GENERAL SURVEY.
Statistics of Massacre and Pillage--Where Does the Responsibility
Rest?--The Turks; Fear, Ferocity, Outrage--The Armenians; Ambition,
Lack of Preparation, Unwisdom of Huntchagists--The European Powers;
Jealousy, Ambition, Cowardice--The Sultan; Alliance with Reactionary
Party, Difficult Position, Individual Care of Minutiæ--Latest
Development of Most Terrible Persecution.
Any complete statement as to number of victims of the massacres is
at present impossible, and indeed, will probably never be made. This
partly for the same reasons that make an exact census impracticable,
partly because of the general scattering of the people, resulting
in the destruction of their homes. It must also be remembered that
comparatively few people even in this country can be relied upon
to make a correct estimate as to numbers, and inaccuracy in this
respect is even more characteristic of the East. When to these general
statements is added the terror that fell upon all, it will be readily
apparent that exact figures are unattainable, even in regard to places
where there were intelligent observers. But absolutely no account
can be taken of the number killed in the villages remote from the
cities. The following table has been made up from the best returns
available, and in all probability represents the facts in regard to
the places noted, which are all well known. The figures in regard to
the interior cities include also the figures for the villages in the
immediate vicinity, but not those for the remote sections. Some of them
were quite large districts. Thus, Van city has not suffered, but the
villages suffered terribly. Massacres were also reported from a large
number of places, such as Tokat, Amasia, Gemerek, Adiaman, Argana,
Severek, etc., but no reliable statistics, or even estimates, were
furnished.
Constantinople Sept. 30, 1895, 172
Trebizond Oct. 8, ” 1,100
Ak-Hissar ” 9, ” 45
Gumushkhane ” 11, ” 350
Baiburt ” 13, ” 800
Erzingan ” 21, ” 1,900
Bitlis ” 25, ” 1,500
Palu ” 25, ” 650
Diarbekir ” 25, ” 3,000
Kara Hissar ” 25, ” 800
Erzrum ” 30, ” 1,200
Boulanik and Khnus ” 30, ” 700
Urfa Oct. 27 and Dec. 30, ” 6,000
Malatia Nov. 6, ” 5,000
Arabkir ” 6, ” 4,000
Harput ” 11, ” 1,900
Sivas ” 12, ” 1,300
Gurun ” 10, ” 2,000
Mush ” 15, ” 340
Marsovan ” 15, ” 125
Aintab ” 15, ” 400
Marash ” 18, ” 1,000
Zillè ” 26, ” 200
Cesarea ” 30, ” 350
Birejik Jan. 1, 1896, 200
------
Total 35,032
Taking this sum, 35,000, as a basis, those who are on the field and
best qualified to judge make a general estimate of the entire loss
of life at not less than 50,000, and this has the endorsement of the
English and French Ambassadors at Constantinople. This, however,
is by no means all that is to be taken into account. There is the
number of those who have been forced, sometimes on pain of death,
sometimes on pain of outrage and suffering worse than death, to accept
Mohammedanism. As to those, reports vary, but a conservative estimate
puts the whole number at about 40,000. Reference must also be made to
the destruction of houses and shops. With regard to these, estimates
are more easily made and the sum total given of 12,600 burned and
47,000 plundered, is probably reasonably correct. There remains to
be considered the number of destitute. This can only be estimated
something as follows. If the number of killed was 40,000, inasmuch as
they were almost entirely men who would each represent a family of at
least five persons, this would give 200,000. Add to this those who were
dependent upon the murdered men for employment, those whose shops and
houses were burned and those who were imprisoned, and the estimate of
350,000 to 500,000 it will be easily seen is not unreasonable. It is
evident that statistics as to the number of women and girls outraged
are absolutely unattainable. We may then, in the most conservative way,
summarize the whole as follows:
Number of persons killed (almost entirely men) 50,000
” ” houses and shops burned 12,600
” ” ” ” ” plundered 47,000
” ” persons forced to accept Mohammedanism 40,000
” ” persons destitute 400,000
These figures are certainly within the truth, and it requires but
little effort to imagine what they mean.
The question is forced upon the mind, Where does the responsibility
for all this loss of life and property, this terrible suffering, rest?
The answer is by no means simple, though its general features will
be easily recognized by those who have read the preceding chapters
carefully. The present situation is the result of the mutual action
of four chief factors, some of them having various subdivisions. The
Turks, the Armenians, the European Powers and the Sultan. We will take
up each one of these in turn and state as clearly as may be, in what is
necessarily brief space, the relations sustained by them to the others
and to the general result.
_The Turks._ The feeling among the Turks is very easily understood.
