishment
he had taken for ten days, though we had used all our endeavours to
prevail on him to eat. He said he felt much revived by it, and turned
round to go to sleep. I placed my bed at the entrance of his room,
and remained watching him. He seemed to breathe with difficulty;
but as I had often observed this during his former maladies, I was
not so much alarmed as I should otherwise have been. At about nine
o’clock, Belford, on looking at him, exclaimed in a loud voice,
“He is dying!” I begged him to be more cautious, lest he should
be overheard, and immediately examined Mr. Ritchie, who appeared to
me to be still in a sound sleep; I therefore lay down on my bed, and
continued listening. At ten I rose again, and found him lying in an
easy posture, and breathing more freely: five minutes, however, had
scarcely elapsed before his respiration appeared entirely to cease;
and on examination I found that he had actually expired, without
a pang or groan, in the same position in which he had fallen asleep.
Belford and myself, in our weak state, looked at each other,
expecting that in a few days it might probably be our lot to follow
our lamented companion, whose sad remains we watched during the
remainder of the night. And now, for the first time in all our
distresses, my hopes did indeed fail me. At daylight I went out
and informed our kind friends, Yussuf and Hadje Mahmoud, of our
misfortunes; at which they were much affected, and offered us all
the assistance in their power. Belford, as well as he was able,
hastened to form a rough coffin out of our chests; and a sad and
painful task it was. The washers of the dead came to us to perform
their melancholy office, and Mr. Ritchie’s body was washed,
perfumed, and rubbed with camphor; and I procured some white linen,
with which the grave-clothes were made. During our preparations for
the burial, the women, who are always hired to cry at the death of
persons whose friends are able to pay them, proposed to perform
that disgusting office in our house; but I would not allow it,
and very unceremoniously shut the door against them. While I was
out of sight, either our servant or some of our officious visitors
stole several of our effects, and I clearly saw that we were now
considered as lawful plunder. The coffin being completed, I hired
men to carry it with ropes, but one of them having suddenly gone
away, poor Belford was obliged to take his place; when, attended by
our small party of Mamlukes, we proceeded at a quick pace to the
grave, at about ten o’clock. The clay below the sand was white,
which was considered as a good omen; and Belford and myself threw
the first earth into the grave. During the night we had, unknown
to the people, read our protestant burial service over the body;
and now publicly recited the first chapter of the Koran, which the
most serious Christian would consider as a beautiful and applicable
prayer on such an occasion.
Having thus performed the last sad duties to our unfortunate
friend, we returned home to pass a day of misery. It was necessary
to distribute food to the poor who surrounded our door in great
numbers, and we had no money even to purchase a morsel for ourselves;
Yussuf’s kindness again having supplied our wants, and I succeeded
in getting the house a little more quiet. Within an hour after the
funeral had taken place, a courier arrived from Tripoli bringing
a truly welcome letter, announcing that a further allowance of
£1000 had been made by our Government towards the expense of the
mission. Had this letter reached us a little sooner, many of our
troubles and distresses would have been prevented.
I waited on the Sultan to announce to him Mr. Ritchie’s death,
at which the hypocrite affected to be much grieved, though he must
have been well aware that had his inclination equalled his power
to serve us, he might have enabled us to procure the necessaries
of life, and thus perhaps have averted, or at least tranquillized
the last moments of Mr. Ritchie. I informed him of the additional
allowance which I expected, begging him to lend me some money. He
talked much of his regard for me, but dwelt a great deal on his
poverty; and ended by saying, he might perhaps be able to furnish
me with a _little_, which he expressed with particular emphasis,
reminding me that I already owed him eight dollars. I was not then,
I own, in the humour to remonstrate with such a wretch, and plainly
told him I would never more ask for his assistance or friendship;
and that according to his law, ingratitude, such as he had so cruelly
shown to Mr. Ritchie and myself, was the highest and blackest crime
a man could be guilty of, and would one day be visited on him.
