AMERICA AND TURKEY.
Early Treaties--Some Prominent Ambassadors--American
Missionaries--Obedience to the Laws--Treaty Rights--Questions
of Importance--Indemnity at Harput and Marash--More Consuls
Needed--Naturalized Americans--Right of Domicile Threatened--Positive
Action Needed--Duty of America.
The question will naturally arise, What are America’s relations to
the general situation in Turkey? So far as benevolent, religious and
philanthropic works are concerned, they are set forth in the chapters
on Missions and Relief Work. A few things should be said in regard to
the relations between the two governments. The first treaty between
the United States and Turkey was negotiated in 1830, but not completed
until a year later, by Commodore David Porter, as Charge-d’Affaires. It
included “the most favored nation” clause and placed this country on a
footing of perfect equality with all the European Powers. Subsequently
ambassadors were sent, and their number has included many men of
eminence, Geo. P. Marsh, Gen. James Williams, E. Joy Morris, Horace
Maynard, Geo. H. Boker, Gen. Lew Wallace, Oscar S. Straus, and, at
present, A. W. Terrell. All of these men have been on terms of most
cordial intimacy with the Porte and the Sultans, and have exerted a
strong influence in favor of the best good of the empire. Especially
since the Crimean War, on account of the peculiar relations existing
between Turkey and the great Powers of Europe, it has been the custom
of the Sultans and their Ministers to hold more informal intercourse
with some ambassador, not so closely connected with the diplomatic
questions of Europe. Thus the Ministers of Belgium and Holland have
at times been peculiarly intimate with the Turkish administration,
but probably no country has, on the whole, been more favored in this
respect than the United States. Mr. Maynard, Gen. Wallace and Mr.
Straus, each for different reasons, personal and political, have been
specially prominent, and each received marked tokens of the friendship
of the Sultan.
It was natural that their care should be especially exercised for
the missionaries who formed almost the entire American community in
the empire. It was inevitable also that the most perplexing questions
should arise in connection with their work. The character of that
work has already been described in general, and it will be readily
seen that friction between them and the Turkish Government was very
easily produced. That there has been so little of it, is due both
to the patience and common sense of the missionaries and the wise
conduct of the American Embassy. On the one hand, the missionaries
realized that so long as they were residents of the empire they were
under obligation to obey its laws. If those laws were unjust they
might seek to secure their modification, but until that was secured,
the laws were obeyed. Every statute as to the censorship of books,
the erection of buildings, the conduct of public service, traveling
from one place to another, was observed most scrupulously. On the
other hand, the ambassadors made it clear that they were there purely
to safeguard American rights, and that their protection of American
citizens was dependent upon the right conduct of those citizens; they,
as government officials, had nothing to do with their special work as
teachers, preachers or philanthropists, more than with the work of
merchants, lawyers, doctors, mining engineers, or travelers. When,
however, the natural rights of those citizens were affected in any
way, they acted promptly and effectively. Three American missionaries,
Mr. Merriam, of Philippopolis; Mr. Parsons, of Nicomedia, and Mr.
Coffin, of Hajin, were murdered by bandits, and in two cases execution
of the murderers was secured. At one time Turkish officers entered
and searched the Bible House at Constantinople, without observing the
regular forms of treaty law, and apology and indemnity were given. When
books were seized by local censors of a province in spite of their
having the regular permit of the Central Bureau, apology and indemnity
were secured, but in one case the State Department at Washington most
unfortunately overruled the Ambassador, and waived the indemnity,
thereby giving encouragement for repetition of the offense. When Dr.
Raynolds and Mr. Cole were attacked and almost murdered by a Kurdish
chief in the vicinity of Bitlis, he was arrested, tried and convicted,
on the urgent demand of the Ambassador. He proved too powerful for
severe punishment to be inflicted, yet good was done. So also in the
case of Kurds who attacked Miss Melton near Amadieh in 1894.
In general, it may be said that they have been successful in securing
from the Turkish Government punishment of offenders and indemnity
for injuries whenever they have had the cordial support of the home
government. Unfortunately there have been times when the State
Department has not seemed to wholly understand the case, and to
imagine that the difficulties which have arisen have been due to the
religious character of the work of the missionaries, and that therefore
they cannot claim the same protection which would be accorded to any
traveler or merchant. This has been a most serious mistake. Those who
will read the pages in Chapter X, on Turkey and Europe, in which the
first treaty between Suleiman the Magnificent and Francis I of France
is described, and which furnished the basis for all succeeding treaties
with foreign governments, will readily see that the Turkish Government
has always recognized the _right_ of foreigners to conduct public
worship, open schools, publish books, etc., and their claims to the
protection of their own governments and of the Turkish Government, so
long as they do not transgress against the laws of the empire. Only as
they do transgress those laws do they forfeit the claim to protection.