For half a century they have seen the general situation of the
Christians steadily improving, and their own situation, if not actually
growing worse, at least not improving in equal degree. They have
been taught by their priests to look upon the Christians as “dogs,”
utterly unworthy of any regard. True, under force of circumstances,
and in consequence of certain natural characteristics they have not
always treated them as “dogs,” still the belief has been there, and
only needed the occasion of some kind to call it into exercise. They
could not see the slightest necessity of any reforms for those whom
they looked upon as slaves, and the repeated statements issued by
the Sultans, and the Constitutions and Charters, of equal rights and
religious liberty, seemed to them treason to their religion and their
empire. They also realized that the time of their advance had ceased.
One after another their choicest provinces were taken from them, in
Europe, Asia and Africa. The more intelligent among them began to
think that there was some power in the world besides their Padishah.
The names of Bismarck, Gladstone, Gortschakoff, Andrassy, not to speak
of the Emperors, were heard all over the land and occasioned much
uneasiness. Turks returned to their country homes from Constantinople
with stories of the grandeur of the foreign ambassadors and the honors
paid them by Turkish dignitaries, even by the Sultan. There thus
developed an increasing fear among the whole Moslem population for
everything and everybody that was Christian. This was taken advantage
of by shrewd Moslem priests and plotters, who carefully spread the
report that the time might be near when Islam would have to defend
itself, and talk of the Jehad, or Holy War, began to be heard. When
the placards to which reference has been made were scattered broadcast
throughout Asia Minor, the whole Turkish community was aroused. In an
ignorant community news travels exceptionally fast and loses nothing as
it goes. It was not long before everywhere, in the Turkish villages and
even in the Turkish quarters of the cities, there was general fear of
an uprising of the Christians, probably to be supported by the European
Governments. It was absurd, for not one Christian in a hundred,
scarcely one in a thousand, had a weapon, while comparatively few
Turks were unarmed. It is also true that this condition existed only
in a limited section of the country. The greater part of the Moslem
population, Turkish, Kurdish, Circassian, etc., had absolutely no sense
of fear. Still its existence in some places served the purpose of the
leaders, a purpose that will be stated later on, and helped to swell
the tide of anti-Christian feeling which was growing on every side.
The outbreak in Sassun served two purposes. It whetted the appetite
for plunder and also showed that that appetite could be gratified with
no evil results to the plunderers. The fact that no one was punished
and that the leaders were rewarded, was well known throughout the
empire. Longing eyes were cast upon Christian shops and houses and upon
Christian women, and threatening glances turned upon the owners of the
former and the protectors of the latter. If they could be got rid of
safely, property and sex could be appropriated without danger.
The massacre at Trebizond, following on that at Constantinople, lighted
the torch, and for three months the Moslem fury, held in comparative
check ever since the capture of Constantinople, had full scope. There
had indeed been massacres, at Scio, in the Lebanon, in Kurdistan, but
never was such free rein given to the most outrageous cruelty. It is
well known that passions grow on what they feed on. Ingrained in the
Turkish character, with some noble elements, exist also some of the
vilest. Absolute freedom for the vile simply overwhelmed the noble. The
fury of the early centuries of Moslem advance broke forth, with the
added ferocity gathered by its period of restraint and the fear lest
its last opportunity had come. It must be said that many Turks have
protested against this whole matter, feeling it an outrage on humanity
and a most impolitic thing, but their protest has been as nothing. They
have succored a few individuals, but that is all. The great mass have
joined heart and soul in murder, pillage and outrage. This motive has
undoubtedly been mixed. Political fear, religious fanaticism, lust for
booty, have all entered in varying proportions in different places.
_The Armenians._ It is frequently said that the Huntchagist movement
is largely responsible for the atrocities, at least as furnishing the
pretext for the charges of revolution made by the Turkish Government.
How much of truth there is in this, it is very difficult to say. It is
undoubted fact that in certain sections, notably Central Asia Minor,
that movement operated very strongly to arouse the bitterest feeling
on the part of the Turks. On the other hand it is also undoubted
fact, that in not one single instance can it be fairly said that
the great massacres, as at Erzrum, Harput, Diarbekir, etc., had any
excuse in the presence of Armenian revolution. Granted, however, that
the Huntchagist movement did harm, and it certainly did, it must be
remembered that it was an almost inevitable development. The Armenian
nation was growing in intellectual and moral power. The heavy yoke
of Turkish oppression was becoming more and more galling. The young
men of the nation had before their eyes freed Bulgaria, freed Servia,
freed Rumania, freed Greece. They had not read unmoved their early
national history, and the stories of the revolutions of the close of
the eighteenth and the middle of the nineteenth centuries. It was most
natural that they should arise in determination to make a break for
freedom, or at least for an improvement of their condition. Europe
had made Bulgaria, why should it not make Armenia? This was fostered
by Russian intrigue, just to what extent will only be known later, if
at all, but certainly to some extent. It was foolish undoubtedly, for
the circumstances were very different. Armenia as a territory had no
existence. It was scarcely more than a historical name. Boundaries
might be drawn, but to make the enclosed space an Armenia would require
the importation of Armenians and the deportation of Kurds to an extent
almost inconceivable. Moreover, the nation at large was not ready
for the movement. It was not unified in purpose any more than it was
concentrated in location. The plans of the Huntchagists were absurd;
their threats issued not merely against Turks, but against their own
people and friends who would not work with them, were criminal. The
great mass of the people, however, had no part nor lot in those plans
or threats, and the charges of sedition are even more outrageous and
criminal than their own worst acts. The question is often asked why the
Armenians were singled out, and why the Greeks were left unmolested.
