to pay out [the money to be kept in a chest] under three locks, and
that all live in common, leaving off their separate households, and
that these things do begin at Michaelmas next. And all were warned to
remove all secular folk from the dorter on this side the morrow of the
Assumption. And all were warned under pain of excommunication that none
do reproach another by reason of her disclosures. And the prioress was
warned to [shut] and open the doors of the church and cloister at the
due times, and to keep the keys with her by night in the dorter.
* * * * *
Dames Isabel Benet and Agnes Halesley, nuns of Catesby, will not obey
or hearken to the injunctions of the lord bishop, and especially that
concerning giving up their [private] chambers, asserting that they are
not subject to the same.
Also the said dame Isabel on Monday last past did pass the night with
the Austin friars at Northampton, and did dance and play the lute with
them on the same place until midnight, and on the night following she
passed the night with the friars preachers at Northampton, luting and
dancing in like manner.
SIXTEENTH CENTURY ENCLOSURES, A.D. 1549
(Holinshed, _Chronicle of England_, III, p. 156)
So it was, that the King’s Majesty, by the advice of his uncle, the
Lord Protector, and other of the Council, thought good to set forth a
proclamation against enclosures, and taking in of fields and commons
that were accustomed to lie open, for the behoof of the inhabitants
dwelling near to the same, who had grievously complained of gentlemen
and others for taking from them the use of those fields and commons,
and had enclosed them into parks and several pasture for their private
commodities and pleasures, to the great hindrance and undoing many a
poor man.
This proclamation tending to the benefit and relief of the poor,
appointed that such as had enclosed those commons, should upon a
pain by a day assigned lay them open again. But how well soever the
setters forth of this proclamation meant, thinking hereby peradventure
to appease the grudge of the people that found themselves grieved
with such enclosures; yet verily it turned not to the wished effect,
but rather ministered occasion of a foul and dangerous disorder. For
whereas there were few that obeyed the commandment, the unadvised
people presuming upon their proclamation, thinking they should be borne
out by them that had set it forth, rashly without order took upon them
to redress the matter: and assembling themselves in unlawful wise,
chose to them captains and leaders, brake open the enclosures, cast
down ditches, killed up the deer which they found in parks, spoiled and
made havoc after the manner of an open rebellion. First they began to
play these parts in Somersetshire, Buckinghamshire, Northamptonshire,
Kent, Essex, and Lincolnshire.
In Somersetshire they brake up certain parks of Sir William Herbert,
and the Lord Sturton: but Sir William Herbert assembling a power
together by the King’s commission, slew and executed many of these
rebellious people. In other places also by the good diligence and
police used by the council, the rebels were appeased and quieted.
But shortly after, the commons of Devonshire and Cornwall rose by way
of rebellion, demanding not only to have enclosures laid open, and
parks disparked, but also through the instigations and pricking forward
of certain popish priests, ceased not by all sinister and subtle
means, first under God’s Name and the King’s, and under the colour
of religion, to persuade the people to assemble in routs to choose
captains to guide them and finally to burst out into open rebellion.
GRIEVANCES OF CAMBRIDGE MEN. (EXAMPLES)
(Cooper, _Annals of Cambridge_, Vol. II, p. 38)
Inprimis, we find that there be IV Almshouses decayed in Jesus Lane,
which ought to be upholden and maintained by Mr. Thomas Hutton.
Item: we find that a piece of noisome ground is taken in out of the
common and enclosed with a muddle wall at the end of Jesus Lane, for
the which the incorporation of the town is recompensed, but not the
whole inhabitants of the town which find themselves injured.
Item: we find that Andrew Lambes close is croft land and ought to lie
open with the field at Lammas as common.
Item: we find that Mr. Hynde unlawfully doth bring into Cambridge field
a flock of sheep to the number of VI or VII hundred, to the undoing of
the farmers and great hindrance of all the inhabitants of Cambridge.
Item: we find that Trinity College hath enclosed a common lane which
was a common course both for cart, horse and man, leading to the river,
unto a common green, and no recompense made therefore.
Item: we find that Mr. Muryell hath plowed up certain balks and cart
ways in the field.
Item: we find that Mr. Bykardyck hath plowed up the more part of a balk
behind the Black Friars of VII feet broad ... and he hath ditched it at
both ends.
Item: we find that Queen’s College have taken a piece of common ground
commonly called Gosling Green without recompense.
Item: we find that Mr. Fanne hath in his hands a piece of marsh ground
now severalled, which was common within these XVI years, the rent is
VIId.
Item: we find that beyond Styrbrydge Chapel, Dytton men have pulled
down a bridge, stopped the water, drowned the commons and so enter upon
Cambridge common.
Item: we find that Mr. Kymbalde hath walled and ditched upon the
highway in Barnwell, whereby the said way is much straitened.
Mem.: of a common balk through a pasture ground adjoining next to
Rutland’s house in Little St. Mary’s now inhabited by R. Tomlynson,
which balk should be a way to go to Thomas leys and so forth on balks
to Jesus Green, etc., which pasture is now purchased by the town, etc.
RIOTERS’ BALLAD
JAKE OF THE NORTH
(Cooper, II, p. 40)
JAKE OF THE NORTH:
... Company by night I take
And with all that I may make
Cast hedge and ditch in the lake
Fixed with many a stake.
Though it were never so fast
Asunder it is wraste.
Thus I Jake do recompense
Their naughty slanderous offence[26].
* * * * *
As I am a true speaker,
I am but a Hedge breaker.
* * * * *
How sayest thou Robin Clout?
Is this night well wrought?
ROBIN CLOUT:
Yea, sir without doubt ...
It is as ye do say ...
Methought it but a play
To see the stakes fast stray
Down into the ray
Swimming evermore away,
Sailing toward the castle
Like as they would wrastle
For superiority
Or else for the Mayoralty.
JAKE:
Truth now thou dost say
It was even worth a play
To see the stakes jombling
And in the water tumbling.
And fast away they hied
Lest they should have been spied
And with a boat been followed
And with a serjeant arrested
For to come to the Mayor
In all gudly affair ...
How sayst Tom of Trumpington?
TOM OF TRUMPINGTON:
Forsooth sir down to Chesterton[27]
Great store of stakes be gone
Swimming thither one by one.
Glad they have escaped
And not of the baillies attached.
Wherefore they hied them hence
Paying yet no toll pence
Witness Robin with the red nose
And Benet with the blue hose
And Francis few clothes
Ye affirm the same I suppose?
BUNTYNGE:
Sir I think that this work
Is as good as to build a kirk
For Cambridge Baillies truly
Give ill example to the country
Their commons likewise for to engrose
And from poor men it to enclose.
JAKE:
How sayest thou Peter Potter?
Is here good hunting of the otter?