Each case then should be judged on its merits in the same way that
similar judgment would be passed in this country. Men innocent of crime
should be protected to the full extent of the power of this government,
and for all injury, indemnity should be paid.
There are certain cases of great importance now pending. The
burning of the school building at Marsovan in 1893 has already been
made good by the payment of indemnity and the granting of a permit
for rebuilding. There are to be considered the questions as to the
destruction of American property at Harput and Marash, and the injury
to American citizens in both places. The responsibility of the Turkish
Government is easily recognized from the statements in Chapters XXIII
and XXIV, giving account of those massacres. There was military force
enough on hand in each place for full protection, and in Harput, the
finding of a bomb from the cannon of the regular Turkish artillery is
proof sufficient of the complicity of Turkish officials. The American
Government should press the claim for full reparation, including cash
indemnity for loss, permits for rebuilding and punishment of the
officials who were responsible. Only thus can there be any security
for other property or comfort for American lives. The question has
been raised as to the return of American citizens from Turkey. It has
been urged that all leave the interior cities, as it is impossible to
protect them there. The immediate answer is, that it is possible to
protect them there, as is evident from the experience of Miss Shattuck
at Urfa, and of others at Mosul. The Turkish Government has the power,
and will exercise it if it finds it must. The missionaries decline to
abandon to the ferocity of brutal Kurds and Turks people whom they
love, and large property entrusted to their care, or to sacrifice the
commanding influence in the moral and spiritual development of the
people gained during sixty years of labor. So long as they are at their
posts, the actions of the Turks must be known. Should they leave,
massacre, pillage and outrage would be continued with impunity. For
every reason, not merely of property, but of humanity, they should be
protected in their position.
In one respect America is weak in Turkey, and that is in the matter
of diplomatic and consular representation. At Constantinople there
is an Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, a Secretary
of Legation, a Consul General and Vice-Consul; at Smyrna, Beirut and
Jerusalem, Consuls General; at Trebizond, Alexandretta and Mersine,
Vice-Consuls, and Consular Agents at some other places. The only Consul
in an interior city is at Sivas, though an unpaid Vice-Consul is
located at Aleppo. When the protocol permitting American citizens to
hold property in the empire was adopted, it was evident that increased
Consular representation throughout the empire would be necessary in
view of the large amount of property held and the number of persons
resident in places entirely beyond the reach of Consular authority.
Nothing, however, was done by Congress, chiefly on the score of
economy, and Americans were dependent upon the good offices of the
English Consuls at Erzrum, Van, Diarbekir, Mosul, etc. When the Sassun
massacre opened the eyes of the world to the situation in Turkey,
special effort was made in Congress, resulting in the establishment
of two additional Consulates at Erzrum and Harput. The Consuls were
appointed and sent to Turkey, but the Turkish Government refused the
necessary exequaturs, and they returned to this country, practically no
pressure being brought to bear by the State Department in the matter.
This was most unfortunate. Had there been a Consul at Harput, the
destruction of property would not have occurred, and probably not a
little of the horror of massacre would have been mitigated.
The question which, however, has been the most difficult to settle
between the two governments has been that in regard to naturalized
citizens. The peculiar privileges granted to foreigners under the
treaties have always occasioned much hostility on the part of Moslems
and been greatly desired by the Christians. The English rule in regard
to natives of other countries who secure English citizenship is, that
that citizenship is void on their return for residence to their native
countries. This principle has been recognized by this country wherever
naturalization treaties have been made, as with Germany and other
countries. It is an evidently correct principle, as otherwise American
citizenship could be made use of to avoid military service and many
other duties. Soon after the establishment of diplomatic relations
between the United States and Turkey, a number of Armenians came to
this country for purposes of education or business, became American
citizens and afterwards returned to Turkey to live. Among them were
some who studied medicine and served in the civil war as surgeons.