The answer is: (1) that for the time being the Turks realized that the
Armenian movement was the more dangerous; (2) that there was no danger
of the Greeks joining them on account of the traditional, racial and
ecclesiastical hatred between the two races, and their subjugation
might be left to some other time; (3) that while the Greeks had a well
recognized protector in the Czar and his powerful government, the
Armenians relied upon England, which was always a negligeable quantity.
The Greeks also have as a rule been far more politic in their dealings
with the Turks, less apt to rouse antagonisms than the Armenians. The
Armenians thus, while undoubtedly making mistakes, and serious ones,
were almost the sole victims because they furnished the most available
field for pillage.
_The European Powers._ The relation of the governments of Europe,
in which are included England, Russia, France, Germany, Austria and
Italy, to the subject of partition of the empire has been stated in a
preceding chapter. It remains here simply to note their relation to
the massacres. How far were they responsible for them? Could they have
prevented them, and if they could, why did they not? The contemporary
observer of political history is very apt to greatly misapprehend a
particular situation, especially if it be somewhat complex. Time is a
most important element in correct judgment on such matters. Certain
things, however, are clear. The Powers might, if they had taken the
right steps, have prevented the massacres, at least those of 1895. The
Turkish Government, especially of late years, has always yielded to the
inevitable. The course adopted has generally been as follows: A demand
on the part of the Powers is followed by a general protest on the part
of the Porte, which, however, promises to take the matter into careful
consideration; then comes a counter-proposal which either absolutely
neutralizes the demand or materially modifies it, according to what
seems to the Cabinet practicable: this is rejected and the demand
is reiterated; with many protestations it is received, considered,
and a new counter-proposal presented, to be again rejected by the
Ambassadors. How long this continues depends upon the circumstances;
sometimes it covers months, rarely a few weeks. At last the demand
of the Powers is presented as an ultimatum. To this comes a flat
refusal. The Sultan appears upon the scene and declines to accept of
any abridgment of his sovereign rights. The negotiations continue
but on a slightly different basis. After there has been time to have
the Sultan’s refusal reported over the empire, there is a change of
ministry, the new regime is instructed to accept the demand and Europe
has gained its point, at least in appearance, while over the empire the
Sultan has the reputation of having thwarted the sovereigns of Europe.
To accomplish this, however, it is absolutely essential that there be
united, unintermitted pressure on the part of the Powers interested.
Any divergence between them of feeling or judgment will be quickly
seen and used by the astute Turkish politicians, who are wonderfully
skilful in fomenting jealousies and in creating disturbance generally.
The recent diplomatic history, so far as it relates to the massacres,
may be briefly summarized as follows: The Treaty of Berlin and the
Cyprus Convention placed England in the lead in diplomatic influence
in Constantinople. That lead, however, was soon lost largely through
the Egyptian question. Russia was busy with other matters, internal
and Central Asian, but kept up a constant intrigue not merely in
Constantinople, but throughout the empire, seeking to repair the damage
done to the Treaty of San Stephano, especially to regain her hold upon
Bulgaria. Austria was occupied with the Czechs and Magyars, and gave
her outside attention chiefly to strengthening her hold upon Bosnia,
but found time to see that Servia did not become Russianized. France
kept a jealous eye upon Egypt and to that purpose watched also the
English movements at Constantinople, offering little hindrance, but
refusing positive help. Italy had her hands full with her national
development, as also had Germany, each being chiefly anxious to keep
the peace in general without giving prestige to any one of her rivals.
Bismarck’s famous dictum, “The whole Bulgarian nation is not worth the
bones of a single Pomeranian grenadier,” expressed the general feeling
of all Europe except England, and that England shared in it to some
extent is evident from the fast-and-loose policy she pursued during the
greater part of Abd-ul-Hamid’s reign.