On my return home, I found poor Belford greatly overcome by the
efforts he had made, whilst I was equally so from the exertions
of mind I had undergone. The consequence was, that a strong fever
confined us both to our beds, at the mercy of any one who chose to
pillage us. Before I took to mine, however, I contrived to write
despatches to England, which I sent off by a courier.
During the whole day a constant succession of visitors came to pay
their compliments of condolence, and I seriously thought that, with
such an accession of evils, we should in a few days more be hurried
to our graves. Yussuf and Hadje Mahmoud attended on us, as did our
little girl, who was our principal nurse, and was very humane and
careful. We lay ten days in this state, and during that time Yussuf,
by my desire, sold about 100 lbs. of our powder, so that we now
again obtained a little money; but we were too ill to enjoy any
benefit which our riches might procure us. Mr. Ritchie’s horse,
which had never recovered its flesh since coming from Tripoli,
and which was very old, I sold, through the medium of Yussuf,
for seventy dollars, to the Sultan. By the sale of many trifles,
which the Sultan no longer made an objection to our disposing of,
I cleared, after paying my debts, about 150 dollars, including
the money for the horse and powder, and now determined, should I
recover, on penetrating still farther to the southward of Morzouk,
though incapable of making such progress as I wished, from not
possessing sufficient funds for the purpose.
I found myself under the absolute necessity of soon returning to
England to receive instructions for my further proceedings (supposing
me still to be employed on the mission), for although money for the
additional grant of £1000 could have been procured from Tripoli,
much time must have elapsed before I could have obtained it; and
even then, I must have gone in person for it. I had no one whom
in my absence I could have left in charge of my goods at Morzouk,
Belford being too sick and helpless either to keep guard over them,
or to remain alone in that place. Added to this, £1000 was a sum
by no means adequate to carry me through Africa; as it would be
requisite to purchase merchandise totally different from that which
had already been provided, and without which I could not have made
my way. Belford, from his weak state, could not accompany me far,
and to proceed alone would have been actual madness, until the
necessary arrangements for my future operations, and regulations as
to pecuniary matters had been fully understood and arranged. Under
all these circumstances, therefore, and to my great regret, I could
only resolve on a short progress into the Interior.
As soon as we recovered sufficient strength to get up stairs,
I opened Mr. Ritchie’s sitting-room, where we found only a few
scattered papers, an unfinished journal, and some letters. These I
collected, and in Belford’s presence burnt all which were private;
but every other document bearing Mr. Ritchie’s handwriting I
carefully preserved. We were both much astonished at his having left
so few memoranda, as we felt confident, that though for many months
he had, from repeated illness, been unable to write, that at least,
prior to his arrival in Morzouk, he must have made many notes,
as well as composed a regular journal.
I knew that he had always trusted much to his singularly retentive
memory, and was also aware that he expressed great impatience for the
arrival of more cool weather, when he might, with less inconvenience,
commit his ideas to paper; and these reasons might probably account
for his having left so few mementos of the scientific mind with
which he certainly was gifted. It is also to be regretted that
Mr. Ritchie, during his illnesses, would never avail himself of
my repeated offers to take down in writing any observations which
he might have considered worthy of note; and from this unfortunate
circumstance much, very much valuable information has been lost.
I caused all the chests of merchandise to be removed into our large
room, and with Belford’s assistance opened them, in order to
ascertain their contents. They had been packed before my arrival
in Tripoli, and Mr. Ritchie had determined that they should not
be opened until we reached the Negro country. I found in them,
amongst other things, about 600 lbs. of lead, one camel load of
corks for preserving insects on, and two loads of brown paper for
preparing plants. As these amounted in all to about five loads,
which were not worth carrying back to Tripoli, I sent them,
with two large chests of Arsenic bottles into Yussuf’s house,
taking a proper receipt for them, so that any future traveller or
myself might be enabled to receive them. I found that the other
goods, including five cwt. of books and two chests of instruments,
would load about eight camels: we therefore commenced taking a
list of them, and putting them carefully away, when we were again
attacked with fever, and confined to our beds, remaining with all
our merchandise at the mercy of Arabs and natives.