PETER POTTER:
By Jesus sir the ditch be yuge (?) down,
Is the best hunting in all the town,
The poor say God bless your heart
For if it continued they should smart
The wives of it also be glad
Which for their cattle little meat had.
Some have but one sealy (?) cow
Where is no hay nor straw in mow
Therefore it is good conscience I ween
To make that common that ever hath been!
JAKE:
Thou Pyrse Plowman by name
How say’st thou by this game?
PYRSE:
Sir it is both game and glee
All things well ordered to see
So suddenly altered in a night.
All things yet done is but right.
I wonder at this covetous nation
That scratt and get all out of fashion.
They seem men of no conscience
But only to satisfy covetous pretence
Ever desiring to take money
As greedy of it as bees of honey.
JAKE:
... Hodge I thee commend ...
Because thou art a sturdy knave
Fit to wear anordyn Jacke (?)
And to lift up a wool pack
Wherewith of times my neck doth crack.
And you good friends every chone (_sic_)
I exhort ye all in one
To pass home right shortly
Lest the bailiffs do you spy
Or else serjeants with burbolts bright
Chance at you to have a flight
Therefore eschew before daylight
For till then they have no might....
Thus do I, Jack of the stile
Now subscribe upon a tile.
“This I do and will do with all my might
For slandering of me yet do I but right
For common to the commons again I restore
Wherever it hath been yet common before.
If again they enclose it never so fast
Again asunder it shall be wrast
They may be ware by that is past
To make it again is but waste.”
Fare well gentle reader.
FOOTNOTES:
[26] Offenders were mainly members of the Corporation or the
University, also some local landowners.
[27] Suburbs of Cambridge, Trumpington above, Chesterton below the town.
CHAPTER VI
EXPLORATION
INTRODUCTORY NOTES
Voyages of Columbus
These accounts were written by Columbus himself, and may be amplified
very much by reference to the originals in the Hakluyt Society’s
volume. Another account of the fourth voyage written by one of
Columbus’ men, Diago Mendez, is of special value. The accounts are here
placed in their chronological order, but the passage on voyage three
really relates to the whole series, and might with advantage be used as
introductory. The Memorial on the second voyage is a very long official
document, from which only a few fragments have been given in order to
show the relations between Columbus and the sovereigns, and how from
the first the Spanish Indies were under their direct personal control.
Isabella had forewarded the discovery, and the new regions remained the
property of the House of Castille rather than national provinces.
New Light on Drake
The Spanish reports have especial value in creating an impartial view
of Drake’s feats; the detailed personal character of the reports makes
them exactly suitable for children. Zarate’s evidence that Drake
carried the Queen’s commission conflicts with the usually accepted
statements, but appears irrefutable evidence.
Letter to Sanchez, Treasurer.
The entire absence of resistance should be remarked, and the merely
formal nature of the acquisition of rights.
It was, of course, the treasures of Cathay (see _Mediæval Voyages_, p.
37), inaccessible by the old Eastern routes since the Ottoman Turks
seized the Levant and Constantinople, which formed the original motive
of exploration of a west or north-west route.
The inhabitants are still in the Stone Age, but have elements of
religion and live peacefully and in comfort until attacked. The closing
paragraph gives the main motives of the voyage as treasure, luxuries,
and naval supply, but also indicates the genuinely religious zeal which
must be reckoned with in all Portuguese and Spanish exploration (see
also voyages three, four).
Memorial of Second Voyage.
The strongly-worded approval of the rulers was not carried into
practical effect (see voyage four). Fonseca was constituted the royal
agent for the whole intercourse with the New World.
Third Voyage.
Columbus’s reference to “trustworthy and wise historians” seems to
indicate that more was known of the New World than has been supposed,
unless he is referring to records of the East. The progressive temper
of the friars carries on the traditions of Rubruquis and Carpini, and
may be used to balance the idea that the church was always reactionary
and conservative.
Fourth Voyage.
Chiefly valuable for detail of the hardships and dangers encountered,
and to illustrate the character and human relations of Columbus, and
corroborate points made above.
COLUMBUS
(_Select Letters of Christopher Columbus_, Ed., R. H. Major; Hakluyt
Society, 1847)
LETTER TO LORD RAPHAEL SANCHEZ, TREASURER TO THEIR MOST INVINCIBLE
MAJESTIES, FERDINAND AND ISABELLA, KING AND QUEEN OF SPAIN (p. I).
... Thirty-three days after my departure from Cadiz I reached the
Indian Sea, where I discovered many islands, thickly peopled, of
which I took possession without resistance in the name of our most
illustrious Monarch, by public proclamation and with unfurled banners.
To the first of these islands I gave the name of Our Blessed Saviour
[San Salvador].... As soon as we arrived at ... Juana [Nth. Caico] I
proceeded along its coast a short distance westwards, and found it
to be so large and apparently without termination, that I could not
suppose it to be an island, but the continental province of Cathay....
At length after proceeding a great way and finding that nothing new
presented itself, and that the line of coast was leading us northwards
(which I wished to avoid because it was winter) and it was my intention
to move southwards and because the winds were contrary, I resolved not
to attempt any further progress but rather to turn back.
... All these islands are very beautiful and distinguished by a
diversity of scenery; they are filled with a great variety of trees
of immense height, and which I believe to retain their foliage in all
seasons; for when I saw them they were as verdant and luxuriant as they
usually are in Spain in the month of May--some of them were blossoming,
some bearing fruit--yet the islands are not so thickly wooded as to
be impassable.... The nightingale and various birds were singing in
countless numbers, and that in November, the month in which I arrived
there.... There are besides, seven or eight kinds of palm-trees ... the
pines also are very handsome, and there are very extensive fields and
meadows, a variety of birds, different kinds of honey, and many sorts
of metals, but no iron....
The inhabitants of both sexes ... go always as they were born, with
the exception of some of the women, who use the coverings of a leaf or
small bough, or an apron of cotton which they prepare for that purpose.
None of them are possessed of any iron, neither have they weapons
... because they are timid and full of fear. They carry, however, in
lieu of arms, canes dried in the sun, on the ends of which they fix
heads of dried wood, sharpened to a point, and even these they dare
not use habitually ... and have fled in such haste at the approach
of our men, that the fathers forsook their children and the children
their fathers.... I gave to all I approached whatever articles I had
about me, such as cloth and many other things, but they are naturally
timid and fearful ... they are very simple and honest and exceedingly
liberal with all they have ... they also give objects of great value
for trifles ... a sailor received for a leather strap, gold worth three
golden nobles ... thus they bartered like idiots, cotton and gold for
fragments of bows, glasses, bottles and jars; which I forbade as being
unjust....
They practise no kind of idolatry, but have a firm belief that all
strength and power, and indeed all good things, are in Heaven, and that
I had descended from thence with these ships and sailors, and under
this impression was I received after they had thrown aside their fears.