The constant agitation of the Armenians, however, had its effect,
and certain prominent Englishmen, notably Mr. James Bryce, exerted
considerable influence upon the government to push the question of
reforms. Mr. Gladstone also, who had retired from office, joined
heartily in the movement, speaking and writing in favor of it. This
pressure the English Government transferred to Constantinople, and
secured a general endorsement from Russia and France; Germany, Austria
and Italy holding aloof from positive action, leaving matters to the
other three Powers as the ones most immediately concerned. While the
general discussion was going on, the trouble in Sassun broke out,
and all Europe saw that there might easily be very serious results.
Were there to be general revolution and massacre, intervention might
be forced upon them, with a renewal of the former war, except that
now it would scarcely be possible to localize the trouble. Military
occupation might be necessary, and what would result from that no one
could tell. War was the last thing any government wanted, therefore,
for once, Russia and France joined heartily with England, and the other
Powers gave moral support. The plan of reforms was prepared, and the
usual procedure, described above, commenced. After a time, however,
the zeal of Russia and France grew cool; difficulties were raised and
modifications suggested. United action ceased and the quick eye of
the Turk saw the opportunity, and he did his best to foster distrust
of England. Meanwhile the situation was growing worse on every hand.
Constantinople was in turmoil, which resulted in the massacre of
September 30th. Then all united in strong pressure, and the scheme of
reforms was signed, only to be attended by the massacre at Trebizond,
followed by bloodshed and pillage all over the empire. The Ambassadors
were apparently uncertain what to do. The Sultan, in abject terror--to
all appearances--told them that he was powerless; that to give reforms
to Christians meant the uprising of the Moslem people, and he was
helpless. England indignantly repudiated his claim, it is said, raised
the question of his deposition, and sent her fleet to the Dardanelles.
Russia and France, however, would not support England, and Emperor
William of Germany entered the lists in favor of the Sultan, claiming
that he meant well; all he wanted was a little time. The result was
absolute collapse of any modifying influence upon the Sultan, and the
Turks were free to do as they liked.
A gentlemen well versed in Oriental matters has said that, in his
judgment, England held the key to the situation in June, and, by
forcing the Dardanelles with her fleet, could have prevented the
massacres, and at the same time have avoided a European war; also, that
even in October or November, had she acted positively and aggressively,
Russia and France would have been forced to accept her action. Lord
Salisbury, however, has stated that this was impossible; that Russia
asserted positively that the entrance of the fleet would mean war.
It is evident that responsibility for the massacres rests largely
upon the European Powers. Upon England for her delay in enforcing the
stipulations of the Cyprus Convention--and perhaps for her cowardice
at the close, in refusing to act alone, and run the risk of war. Upon
Russia for her absolute refusal to support England, and probably
for her encouragement of the intrigues among the Armenians to stir
revolutionary sentiment, and with the Turkish Government to gain her
end of dominant influence; upon France for her alliance with Russia in
her course; upon Germany for the Emperor’s refusal to support the cause
of justice and right. Austria and Italy can scarcely be blamed, as they
were not in position to antagonize Russia, France and Germany; their
sympathy was unquestionably with England. Why were all so unwilling
to act? Primarily, because each feared damage to her own interests;
secondly, because no one except England had the slightest interest in
the Armenians. The worst stories of the massacres have never moved
the heart of Europe. Even the support given at one time by France and
Russia was not from desire to help the oppressed, but to watch England
and see that she did not get too much advantage to herself. Humanity
availed not a jot with either.
_The Sultan._ Probably over no one factor in this whole problem
has there been so much discussion as over the responsibility of
Sultan Abd-ul-Hamid II. On the one hand, those who have had personal
intercourse with him, laud his mildness and benignity, and affirm that
it is utterly impossible that he should have had any share in the
immediate execution of such atrocious outrages. On the other hand,
many who know the empire thoroughly, and understand how completely the
personality of the Sultan, if he is a man of marked individuality,
dominates every part of his government, even to the remote provinces,
claim that it is simply impossible that the atrocities should have
occurred without his knowledge, and that he must either have ordered
them or have permitted them.
As has already been said, the Sultan has been in a very difficult
position. When he ascended the throne, or to speak more correctly, was
girded with the sword of Osman, he found himself surrounded by a number
of forces. There was the old orthodox Moslem element, constituting by
far the great majority of his Turkish subjects, utterly disapproving
of the changes of the past three reigns, and calling for a return to
traditional Moslem customs; there was the Young Turkey Party, not so
large in numbers, but clamorous that the advance made should not merely
be preserved, but increased; there was also the great outside Moslem
world, jealous of the Tartar usurpation of the Caliphate, and ready to
join hands in any effort that promised success for restoring the honor
to the tribe of Koreish; there were the Armenians, calling for Europe
to make them independent of Turkish rule; there was Europe watching to
see that he helped one power no more than another, and anxious lest his
internal troubles affect the adjoining empires. His various efforts
have already been set forth in detail. Hence it is only necessary
to say that, from the time of the dismissal of Haireddin Pasha, he
apparently gave up all idea of progress and allied himself more and
more with the reactionary party, identifying himself with the effort
to restore the historic austerity and vigor of Islam. A systematic
course of restriction of Christian privileges was commenced, with the
result set forth in Chapter XIX, on the Condition of the Empire in
1894. There was thus very apparent an absolute reversal of the policy
inaugurated by his grandfather, endorsed by his father, and allowed
by his uncle. Instead of seeking out for use the best available men
for the general welfare of the empire, he gave prominence to those who
would emphasize the Moslem interest at the expense of everything else.