I had at this time occasion to turn off our man, and the woman
also who cooked for us, as I had strong reason to doubt their
honesty. Yussuf lent us, in our distress, a fine intelligent boy
called Barca, who, with our Negro girl, greatly assisted us.
The weather having become very cold, we had a fire made in a hole
in the ground, round which we sat in the evenings with some of the
friends who came to see us. On these occasions they told us many long
stories; but Belford’s deafness prevented his being amused with
them as I was. Religion was generally the subject of these tales,
which, when related by the old Hadje, were usually prefaced thus:
“When a man has been three times to the holy house, as I have
been, he begins to know something, thank God!” He repeated many
marvellous stories of the country of Sindi, or Persia, in which is
the bed of the sun, and where grows a tree bearing a fruit resembling
a coffin. This growing daily larger until ripe, at last bursts,
and out of it a man drops to the ground, who cries “Wauk, wauk;
in the name of the merciful God,” and instantly expires, sinking
suddenly into the earth. He told me that in Paradise the prophets
are permitted by God to ride on animals of extraordinary beauty,
called Borāk, whose form is something like that of an antelope,
and their swiftness such, that in the twinkling of an eye they can
spring out of sight. All the prophets on the bare backs of these
animals, but Allah, out of love for Sidina (our Lord) Mohammed, gave
him a golden saddle, on which he parades before the faithful. Many
more stories equally extraordinary are told and believed all over
the country; and in Morzouk are a few copies of some of the Arabian
Nights’ Entertainments, and the voyages of Sindèbad the Sailor,
which are as fully accredited as the Koran itself.
Yussuf generally amused me by singing, and ridiculing the Arabs. The
Tuarick were always subjects for his wit, and he related many
curious anecdotes of them. One which, though greatly exaggerated,
is much in character of these people, was of a man sent as a
courier from Ghraat to Ghadāms, eighteen days’ journey, for
which he received sufficient provision to support him the whole
time, but which devouring at a meal, and girding his loins with
a belt, he mounted his camel, and performed the journey without
other sustenance! These people, however, really can abstain from
food for three or four days without any apparent inconvenience.
On the 8th of December news arrived that the slave hunters had made
but little booty, the people having been warned of their coming,
and that they were on their return home. We also heard that the men
of Waday had cut the throats of eighty-two white traders in Wara,
the capital, and had determined to suffer no Moors to trade again
in their country, but to kill them immediately on their entering it.
I now began a little to recover my health, and Belford, though
still quite deaf, was without fever.
I remarked that our negress invariably used the letter P for F; she
would say, for instance, Yussup instead of Yussuf, Patoo for Fatoo;
and I found that this was general amongst the natives of Bornou and
Baghermee. These people, as well as the natives of Fezzan, always
pronounce _s_ as _sh_, and vice versâ. Another peculiarity which
I have often observed is, that all the Fezzanners and slaves, in
cutting onions or other vegetables, cut downwards on the forefinger
of the left hand, and however sharp the knife may be, they seldom
injure themselves.
Mukni now received more enlivening news from Tripoli, and he began
again to show himself. Orders came that all the traders of Augela,
a town between Tripoli and Egypt, should be put in prison, and their
slaves and goods taken on the Bashaw’s account, as he was at war
with their countrymen, and had sent an army against them. Fourteen
were accordingly confined under the Castle, and orders were sent to
the southward to take up those who came from the Interior, and to
the eastward to secure those coming from Egypt. There was one of
these people who was much disliked by Mukni, and who, on hearing
of the proceedings against his countrymen, escaped with nineteen
negresses, his property. The Sultan sent after him, and having cut
off his access to a watering-place, he was secured, almost dying from
thirst. His life had been promised to him before he surrendered;
but the next morning he was deliberately shot through the breast
by those who had him in custody, and his head and property brought
back to Morzouk. Had this man been aware of the treachery intended,
he was of so powerful a form, and of such bravery, that his capture
would have been very difficult. Previously to his being shot,
he exclaimed, “Tell Mohammed el Mukni that he is a villain:
Paradise is shut against him, and he will die by treachery. There
is no God but God, and Mohammed is his Prophet.”