Nor are they slow or stupid but of very clear understanding....
On my arrival I had taken some Indians by force from the first island
that I came to, in order that they might learn our language and
communicate to us what they knew respecting the country; which plan
succeeded excellently, and was a great advantage to us, for in a short
time, either by gestures and signs or by words, we were enabled to
understand each other. These men are still travelling with me. At any
new place ... crying out ... to the other Indians, “Come, come and
look upon beings of a celestial race,” upon which both men and women,
children and adults, young men and old, when they got rid of the fear
they at first entertained, would come out in throngs, crowding the
roads to see us, some bringing food, others drink, with astonishing
affection and kindness. Each of these islands has a great number of
canoes, built of solid wood, narrow and not unlike our double banked
boats in length and shape, but swifter in their motion: they steer them
only by the oar.... (pp. 9, 10).
I ordered a fortress to be built there [Espanola] which must by this
time be completed, in which I left as many men as I thought necessary,
with all sorts of arms and enough provisions for more than a year.
... I did not find, as some of us had expected, any cannibals amongst
them, but on the contrary, men of great deference and kindness.
Neither are they black like the Ethiopians: their hair is smooth and
straight.... I saw no cannibals, nor did I hear of any, except in a
certain island called Chari (? Carib).
Finally ... I promise, that with a little assistance afforded me by our
most invincible sovereigns, I will procure them as much gold as they
need, as great a quantity of spices, of cotton and of mastic, and as
many men for the service of the navy as their Majesties may require. I
promise also rhubarb and other sorts of drugs.... (p. 15).
But these great and marvellous results are not to be attributed to
any merit of mine, but to the Holy Christian faith, and to the piety
and religion of our sovereigns.... Let processions be made and sacred
feasts be held, and the temples be adorned with festive boughs....
Farewell.
CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS,
Admiral of the Fleet of the Ocean.
Lisbon, 14th March.
MEMORIAL OF THE SECOND VOYAGE WITH COMMENTS THEREUPON OF FERDINAND AND
ISABELLA
... We have found upon the sea-shore ... so many indications of various
spices, as naturally to suggest the hope of the best results for the
future. The same holds good with respect to the gold mines; for two
parties ... found ... a great number of rivers whose sands contained
this precious metal in such quantities that each man took up a sample
of it in his hand....
_Their Highnesses return thanks to God for all that is here recorded,
and regard as a very signal service all that the Admiral has already
done, and is yet doing ..._ (_pp. 70, 71_).
We are very certain, as the fact has shown, that wheat and grapes will
grow very well in this country. We must however, wait for the fruit....
There are also sugar-canes, of which the small quantity that we have
planted has succeeded very well.
Since the land is so fertile, it is desirable to sow as much as
possible: and Don Juan de Fonseca has been desired to send over
immediately everything requisite for that purpose.... (pp. 77, 78).
LETTER ABOUT THE THIRD VOYAGE
This enterprise to the Indies [i.e., the original discovery] ... those
who heard of it looked upon it as impossible, for they fixed all their
hopes on the favours of fortune, and pinned their faith solely upon
chance. I gave to the subject six or seven years of great anxiety,
explaining ... how great service might be done to Our Lord, by this
undertaking, in promulgating his Sacred Name and most holy faith among
so many nations.... It was also requisite to refer to the temporal
prosperity which was foretold in the writings of so many trustworthy
and wise historians, who related that great riches were to be found in
these parts.... (p. 104).
In this your Highnesses exhibited the noble spirit which has always
been manifested by you on every subject; for all others who had
thought of the matter or heard it spoken of, unanimously treated it
with contempt, with the exception of two friars [a Franciscan and
a Dominican, afterwards Archbishop of Seville] who always remained
constant in their belief of its practicability.
LETTER RELATING TO FOURTH VOYAGE
... I pushed on for Terra Firma, in spite of the wind and a fearful
contrary current, against which I contended for sixty days, and during
that time made only seventy leagues (p. 171) ... other tempests have
been experienced but never of so long a duration or so fearful as this:
many whom we looked upon as brave men, on several occasions showed
considerable trepidation, but the distress of my son who was with me
grieved me to the soul and the more when I considered his tender age
for he was but thirteen years old, and he enduring so much toil for so
long a time. The Lord however gave him strength even to enable him to
encourage the rest, and he worked as if he had been eighty years at
sea, and all this was a consolation to me.
I myself had fallen sick and was many times at the point of death,
but from a little cabin that I had caused to be constructed on deck I
directed our course. My brother was in the ship that was in the worst
condition and the most exposed to danger; and my grief on this account
was the greater that I brought him with me against his will (p. 172).
Such is my fate, that the twenty years of service through which I have
passed with so much toil and danger, have profited me nothing, and at
this very day I do not possess a roof in Castille that I can call my
own; if I wish to eat or sleep, I have nowhere to go but to the inn or
tavern, and most times lack wherewith to pay the bill. Another anxiety
wrung my very heartstrings, which was the thought of my son Diege, whom
I had left an orphan in Spain, and stripped of the honour and property
which were due to him on my account.... (p. 173).
I stopped to repair my vessels and take in provisions, as well as
to afford relaxation to the men, who had become very weak ... two
Indians conducted me to Carambaru, where the people (who go naked)
wear golden mirrors round their necks.... They named to me many places
on the sea-coast where there were both gold and mines. The last that
they mentioned was Veragua, nine days’ journey across the country
westward: they tell me there is a great quantity of gold, and that the
inhabitants wear coral ornaments on their heads, and very large coral
bracelets and anklets, with which article also they adorn and inlay
their seats, boxes and tables. They also said that the women there wore
necklaces hanging down to their shoulders (p. 175).... I had taken
possession of land belonging to Quibian [a native chief]. When he saw
what we did and found the traffic [in gold] increasing, he resolved
upon burning the houses, and putting us all to death; but his project
did not succeed for we took him prisoner, together with his wives, his
children and his servants ... the Indians collected themselves together
and made an attack upon the boats, and at length massacred the men. My
brother and all the rest of our people were in a ship which remained
inside [the river mouth, which had silted up]. I was alone outside
upon that dangerous coast, suffering from a severe fever and worn with
fatigue. All hope of escape was gone and I toiled up to the highest
part of the ship, and with a quivering voice and fast-falling tears,
I called upon your Highnesses’ war-captains from each point of the
compass to come to my succour, but there was no reply. [Columbus sleeps
and sees a vision in which he is upbraided for want of faith] (p. 184).
I collected the men who were on land.... I departed in the name of the
Holy Trinity, on Easter night, with the ships rotten, worn out and
eaten into holes [by the teredo].... I then had only two left.... I
was without boats or provisions, and in this condition I had to cross
seven thousand miles of sea; or as an alternative to die on the passage
with my son, my brother and so many of my people.... I send this letter
by means of and by the hands of Indians; it will be a miracle if it
reaches its destination (pp. 186, 189).