The natural result was that favoritism and incompetence, bribery and
extortion reigned. The industrial, commercial and financial condition
of the empire rapidly deteriorated. Coincident with this was increased
complaint on the part of everybody. Orthodox Moslems, the Young Turkey
element, Armenians, Europeans, all were dissatisfied, all laid the
blame at the doors of the government, and for them the government
meant the Sultan. If this appears unjust, it must be said that, with
the possible exception of Mahmud II, no Sultan has ever held such
minute control over the internal administration of his government as
has Abd-ul-Hamid II. Not merely the appointment of the most minor
officials, but the granting of the most insignificant permits are
subject to his approval. He is a man of marvelous industry and great
ability, and nothing in his empire, and comparatively little outside
of it, escapes his notice. It soon became evident that a crisis was
approaching. The pressure from Europe for reforms and the pressure from
Turkey against reforms were increasing. If he yielded to the former he
endangered his Caliphate, if to the latter, his empire.
Somewhere, or to some one, the suggestion was apparently made that the
dilemma might be avoided if the reforms were granted, but rendered of
no practical effect by reducing the proportion of Armenians to Turks
and consequent representation in the government. Whether this was
formulated before the Sassun massacre is doubtful. The experience in
connection with that probably gave substance to the idea that Moslem
fanaticism might be utilized in the form of a general crusade against
the Armenians in defense of the Ottoman Empire and Mohammedanism.
At any rate that is just what was done. The impulse was given under
government direction and aid was furnished by government troops. Once
started, the conflagration spread. At first it was probably intended
merely to cover the six provinces specially mentioned in the scheme of
reforms. This, however, proved impracticable. The Turks and Kurds of
Cesarea, Aintab, Marash, etc., were not disposed to stay quiet while
those of Harput, Diarbekir, Erzrum and Bitlis were gorging themselves
with Christian booty and enriching their harems with Christian women.
They demanded their share and, willingly or unwillingly, the government
yielded. In Mesopotamia it succeeded in keeping the peace in good
measure and so far outbreaks in Western Asia Minor have been avoided,
but that was due probably chiefly to the different character of the
Moslem populace or the preponderance of the Greeks, whom, being under
the protection of the Czar, even the Turks dared not touch.
Whether the Sultan directly advised the massacres in the different
cities, is immaterial. These facts stand out clear and unmistakable:
The massacres occurred; it was the repeated statement of Turkish
officials and citizens that they were ordered from Constantinople;
there was absolutely no effort on the part of the government, except
in some cases as noted above, to prevent them; they were stopped in
every case when in the judgment of the officials they had gone far
enough; the most ardent admirers of the Sultan have claimed for him
the most minute supervision of his empire. The reader can draw his own
conclusions.
As this closing chapter is written there come in additional statements
of the suffering throughout the empire. Massacre has been followed
by persistent persecution, less prominent, perhaps, but not less
effective. Appeals have come from one section of the country to stir
the interest of the Christian nations, but we can scarcely do better
than to close with the following letter from one of the largest cities
in the empire:
“As to the whole circle of Christian nations that are standing as
idle spectators of these infernal orgies, I wonder if they have looked
upon the Gorgon’s head, or do they not yet comprehend what is being
done before their eyes? Do they know that horrible and revolting as was
the savagery of the recent massacres, they have been narrow in effect
and tame in cruel barbarity compared with the deliberate, malicious
and unrelenting, crushing and grinding process to which the remnant
of the Armenian people are being subjected? Do these Christian Powers
comprehend that it is the _settled purpose_ of this government to
prevent these poor people from being properly clothed and fed, and
so to make famine and pestilence their executioners in place of the
assassins heretofore employed? It is a sharp stroke of business on
the part of the Turk to suspend his work of butchery for a time, and
allow his victims, by their unspeakable wretchedness, to draw a few
thousand pounds from the charitable people of England and America,
while he looks on complacently, sure of so much more plunder whenever
it pleases him to finish his bloody work? In ---- 12,000 Christians,
after having more than 800 of their shops and 450 of their houses
looted, and more than $500,000 worth of property stolen or destroyed,
have been kept for over three months in daily and agonizing terror for
their lives, and utterly unable to do anything to earn a livelihood;
4,000 of their number are wholly dependent on charity for daily bread.