Our friend Yussuf brought to me a very old man, who had been to
Ashantee, and who gave some very extraordinary and rather improbable
accounts of the people there. He said that there were white traders
at the coast whom he had himself seen. This I would not at first
believe, until he related some distinct accounts of the habits of
the people he met with, peculiar to Europeans.
In Morzouk there are sixteen Mosques, which are covered in, but some
of them are very small; each has an Imaum, but the Kadi is their
head, of which dignity he seems not a little proud. This man had
never been beyond the boundaries of Fezzan, and could form no idea
of any thing superior to mud houses and palms; he always fancied
us great romancers when we told him of our country, and described
it as being in the middle of the sea.
It may be necessary before I take leave of Morzouk, and indeed
of Tripoli, to explain that our adoption of the Moorish costume
was by no means a sufficient safeguard in either of those places,
or in traversing the interior of Africa; for though it might, to
a casual observer, blind suspicion, yet when we had occasion to
remain for a time at any place, or to perform journeys in company
with strangers, we found that it was absolutely requisite to conform
to all the duties of the Mohammedan religion, as well as to assume
their dress. To this precaution I attribute our having met with so
little hindrance in our proceedings; for had we openly professed
ourselves Christians, we might, in Fezzan, have experienced many
serious interruptions; whilst farther in the interior, even our
lives would have been in continual jeopardy. The circumstance
of our having come from a Christian country, which we always
acknowledged, frequently rendered us liable to suspicion; but by
attending constantly at the established prayers, and occasionally
acknowledging the divine mission of Mohammed, or, more properly,
by repeating “There is no God but God, Mohammed is his Prophet,”
we were enabled to overcome all doubts respecting our faith.
In attending the Mosque we found that it was not necessary for us
to use any prayers addressed to, or in praise of, Mohammed; the
three which are recited by day being in an under voice, and the
morning and evening ones only being repeated aloud. These latter we
easily avoided, and during the others we made use of what orisons
we pleased, only taking particular care that our prostrations and
outward observances should be at the proper times. The only prayer
we ever recited audibly was the “Fatha,” or first chapter of
the Koran, the sentiments of which are really beautiful.
I am confident that it would never be possible for any man to pass
through Africa, unless in every respect he qualified himself to
appear as a Mohammedan; and, should I myself return to that country,
I would not be accompanied by any one who would refuse to observe
these precautions. It is possible, that as far as Fezzan, a traveller
might, by great good chance, escape detection; but the farther
south he proceeded, the more bigoted would he find the people, and
a cruel death would, in such case, inevitably terminate his journey.
Though the Mohammedans profess and appear to be strict in obeying
the ordinances of the Koran, they most grossly violate one of
its principal laws relating to Unbelievers. It is expressly said,
that Moslems may take or destroy all those who do not believe in
Islamism; but that they should first endeavour to instruct, and on
their refusing to acknowledge the Koran, then make them slaves. The
same law distinctly teaches that those who are already Moslems
cannot be taken captive or sold. Nothing, however, is farther from
the idea of a Mohammedan, than to instruct the Negroes; for, instead
of endeavouring to convert them to his faith, he appropriates and
sells them for his own advantage. This is sufficiently unjust, but
the conduct of Mukni and his men is infinitely more so; for they
seize on the inhabitants of whole towns where the only religion is
that of the Koran, and where there are Mosques; and this without
scruple or remorse. I have frequently pointed out the clause in
the Koran, forbidding such injustice; but never could obtain a
satisfactory reason for this violation of their religious tenets.
Of the various ceremonies incident to the faith of the Moslems,
I shall make no mention, as they have already been so frequently
touched on by other travellers.