NEW LIGHT ON DRAKE
DEPOSITION BY NUNO DA SILVA AS TO HOW HE WAS MADE PRISONER BY ENGLISH
PIRATES ON HIS VOYAGE FROM OPORTO TO BRAZIL (p. 301).
(_Conquest of New Spain_, Hakluyt Society Publications, Series II, Vol.
24.)
“This Englishman calls himself Francis Drake and is a man aged 38. He
may be two years more or less. He is low in stature, thickset and very
robust. He has a fine countenance, is ruddy of complexion and has a
fair beard. He has the mark of an arrow wound in his right cheek which
is not apparent if one does not look with especial care. In one leg he
has the ball of an arquebuse that was shot at him in the Indies. He is
[a great mariner] the son and relative of seamen, and particularly of
John Hawkins in whose company he was for a long time.”
AN ABRIDGEMENT OF THE RELATION AND PROOFS MADE AGAINST SIR FRANCIS
DRAKE, KNIGHT, TOUCHING HIS DOINGS IN THE SOUTH SEA BEYOND THE
STRAIT OF MAGALANUS (p. 414).
It is informed the said Francis Drake went forth with 5 ships well
appointed and in them 400 men of war, having for pilot a Portingall
named Amador de Silva.
The said Drake came by Cape Verde and coasting the straits of Brazil
arrived at the mouth of the Strait of Magalanus where there is a very
good port named St. Julian, in the which they tarried wintering 2
months because of the great north winds which were contrary.
At the end of which time the 5 ships went out of the said port and
sailing in the Strait they had a tempest so vehement that 2 of the said
ships perished and they received the men into 3 remaining ships which
with 3 pinaces which they towed at their poops issued out of the Strait
into the South Sea in 44 degrees of altitude and sailing towards the
Sea, with a storm were 40 days in the Sea at dryte [? drift] and so the
two ships did separate themselves and the said Drake remained alone
which could never afterward see them.
It was understood that they went to the Malluccos and it was agreed
between them that they should meet in 30½ degrees, which is the Cape
St. Francis.
From thence Drake came to the port of St. Iago from Chile and entered
into the ship of lycentiat Torres called “Capitana” which was surging
there from the which he took 14m Pezos of gold and 1800 botazes of wine
and some other things.
From thence he entered into the town and robbed the ornaments and bells
of the church and broke down the doors of the cellars and brake the
vessels of wine, and carrying with him the ship which he had spoiled,
arrived in the port of Arica where a ship of Philippe Dorse [Corco] was
out of which he took 34 wedges of silver and burned one other ship that
was there of one Mr. Benito.
From the port they went forth in a pinnace with the two ships that
they had robbed and they arrived in the sight of the port of Chile in
Arequipa where there were laden in a ship of Bernal Bueno 500 wedges
of His Majesty which the said Drake would have robbed, had not the men
that were aboard by advice they had before, unladen and hided the same
a-land.
From thence they went forth following their voyage and being in the
high sea, took out of the two ships which they carried with them the
apparel and other things they had need of and so left them.
And the 13th of February they arrived in the port of Callao of the City
of Los Reys and entered into it and 3 hours after evening the said
Drake and company went out in a pinnace to a ship of Michell Angell
wherein he found nothing.
At the same time, there arrived a ship of Alonzo Rodriguez Baptista
which came from the firm land laden with marchandizes which presently
they took and robbed, hurting the said Alonzo and others that would
have defended themselves.
There were other ships in that port to the which the said Drake and
company went and cut their cables, because they should not follow and
then departed carrying with them the said merchant’s ship.
The news being known to the Viceroy he commanded to arm two ships with
a number of men that should go to pursue the ship of the said Drake
which was within sight, which two ships went forth the very same day
and came again the next day following, being not able to overtake him,
bringing with them the merchant’s ship of the said Alonzo which the
said Drake left behind him.
This Francis Drake went forth of the port of Callao and sailing alongst
the coast arrived at the port of Paita where he took a boat arrived
there with marchandizes, of the which he took those he thought best,
and carried with him the pilot with whom he came along the coast
enquiring of the ship of St. John de Anton, which was coming from
Panama, the which he overtook 150 leagues from the said place, the
first of March, and robbed all the treasure being therein. The day
before it was understood that he had robbed another small ship which
was coming from Guayaquill with eighteen thousand Pezos of gold and
silver, and great quantity of tackling and other things of provision
for the journey to the Phillypinas and Valiano, the which the royal
audience had caused to be bought for the said effect.
All these things were done until the 24th of April in the year 1580.
LETTER FROM DON FRANCISCO DE ZARATE TO DON MARTIN ENRIQUEZ, VICEROY OF
NEW SPAIN (p. 201)
Realejo, Nicaragua,
16th of April, 1579.
I sailed out of the port of Acapulce on 23rd of March, and navigated
until Saturday, 4th of April, on which date, half an hour before dawn,
we saw, by moonlight, a ship very close to ours. Our steersman shouted
that she was to get out of the way and not come alongside of us. To
this they made no answer pretending to be asleep. The steersman then
shouted louder, asking them where their ship hailed from. They answered
“from Peru” and that she was “of Miguel Angel,” which is the name of a
well-known captain of that route.
The spokesman on the ship was a Spaniard, whose name I will tell Your
Excellency further on.
The ship of the adversary carried her bark at her prow as though she
were being towed. Suddenly, in a moment, she crossed our poop, ordering
us “to strike sail” and shooting seven or eight arquebuse shots at us.
We thought this as much of a joke as it afterwards turned out to be
serious.
On our part there was no resistance, nor had we more than six of
our men awake on the whole boat, so they entered our ship with as
little risk to themselves as though they were our friends. They did
no personal harm to anyone, beyond seizing the swords and keys of the
passengers. Having informed themselves who were on board ship, they
ordered me to go in their boat to where their general was--a fact that
I was glad of, as it appeared to me that it gave me more time in which
to recommend myself to God. But in a very short time we arrived where
he was, on a very good galleon, as well mounted with artillery as any I
have seen in my life.
I found him promenading on deck, and, on approaching him, I kissed his
hands. He received me with a show of kindness, and took me to his cabin
where he bade me be seated and said: “I am a friend of those who tell
me the truth, but with those who do not I get out of humour. Therefore
you must tell me (for this is the best road to my favour): How much
silver and gold does your ship carry?” I said to him, “None.” He
repeated his question, I answered, “None, only some small plates that
I use and some cups--that is all that is in her.” ... We talked for a
good while before it was time to dine. He ordered me to sit next to him
and began to give me food from his own plate, telling me not to grieve,
that my life and property were safe. I kissed his hands for this.