In this condition government has repeatedly demanded of them large sums
of money for special purposes, and these demands have been accompanied
with foul abuse and the most ferocious threats. Do the Christian Powers
understand the purpose of the _plan_ everywhere being carried out of
removing first the principal men from each Christian community? In
---- sixty-four of the most influential and wealthy Christians are
now languishing in Turkish prisons, arrested on purely fictitious
charges. The Protestant preacher of ---- has been condemned to _ten
years_ in a Turkish fortress simply for having in his possession a
copy of Lord Salisbury’s speech at the opening of Parliament. Are the
Christian Powers aware that, in these prisons, deeds rivalling the
worst barbarities of the dark ages are being enacted? Overcrowded
dungeons, unfit for men to stay in, the most violent and offensive
insults, beatings and torture till the victim faints, are not uncommon;
live coals put upon the naked bodies of men, sodomy forced upon an
Armenian priest, are among the amusements in which Turkish jailers have
been freely indulging. These are only _specimens of classes of facts_
of which I have the most unimpeachable evidence; and what is more,
these things are part of a _plan_ which is being carried out in the end
of this nineteenth century by a government in treaty with Christian
nations, and under the most solemn pledges and obligations to secure
special privileges to its Christian subjects.”
“Though the mills of God grind slowly, yet they grind exceeding small;
Though with patience He stands waiting, with exactness grinds He all.”
INDEX.
Abd-ul-Aziz, 246, 233, 277, 282, 286
Abd-ul-Hamid II, 118, 228, 253, 282, 301, 324, 564
Abd-ul-Medjid, 117, 222, 246, 268, 347
Abyssinians, 159
Adana, 122, 386
Adiaman, 487
Adrianople, Treaty of, 217
Aintab, 122, 402, 448, 451, 476
Aintab College, 317
Ak-Hissar, 477
Albania, 233, 388, 529
Albanians, 170
Albistan, 487
Aleppo, 148, 447
Ali Pasha, of Janina, 182, 211, 215
American Ambassadors, 543
American Bible Society, 319
American Board of Missions, 163, 313
American Consuls, 547
American Missionaries, 41, 115, 268, 278, 342, 388, 511
Anatolia College, 339
Andrassy Note, 253
Angora, 349
Antioch, 447
Arabia, 318, 392
Arabic Version of the Scriptures, 317
Arabi Pasha, 327
Arabkir, 435, 488
Arabs, 98
Ararat, 23
Armenia, 117, 369, 558
Armenian Americans, 341, 548
Armenian Autonomy, 333
Armenian Patriarch, 400
Armenian Question, 330
Armenian Revolutionists. See Huntchagists.
Armenians, 108, 166, 220, 293, 532, 557
Austria, 183, 534
Avshars, 39, 101
Bagdad, 23, 181
Baiburt, 412
Barbarossa, 174
Barnum, Dr. H. N., 428
Barton, Clara, 512, 551
Bedouin Arabs, 39, 99
Beirut, 163, 303
Berlin, Treaty of, 117, 255, 332, 561
Bible House in Constantinople, 248, 319, 512
Bibles Destroyed, 525
Birejik, 470
Bismarck’s Famous Dictum, 561
Bitlis, 122, 368, 386, 472
Bosnia, 250, 256
Brewer, Justice David J., 512
British and Foreign Bible Society, 302, 320
Bryce, Mr. James, 561
Bucharest, Congress of, 205, 212
Bulgaria, 233, 249, 255, 388, 393, 534
Bulgarian Church, 141
Bulgarian Massacres, 267
Bulgarian Question, 330
Byron, Lord, 216
Byzantine Empire, 67, 164
Caliphate Assumed by Turkish Sultan, 171
Capitulations, 185
Carlowitz, Peace of, 178, 194
Catholic Mission Convents, 262
Catholic Missions Established, 190
Catholicos, 119
Censorship, 282, 357
Cesarea, 340, 466, 476, 490
Chaldeans, 40, 146, 157, 318, 533