There was no naturalization treaty, and they claimed and received the
full protection and privileges of American citizens. So long as they
were few in number there was no difficulty raised, but others of their
nation and of other nations looked on with envious eyes, and within the
past twenty years their example has been followed, until a large number
of Armenian-Americans were to be found scattered over the country. In
general, they did not make their American citizenship known until they
got into trouble of some sort, but then not infrequently they were the
occasion of considerable friction between the governments. The Turkish
Government claimed them as Armenians and Turkish subjects; the American
Government claimed them as Americans. Ordinarily matters were arranged
by some diplomacy, but it became evident that some understanding must
be secured. Accordingly a naturalization treaty was drawn up. In it,
however, the Turks insisted that it should be retroactive and include
all those who were already in Turkey, even those who had served in the
American army. This the Senate at Washington refused to allow, and
the result was, failure of the negotiations. Since the commencement
of disturbances the situation has been much aggravated. The Turkish
Government has insisted that certain Armenian-Americans were taking
advantage of their American citizenship to disseminate revolutionary
ideas, and have sought to secure their arrest and punishment. This
was undoubtedly assisted by the fact that several Armenians in this
country made addresses in many places, in which they used the bitterest
expressions of hostility to the Turkish Government. In view of this,
President Cleveland, in an annual message, gave expression to the
principle that no government can force the presence of its own subjects
upon another government, and that the Turkish Government has a perfect
right to exclude from its territory those whom it deems hostile to its
interests. While undoubtedly correct as a general principle, it was
incorrect in view of the treaties, according to which foreigners have
the recognized right to live in Turkey and pursue their business so
long as they observe the laws of the empire. In case of transgression
of those laws, they are to be tried by their own Consular authorities,
the Turkish courts having no jurisdiction except in cases of real
estate and in certain matters when a Consular officer is not within
reach.
At present the most serious question between the two countries is in
regard to the right of domicile of American citizens. The American
missionaries stand as the sole witnesses accredited before the world,
of the atrocities committed by the Turkish Government, therefore that
government is putting forth its best efforts to secure their ejection
from the country. They also represent the progress of religious liberty
and civilization, both of which are opposed by Russia, who, looking
forward to the time when Turkey shall be part of her own empire, and
dreading the results of American colleges and schools, sympathizes
in the wish of Turkey to eliminate the whole influence of American
missions from that land. Unfortunately, working in harmony with these,
though from an entirely different motive, are some Americans, who feel
that there is no advantage in the missionaries remaining there, and
think that to press for their protection may involve this country in
complications with Europe.
This is not the place to discuss the general policy of this government
towards foreign nations. It may, however, be said that so far as
complications with Europe are concerned, there need be no fear of them.
There is no need of more than the protection of American citizens in
their right to stay in a country where they have clear and well defined
treaty rights. That is all that is needed, and that surely no American
refuse. If the question be asked, how that protection can be assured,
the answer simply is, by firm, decided pressure from the American
Government. There will be no need of war, or anything approaching it.
It may be advantageous to send some ships to the Mediterranean to
give ocular demonstration to the Turks that America exists. It may be
advantageous to do at Rhodes or Mitylene what England did at Corinto,
but even that will not be necessary. Those who have had dealings with
the Turkish Government know well that it will always do what it has to.
There is no need of bullying, but there must be decided action.
We have said that all that is needed is the protection of American
citizens, that is, so far as the executive branch of the Government
can go, but surely the people may go farther. They can give expression
to their protest against the atrocities that have stirred the whole
world. There is a power in the voice of a nation, and if that voice
is uttered in clear, unmistakable tones from every city, town and
village in the country; by every church, society and organization of
any kind, it will have its effect. The Sultan must respect the repeated
protest of Christendom. But that is not all. England, Germany, France,
even Russia, will not refuse to heed the words of America. Along with
this, however, should go prompt relief. The situation is appalling.
Not a tithe of the awful story can be told in these pages. We have
told enough, however, to make it clear that the need is overwhelming.
Let associations for relief be formed all over the country. The
Rev. Frederick D. Greene, Secretary of the National Armenian Relief
Committee, 45 William Street, New York City, who has been on the field
and knows the situation thoroughly, will give all needed information,
and Brown Brothers, the great bankers, 59 Wall Street, New York City,
will forward all funds to Americans on the field. Clara Barton and her
Red Cross associates and the missionaries are at their posts. Great
efforts are being made to force them to leave. America should stand
behind them and support them. Humanity and duty demand it.