He asked me if I knew where there was water to be had about here,
adding that he needed nothing else, and that as soon as he found some
he would give me leave to continue my journey....
On the following day, which was Sunday, he dressed and decked himself
very finely, and had his galleon decorated with all its flags and
banners.... He had entered the port of Callao de Lima and cut the
cables of all the ships that were in port. As the wind was from the
land they all went out to sea, where he had time to sack them at his
will. Before he proceeded to do the same to ours he said to me: “Let
one of your pages come with me to show me your apparel.” He went from
his galleon at about nine in the morning and remained until towards
dusk, examining everything contained in the bales and chests. Of that
which belonged to me he took but little. Indeed he was quite courteous
about it. Certain trifles of mine having taken his fancy, he had them
brought to his ship and gave me, in exchange for them, a falcheon
and a small brazier of silver, and I can assure Your Excellency that
he lost nothing by the bargain. On his return to his vessel he asked
me to pardon him for taking the trifles, but that they were for his
wife. He said that I could depart the next morning when the breeze
would rise, for which I gave him thanks.... He left Colchero [a
Spanish pilot] with me, and after this set sail. I understand that he
carries three thousand bars of silver, and twelve or fifteen chests
of pieces of eight, and a great quantity of gold. He is going straight
to his country, and I believe that no vessel that went after him could
possibly overtake him. He has an intense desire to return to his own
country.
This general of the Englishmen is a nephew of John Hawkins, and is the
same who, about five years ago, took the port of Nombre de Dios. He
is called Francisco Drac, and is a man about 35 years of age, low of
stature, with a fair beard, and is one of the greatest mariners that
sails the seas, both as a navigator and as a commander. His vessel is
a galleon of nearly 400 tons and is a perfect sailor. She is manned
with a hundred men, all of service, and of an age for warfare, and all
are as practised therein as old soldiers from Italy could be. Each one
takes particular pains to keep his arquebuse clean. He treats them
with affection, and they treat him with respect. He carries with him
nine or ten cavaliers, cadets of English noblemen. These form part of
his council which he calls together for even the most trivial matter,
although he takes advice from no one. But he enjoys hearing what they
say and afterwards issues his orders. He has no favourite.
The aforesaid gentlemen sit at his table, as well as a Portuguese
pilot, ... who spoke not a word all the time I was on board. He is
served on silver dishes with gold borders and gilded garlands in which
are his arms. He carries all possible dainties and perfumed waters. He
said that many of these had been given him by the Queen.
None of these gentlemen took a seat or covered his head before him,
until he repeatedly urged him to do so. This galleon of his carries
about thirty heavy pieces of artillery and a great quantity of firearms
with the requisite ammunition and lead. He dines and sups to the music
of viols. He carries trained carpenters and artisans, so as to be
able to careen the ship at any time. Besides being new, the ship has
a double lining. I understood that all the men he carries with him
receive wages, because, when our ship was sacked, no man dared take
anything without his orders. He shows them great favour, but punishes
the least fault. He also carries painters who paint for him pictures
of the coast in its exact colours. This I was most grieved to see,
for each thing is so naturally depicted that no one who guides himself
according to these paintings can possibly go astray. I understood from
him that he had sailed from his country with five vessels, four sloops
(of the long kind) and that half of the armada belonged to the Queen. I
believe this to be so for the reason that I am about to relate to Your
Excellency.
This Corsair, like a pioneer, arrived two months before he intended
to pass through [the strait] and during that time for many days there
were great storms. So it was that one of the gentlemen, whom he had
with him, said to him: “We have been a long while in this strait and
you have placed all of us, who follow or serve you, in danger of death.
It would therefore be prudent for you to give order that we return to
the North Sea, where we have the certainty of capturing prizes, and
that we give up seeking to make new discoveries. You see how fraught
with difficulties these are.” This gentleman must have sustained this
opinion with more vigour than appeared proper to the General. His
answer was that he had the gentleman carried below deck and put in
irons. On another day, at the same hour, he ordered him to be taken
out, and to be beheaded in the presence of all.
The term of his imprisonment was no more than was necessary to
substantiate the lawsuit that was conducted against him. All this he
told me, speaking much good about the dead man, but adding that he
had not been able to act otherwise, because this was what the Queen’s
service demanded. He showed me the commissions he had received from her
and carried....
I managed to ascertain whether the General was well liked, and all said
that they adored him.
This is what I was able to find out during the time I spent with him.
I beseech Your Excellency to consider what encouragement it will be to
those of his country if he returns thither. If up to the present they
have sent cadets, henceforth they themselves will come, after seeing
how the plans which this Corsair had made in the dark, and all his
promises have come true. He will give them, as proofs of [the success
of] his venture, great sums of gold and silver.
CHAPTER VII
ILLUSTRATIONS OF LIFE IN THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES
INTRODUCTORY NOTES
Hansards in London
Stow’s account of the Steelyard and the work of the Easterlings, is
valuable for the history of trade. It exhibits the alien as the great
importer, practically monopolizing the foreign trade with England
up to the reign of Henry IV, and continuing to dominate it till
Elizabeth ended their privileges. It also shows their relations with
self-governing London, and in the whole story can be traced the working
out of conditions which the English later applied to their own overseas
enterprises. The status of Merchant Adventurers, East India Company,
etc., as self-governing communities privileged to exist in a foreign
country seems the precise reproduction of the Hansard in England,
and often reproduced the same injustice for the native merchant. The
report of R. Wynyngton’s capture of the Hansard fleet should be read in
conjunction with this, and the position of the Hansards also compared
to that of gilds of English merchants.
London Extracts
The enumeration of places, recently open country, serves to make vivid
the part London was playing in the great increase of population and
wealth due to the cloth industry, and the foreign adventures in trade
of the Tudor period. The vivid Rembrandt picture of the night-watch
suggests the utter darkness of the narrow mediæval lanes and alleys;
while the regulations for rebuilding London give further suggestive
details, e.g. shop-windows are still temporary, houses hitherto neither
flush with one line of pavement nor of one height or style, and wood
and thatch still prevail. The account of Skinner’s Well also emphasizes
this period of transition from an age of intimate feudal relations
between great and small, with its accompanying inequalities, to the
more individualistic and mercantile relations of the modern world.
East Indies
Sir T. Roe’s embassy from James I to the Great Mogul (Jehanghir), gives
the best account of that Indian court and government, and of the trade
and position of the East India Co., still in its teens. The Portuguese,
under Albuquerque, had created an empire in the Persian Gulf and Indian
shores a century earlier. This had been challenged by Dutch traders,
especially in the islands of the Indian Ocean and Malay Straits, who,
in 1604, formed the Dutch East India Co. Persia had always traded
with the Mogul Empire. Roe gives in this passage a valuable sketch of
the relations of all five races, and lays down firmly the policy on
which the English Company always hereafter insisted in theory, though
constantly forced to abandon it in practice, namely that trade, and not
territory, was their aim.