Charles V, 185
Chosroes, 109
Christian Sects, 64
Christian Worship Prohibited, 495
Church Missionary Society, 320
Circassians, 39, 100, 120, 407, 532
Cleveland, President, 385, 549
Communal Rights, 168
Constantinople, Capture of, 165
Copts, 158, 267
Crete, 256
Crimean War, 242, 415, 542
Churches Become Mosques, 493
Cyprus, 176, 258
Cyprus Convention, 257, 561, 563
Czar Nicholas, 384
Damascus, 245, 357
Death Penalty for Apostasy, 63
Dersim Kurds, 390, 415
Dervishes, 95
Diarbekir, 148, 464, 490
Disciples of Christ, 319
Divan, The, 175
Dolma-Bagtche, 246
Doria, 174
Druzes, 39, 104, 245, 403
Eastern Rumelia, 256
Eastern Turkey, 529
Edward III, 259
Egypt, 193, 220, 326
English Influence. (See also Stratford de Redcliffe.) 192, 397, 534,
561, 563
Erzingan, 371, 398
Erzrum, 94, 114, 350, 358, 386, 415
Etchmiadzine, 119
Euphrates College, 427
European Turkey, 529
First Treaty Between Turkey and Europe, 186
First Turkish Parliament, 253
Forced Conversion, 483
Foreigners in Turkey, 41
France, First Treaty with Turkey, 186
France Supports Russia, 562
Francis I, 183
Franks, 188
Free Thought, 335
French Revolution, 206
Georgia, 118, 176
Gladstone on Turkey, 386, 394
Greene, Rev. F. D., 372, 551
Golden Age of Turkish Rule, 172
Greece, 534
Greek Church, 131, 265
Greek Independence, 214
Greek Insurrection, 267
Greek Question, 330
Greeks, 130, 293, 533
Gregory, the Illuminator, 110
Gumushkhand, 412
Gurun, 464
Haireddin Pasha, 325, 565
Hamidieh, Kurdish Cavalry, 97, 121, 369
Harput, 122, 402, 427, 477, 490, 516, 545
Hatti Humayoun, 228, 243, 271, 279, 297, 310, 347
Hatti Sherif of Gulhané, 228, 243, 268
Herzegovina, 256
Holy Alliance, 177, 194
Holy Places in Jerusalem, 200, 239
Holy War, 556
Hungary, 172
Hunkiar Iskellessi, Treaty of, 221, 228
Huntchagists, 336, 344, 385, 393, 398, 448, 557
Italy, 534
Jacobites, 39, 147, 309, 318, 474, 477, 533
Janissaries, 165, 192, 218
Jassy, Treaty of, 206
Jebel Tur, 148, 154
Jeddah, 392
Jerusalem. See Holy Places, also 538
Jesuits, 163, 264
Jews, 40
Kainardji, Treaty of, 182, 205, 240, 266
Kars, 257
Kayayan (Prof.), 339
Kiamil Pasha, 400
Kimball, Dr. Grace, 514
Konieh, 68, 165
Koran, 55, 294
Kurdistan, 557
Kurds, 39, 85, 146, 351, 474
Kutturbul, 496
Layard, Sir Henry, 154, 223, 245
Lazes, 39, 106, 120
Lebanon, 557
Levantines, 42
Louis XIV, 178, 193
Macedonia, 529
Mahdi, The, 62, 328
Mahmud II, 115, 172, 209, 222, 267, 293, 300, 307, 565
Malatia, 435, 522
Marash, 386, 402, 448, 457, 476, 545
Marco Bozzaris, 215
Mardin, 22, 146, 474
Maronites, 39, 159, 245, 277, 309, 533
Marsovan, 122, 337, 345, 349, 545
Maynard, Horace, 542
Mehemet Ali, 213, 220, 236, 268, 326
Mesopotamia, 530
Metawileh, 39
Midyat, 150
Mohammed, 51
Mohammed II, 166, 260
Mohammedanism, 51, 81
Mongols, 145
Montenegro, 256
Mosque Schools, 282
Mosul, 148, 318, 546
Murad, Sultan, 253, 282
Mush, 368, 386, 472, 505
Napoleon, 207, 535
Napoleon Code, 293
National Armenian Relief Committee, 512, 551
Naturalization Treaty, 548
Nestorian Scholars, 152
Nestorians, 40, 45, 146, 151, 309, 318, 533
Nicomedia, 350, 389
Nusairiyeh, 39, 101, 318
Osman Pasha, 299
Othman, 69
Ottoman University, 236
Palace Intrigues, 326
Palu, 484, 522
Pan-Slavist Committee, 119, 331
Paris, Treaty of, 242, 310
Passarowitz, Treaty of, 196
Patriarch of Antioch, 147
Patriarch of Babylon, 157
Patriarch of Constantinople, 123
Persia, 152, 158, 176
Peter the Great, 189
Phil-Hellenism, 204, 216
Poland, 192
Polygamy, 73
Porte. See Sublime Porte.
Presbyterian Board of Missions (North), 163, 317
Rayahs, 153, 174
Red Cross Society, 512, 551
Reformed (Dutch) Church Missions, 318
Reformed Presbyterian (Covenanter) Mission, 318
Robert College, 248, 312, 315
Roman Government, 166
Rumania, 257
Russian Aggression, 207, 227, 241, 267
Russian Ambassador in Constantinople, 1495, 183
Russian Armenia, 118
Russian Armenian Agitators, 407
Russian Intrigues, 181, 203, 233, 277
Saladin, 93
Salisbury, Lord, 397, 401, 405
San Stephano, Treaty of, 254, 257
Sancta Sophia, 133
Saracens, 146
Sassun, 384, 404, 479, 504, 556, 566
Scio, Island of, 191, 215, 267, 547
Scanderbeg, 170
Scotch Missions, 320
Seraglio, 246
Sert, 151, 476
Servia, 170, 233, 256, 267
Sheik-ul-Islam, 281, 297, 300
Sherif of Mecca, 171
Shiahs, 62, 88
Sivas, 464
Sis, 111
Softas, 298, 399, 480
Sobieski, 177, 194
Smyrna, 303
Statistics of Massacres, 553
Straus, Oscar S., 542
Stratford de Redcliffe, Lord, 191, 210, 225, 234, 238, 240, 268
Sublime Porte, 281, 300, 399
Suleiman the Magnificent, 171
Sultans as Caliphs, 167, 294
Sunnis, 62, 88
Suez Canal, 327
Sweden, Treaty with, 199
Syria, 245, 530
Syrian Protestant College, 163, 248, 312, 317
Syrians, 145, 267
Tamerlane, 152, 165
Tarsus, 393
Tartars, 145
Terrell, A. W., 513, 520
Thoumaian (Mr.), 339
Tilsit, Peace of, 208
Trebizond, 406, 476
Turcomans, 39, 447
Turkish Relief Commission, 504
Turkish Version of the Bible, 76
Ulemas, 174, 213, 281, 298
Uniat Chaldean Church, 153
Uniats, 159
United Armenian Church, 163
United Presbyterian Board, 159,318
Urfa, 109, 148, 460, 476, 487, 546
Vakouf, 283
Van, 22, 368, 386, 415, 472, 514
Venetians, 170, 189
Vienna, 173, 177
Wallace, Gen. Lew, 542
Wallachia, 164, 170, 267
William of Orange, 178
Yezidis, 102
Young Turkey Party, 60, 343, 394, 564
Yuzgat, 337, 340, 349, 365
Xeibecks, 39, 101
Zeitun, 45, 122, 386, 448, 456, 459
Transcriber’s Notes
Illustrations have been moved to the end of each chapter.
Errors in punctuation have been fixed.
Spelling has been retained as printed in the original publication,
except as follows:
Page xi: “Peculian Favors” changed to “Peculiar Favors”
Page xiv: Corrected page number for Chapter XXV. from 474 to 464
Page 17: “Hamadieh Mosque” changed to “Hamidieh Mosque”
Page 27: “carrried” changed to “carried”
Page 39: “almost entire” changed to “almost entirely”
Page 44: “hestitate” changed to “hesitate”
Page 61: “past centurie” changed to “past centuries”
Page 68: “during his region” changed to “during his reign”
Page 71: “lelt” changed to “felt”
Page 80: “fasehood” changed to “falsehood”
Page 84: “order, the the most” changed to “order, the most”
Page 88: “Kuran” changed to “Koran”
Page 102: “religious rights” changed to “religious rites”
Page 104: “Moselm” changed to “Moslem”
Page 109: “chieftians” changed to “chieftains”
Page 141: “hand of mountaineers” changed to “band of mountaineers”
Page 141: “minutiae” changed to “minutiæ”
Page 161: “Eastern Turkev” changed to “Eastern Turkey”
Page 163: “even that” changed to “even than”
Page 181: “keep a a hold” changed to “keep a hold”
Page 203: “monastry” changed to “monastery”
Page 206: “made a tool of” changed to “made a fool of”
Page 206: “bu” changed to “but”
Page 239: “devasted” changed to “devastated”
Page 254: “San Stefano” changed to “San Stephano”
Page 259: “as for back” changed to “as far back”
Page 276: “provvinces” changed to “provinces”
Page 287: “Posporus” changed to “Bosporus”
Page 340: “St. Jean d’ Acre” changed to “St. Jean d’Acre”
Page 355: “missonaries” changed to “missionaries”
Page 404: “were issued” changed to “was issued”
Page 412: “Paiburt” changed to “Baiburt”
Page 435: “zeptieh” changed to “zaptieh”
Page 472: “Ninty” changed to “Ninety”
Page 483: “knowlege” changed to “knowledge”
Page 504: “to lives in” changed to “to live in”
Page 514: “It is is no easy” changed to “It is no easy”
Page 535: “pratically” changed to “practically”
Page 536: “Whavever” changed to “Whatever”
Page 561: “at it relates” changed to “as it relates”
Page 566: “probbably” changed to “probably”
Index entry for “Reformed (Dutch) Church Missions”
has been moved to alphabetical position
Enclosed italics font in _underscores_
Smallcaps font represented as ALL CAPS