He also sets up the standard of honesty and honour in face of Oriental
despotism, which British officials have always been expected to
maintain. His statement, too, of the need of carefully selected
presents, shows that the old practice seen in the Old Testament
scriptures still existed in Asiatic negotiations. The Company’s
servants found themselves from the first obliged both to give and
to receive them, even despite the Company’s orders, and in 1773 “a
talent of silver and two changes of raiment,” i.e. a Kelaat, was the
recognized gift of the Mogul’s messenger.
The account of a “Court” meeting of the East India Company’s Committees
in London gives a glimpse of the regular course of their work in
dividing gains, etc., and has an especially interesting note of the way
they conducted their relations with the King, their debtor, through the
mediation of a famous courtier.
Captain Rannie’s evidence, as a Company’s military officer on the spot,
is striking as showing how the struggle between Dupleix and Clive in
the Carnatic had reacted by alarming the Nawabs of Bengal; and, again,
in tracing their hostility further to the interference with trade
and its dues, on which, perhaps as much as on land-dues, the ruler’s
treasury depended. These were the grievances which caused our later
troubles with Mir Jaffier and Mir Cossim, our own nominees, and they
were not ended till Warren Hastings, with twenty years’ experience as a
trader, came to govern and to reform them in 1773.
Life of T. Raymond
The chief value of these extracts lies in the insight they give into
the domestic life of courtiers, of an ambassadors’ suite, of common
soldiers and officers on campaign, of the utter ruin of the population
at the seat of war. This is an interesting commentary on the condition
to which most of the German states must have been reduced during the
incessant campaigning of the Thirty Years’ War.
A Court Leet
Both the origin and name of courts leet is obscure; they were possibly
survivals of the Anglo-Saxon hundred courts, seem to have a popular
origin, and were certainly the courts in which review of Frankpledge
was held, and other petty police work done.
Dugdale’s “History of Draining”
This is valuable for a picture of the gradual process by which England
changed from the fen and forest condition in which the Romans found
it, to the corn-producing country of to-day. The passages quoted deal
with the draining of the area about the Wash, from which the sea had
gradually receded, and which is known as the Great Level, or the
Bedford Level. Dugdale wrote at the close of the Commonwealth period,
and his review brings out the value of the monastic care of the
drainage works up to the dissolution of the abbeys; also the fact that
such undertakings as this requiring capital were managed by companies
of Adventurers, exactly similar to those who took up colonization.
The grants of land by which Bedford and his associates were repaid,
are an instance of the way the members of such Companies grew to be
the plutocrats who, in the eighteenth century, were able to control
politics by the purchase of seats or of votes in Parliament. Bedford
was the recognized head of a great party under George II and George III.
LONDON
THE HANSA LEAGUE’S HOUSE IN LONDON
(Stow, Book II, p. 202)
Next to [Cofin Lane] is the Stelehouse, or Steleyard (as they term it)
a Place for Merchants of Almaine [German States] that used to bring
hither, as well Wheat, Rye, and other Grain, as Cables, Ropes, Masts,
Pitch, Tarr, Flax, Hemp, Linen Cloth, Wainscots, Wax, Steel and other
profitable Merchandises. Unto these Merchants, in the Year 1239, Henry
III at the request of his brother, Richard Earl of Cornwall, King of
Almaine, granted that all and singular the Merchants have a House
in the City of London, commonly called Guilda Aula Theutonicorum,
should be maintained and upholden through the whole Realm, by all such
Freedoms, and free Usages or Liberties, as by the King and in his noble
Progenitors Time, they had enjoyed....
And in the 10th Year of the same Edward II Henry Wales being Maior, a
great Controversie did arise between the said Maior and the Merchants
of the Haunce of Almaine, about the Reparations of Bishopsgate, then
likely to fall; for the said Merchants enjoyed divers Privileges, in
respect of maintaining the said Gate, which they now denied to repair
... a Precept was sent to the Maior and Sheriffs, to destrain the said
Merchants to make the Reparations.... And so they granted 210 Marks
sterling to the Maior and Citizens and undertook that they and their
Successors should (from Time to Time), repair the said Gate, and bear
the third Part of the Charges in Money and Men to defend it when need
were.
And for this Agreement, the said Maior and Citizens granted to the said
Merchants their Liberties, which, till of late they have enjoyed; as,
namely, amongst other, that they might lay up their Grain, which they
brought into this Realm, in Inns, and sell it in their Garners, by the
Space of forty Days after they had laid it up, except by the Maior and
Citizens they were expressly forbidden because of Dearth, or other
reasonable Occasions. Also they might have their Alderman, as they
had been accustomed, foreseen always, that he were of the City, and
presented to the Maior and Aldermen of the City, so oft as any should
be chosen, and should take an Oath before them to maintain Justice in
their Courts, and to behave themselves in their Office according to
Law, and as it stood with the Customs of the City....
Their Hall is large, builded of Stone, with three arched Gates towards
the Street, the middlemost whereof is far bigger than the other, and is
seldom opened, and the other two be mured up: The same is now called
the Old Hall. Of later time, to wit ... Richard II they hired one
House next adjoining.... This also was a great House, with a large
Wharf on the Thames. And the way thereunto was called ... Windgoose
Alley, for that the same Alley is (for the most part) builded on by the
Stilyard Merchants (p. 204).
* * * * *
About the time of King Henry IV the English began to trade themselves
into the East Parts. At which the Easterlings, or Merchants of the
Dutch Hauns, were so offended that they took several of their Ships and
Goods.... The result of which in short was this, that the said King
Henry IV did revoke Parts of the Privileges of the aforesaid Dutch
Company as were inconsistent with the carrying on of a Trade by the
Natives of this Realm: And ... grant his first Charter to the [English
Merchants trading into the East Land].
In the first and second of Philip and Mary, was granted the Charter to
the Russia Company afterwards confirmed by ... Queen Elizabeth. Until
whose time, though the Trade of this Nation was driven much more by
the Natives thereof, than had been formerly, yet had the Society of
the Dutch Hans at the Steel Yard much the advantage of them by means
of their well-regulated Societies and the Privileges they enjoyed.
Insomuch that almost the whole Trade was driven by them, to that degree
that Queen Elizabeth herself, when she came to have a War, was forced
to buy the Hemp, Pitch, Tar, Powder, and other naval Provisions; which
she wanted, of Foreigners: and that too at their Rates. Nor was there
any Stores of either in the Land, to supply her Occasions on a sudden,
but what at great Rates she prevailed with them to fetch for her, even
in time of War: Her own subjects then being but very little Traders. To
remedy which she fell upon the Consideration [of] encouraging her own
subjects to be Merchants ... and cancelling many of the Privileges of
the afore-mentioned Dutch Hans Society, the Trade in general by degrees
came to be managed by the Natives of this Realm. And consequently the
Profit of all these Trades accrued to the English Nation. Trade in
general and English Shipping was encreased; her own Customs vastly
augmented and, what was at first the great End of all, obtained,
viz., that she had constantly lying at home, in the Hands of her own
Subjects, all sorts of naval Provisions and Stores; which she could
make use of, as her Occasions required them without any dependence
on her Neighbours for the same. And thus by means of encouraging the
... Merchant Adventurers ... was the Trade at first gained from the
Foreigners.... Then is one other great House ... which in the fifteenth
of Edward IV was confirmed unto the said Merchants (p. 205).
In the year 1551 ... through Complaint of the English Merchants, the
Liberty of the Steelyard Merchants was seized into the King’s Hands,
and so it resteth.
CHANGES IN LONDON
(Stow, Book II, p. 1)
This great and populous City contains in the whole six or seven hundred
Streets, Lanes, Alleys, Courts and Yards of Name, and generally very
full of Inhabitants. Before the late dreadful Fire of London, the
Houses within the Walls were computed to be about 13000; and that is
accounted not a sixthe Part ... and in these late Years whole Fields
have been converted into Builded Streets, ... as the great Buildings
about the Abbey of Westminster, Tuthill Fields, and those Parts; Then
the greatest part of St. James’ Parish, ... all the Streets in the Soho
Fields,. .. also all Bloomsbury ... all Hatton Garden ... the Great and
Little Lincoln’s Inn Fields, all Covent Garden ... etc., etc., and in
the East and North Parts, the Spittle Fields, etc. All which were only
Fields and Waste Grounds.
1598. (Ibid. p. 242)
In our Time ... other [Enormities] are come in place ... meet to be
reformed. And first ... Encroachments on the High Ways, Lanes, and
common Grounds, in and about this City....
Then the number of Cars, Drays, Carts, and Coaches, more than hath
been accustomed (the Streets and Lanes being straightened), must needs
be dangerous, as daily Experience proveth.
The Coachman rides behind the Horse Tails, lasheth them and looketh not
behind him. The drayman sitteth and sleepeth on his Dray and letteth
his Horse lead him home.
I know, that by the good Laws and Customs of this City, shod[28] Carts
are forbidden to enter the same, except upon reasonable Causes (as the
Service of the Prince, or such like) they be tolerated. Also that the
Fore Horse of every Carriage, should be led by Hand. But these good
orders are not observed.
[In the time of King Richard II] Anne, Daughter to the King of Bohemia
... first brought hither the riding upon side-saddles; and so was the
riding in ... Whirlicotes and Chariots forsaken ... but now of late
Years, the Use of Coaches brought out of Germany, is taken up and made
so common, as there is neither Distinction of Time, nor Difference of
Persons observed; for the World runs on Wheels with many, whose Parents
were glad to go on foot.
CAUSES OF THE FIRE OF LONDON
(Stow, I, p. 227)
“Natural causes which might occasion such a general ruin.”
1. The Time of the Night when it first began, viz., between One and Two
of the Clock after Midnight, when all were in a dead Sleep.
2. It was Saturday Night, when many of the most eminent Citizens,
Merchants and others, were retired into the Country, and none but
servants left to look to their City Houses.
3. It was in the Long Vacation ... when many wealthy Citizens and
Tradesmen are wont to be in the Country at Fairs, and getting in of
Debts, and making up Accounts with their Chapmen.
4. The closeness of the Building and Narrowness of the Streets, in the
Places where it began [i.e., Pudding Lane] did much to facilitate the
Progress of the Fire; by hindring of the Engines to be brought to play
upon the Houses on Fire.
5. The Matter of which the Houses, all thereabouts, were; viz. Timber,
and those very old.
6. The Dryness of the preceding Season; there having been a great
Drought even to that very Day, and all the Time that the Fire
continued, which had so dried the Timber, that it was never more apt to
take Fire.
7. The Nature of the Wares and Commodities stowed and vended in those
Parts, were the most Combustible of any other sold in the whole City:
as Oyl, Pitch, Tar, Cordage, Hemp, Flax, Rosin, Wax, Butter, Cheese,
Wine, Brandy, Sugar, etc.
8. An Easterly Wind (which is the dryest of all others)--had blown for
several Days together before; and at that Time very strongly.
9. The unexpected failing of the Water thereabouts at that Time; For
the Engine at the North End of Tower Bridge, called the Thames Water
Tower (which supplied all that part of the City with Thames Water) was
out of Order, and in a few Hours was itself burnt down, so that the
Water Pipes, which conveyed the Water from thence through the Streets
were soon empty.
10. Lastly: An unusual Negligence at first, and a confidence of
easily quenching it, and of its stopping at several probable places
afterwards; turned at length to a Confusion, Consternation and Despair;
People choosing rather by Flight to save their Goods, than by a
vigorous Opposition to save their own Houses and the whole City.
To all which Reasons must not be passed over the general Suspicion that
most then had of Incendiaries, laying combustible Stuff in many Places,
having observed divers distant Houses to be on Fire together. And many
were then taken up on Suspicion.
THE REBUILDING OF THE CITY
(Ibid., p. 231)
Notwithstanding the extraordinary Losses by the forementioned Fire,
the devouring Pestilence in this City the Year preceding, and the
chargeable War with the Dutch at that Time depending yet by ... the
Diligence and Activity of the Lord Maior, Aldermen, and Commoners of
the said City (who were almost the only Losers by that fatal Accident)
was in the Space of Four or Five Years well nigh rebuilded.
RULES AND DIRECTIONS TO BE OBSERVED IN THE REBUILDING
2. That there shall be only four Sorts of Buildings and no more; and
that all manner of Houses so to be Erected shall be of one of those
four Sorts of Building and no other.
The first and least sort of Houses, fronting By-streets or Lanes.
The second Sort of Houses, fronting Streets or Lanes of Note.
The third Sort of Houses, fronting high and principal Streets.
The fourth and last of Mansion Houses for Merchants, Citizens or other
Persons of extraordinary Quality; not fronting either of those former
Ways. And the Roofs of each of the first three Sorts of Houses shall be
uniform.
3. That all the Outsides of all Buildings in and about the said City be
henceforth made of Brick or Stone, or of Brick and Stone together.
5. That the Houses of the least sort of Building, fronting By-streets
or Lanes, shall be of two Stories high.... The first Storey Nine Foot
high from the Floor to the Ceiling; and the second Storey Nine Foot.
That all Walls in Front and Rear (so high as the first Storey) be of
the full Thickness of two Bricks at length; and upwards to the Garrets
of the thickness of one Brick and a half; and the Walls at the Eves of
the Garrets not to be less than one Brick.
9. And for the greater Grace and Uniformity of the Buildings in the
high and principal Streets, it is Enacted, That all Houses hereafter
to be erected in any of them shall have Balconies Four Foot broad with
Rails and Bars of Iron, equally distant from the Ground....
10. That no Builder ... be permitted to lay his first Floor over the
Cellar, more than 13 inches above the Street, or less than Six, with
one circular Step to lead up thereto to be placed without the Building.
And that no Trap Doors or Open Grates be in any wise suffered to be
made into any such Cellar or Warehouse without the Foundations of the
Front; but that all Lights to be made into any of them be henceforth
made upright, and not otherwise. And that no Bulks, Jetties, Windows,
Ports, Seats or anything of like Sort, shall be made or erected, in any
Streets, Lanes, or By-lanes, to extend beyond the ancient Foundation
of Houses ... it shall be lawful for the Inhabitants, to suffer their
Stall-boards when their Shop Windows are set open to turn over Eleven
Inches, and no more from the Foundation of their Houses into the
Streets, for the better conveniency of their Shop Windows.
LONDON NIGHT-WATCHES
(Stow, ibid., p. 256)
Besides the standing Watches, all in bright Harness, in every Ward and
Street in this City and Suburbs, there was also a marching Watch, that
passed through the principal Streets thereof, to wit, from the Little
Conduit by Paul’s Gate through West Cheap, by the Stocks, through
Cornhill (etc., etc.), to Aldgate and up Grasse Church Street into
Cornhill, and through into West Cheap again, and so broke up. The whole
Way (measured) ... 3200 Taylors Yards of Assize. For the Furniture
whereof with Lights, there were appointed 700 Cressets, 500 of them
being formed by the Companies, the other 200 by the Chamber of London.
Besides the which Lights, every Constable in London, in number more
than 240 had his Cresset ... and every Cresset had two Men, one to bear
or hold it, another to bear a Bag with Light, and to serve it: so that
the Poor Men pertaining to the Cressets taking Wages, besides that
everyone had a Strawen Hat, with a Badge painted, and his Breakfast,
amounted in number to almost 2000. The Marching Watch contained in
number about 2000 Men; part of them being old Soldiers, of skill
to be Captains, etc., ... Drummers, Demi-launces on great Horses,
Gunners with hand Guns, ... Archers in Coats of white Fustian, signed
on the Breast and Back with the Arms of the City, their Bows bent in
their Hands, with Sheafs of Arrows by their Sides, Pikemen in bright
Corselets, ... Bellmen in Almain Rivets, and Aprons of Mail in great
Number.
There were also divers Pageants, Morris Dancers, Constables, the one
half of which was 120, on St. John’s Eve, the other half on St. Peter’s
Eve, in bright Harness, some over Gilt, and every one a Jornet of
Scarlet thereupon, and a Chain of Gold, his Hench Men following him,
his Minstrels before him, and his Cornet Light passing by him: the
Waits of the City, the Maior’s Officers, for his Guard before him,
all in a Livery of Worsted or Sea Jackets, party-coloured; the Maior
himself, well mounted on Horseback, the Sword Bearer before him in
fair Armour, well mounted also; the Maior’s Foot Men, and the like
Torch Bearers about him; Hench Men twain, upon great Stirring Horses
following him.
WRESTLING AT SKINNER’S WELL
(Ibid., p. 257)
In the Month of August, about the Feast of S. Bartholomew the Apostle,
before the Lord Maior, Aldermen and Sheriffs of London, placed in a
large Tent near unto Clerkenwell, of old time were divers Days spent
in the Pastime of Wrestling; where the Officers of the City, namely
the Sheriffs, Sergeants and Yeomen, the Porters of the King’s Beam, or
Weigh House (now no such Men) and other of the City, were challengers
of all Men in the Suburbs, to wrestle for Games appointed. And on other
Days, before the said Maior, Aldermen and Sheriffs, in Finsbury Field
to shoot the Standard, broad Arrow and flight, for Games. But now of
late Years, the wrestling is only practised on Bartholomew Day in the
Afternoon, and the Shooting some three or four Days after, in one
Afternoon and no more.
What should I speak of the ancient, daily Exercises in the long bow
by Citizens of this City, now almost cleanly left off and forsaken?
I overpass it. For by the Means of closing in of Common Grounds, our
Archers for want of room to shoot Abroad, creep into Bowling Alleys,
and ordinary Dicing Houses, near Home; where they have room enough to
hazard their Money at unlawful Games, where I leave them to take their
pleasures.
This was one of the great Uses of Publick Houses in former Time, namely
for Game and Exercise rather than for drinking excessively....
Now a Days the Recreations of the Citizens, besides Drinking, are
Cockfighting, Bowling greens, Tables, Cards, Dice, Billiard Tables,
Musick Entertainments, Dancing, Masks, Balls, Stage Plays, Club
Meetings in Evenings, Riding out on Horseback, Hunting with My Lord
Maior’s Pack of Dogs, when the Common Hunt goes out; the Citizens
having Privilege by their Charter to hunt in Middlesex, Hertfordshire,
in the Chilterns, and in Kent as far as Gray Water.
The more common sort divert themselves at Football; Wrestling, Cudgels,
Ninepins, Shovelboard, Cricket, Stowball, Ringing of Bells, Quoits,
pitching the Bar, Bull and Bear baiting, throwing at Cocks.
THE USE OF ARMS. C. 1588
(Holinshed, II, 16)
“In times past, the chief force of England consisted in their long
bows. But now we have in manner generally given over that kind of
artillery.... But as our shooting is thus, in manner, utterly decayed
among us one way: so our countrymen wax skilful in sundry other points
as in shooting in small pieces, the caliver, and handling of the pike
in the several uses whereof they are become very expert.
Our armour differeth not from that of other nations; and therefore
consisteth of corselets, almain rivets, shirts of mail, jacks quilted
and covered with leather, fustian, or canvas over thick plates of iron
that are sewed in the same ... of which there is no town or village
that hath not her convenient furniture. The said armour and munition is
kept in one, several place of every town, appointed by the consent of
the whole parish; where it is always ready to be had and worn within
an hour’s warning.... Certes, there is almost no village so poor in
England, be it never so small, that hath not sufficient furniture in
a readiness to set forth three or four soldiers (as, one archer, one
gunner, one pike, and a billman,) at the least. No, there is not so
much wanting as their very liveries and caps; which are least to be
accounted of, if any haste required....
Seldom shall you see any of my countrymen, above eighteen or twenty
years old, to go without a dagger at the least, at his back or by his
side; although they be aged burgesses or magistrates of any city, who,
in appearances are most exempt from brabbling and contention.
Our Nobility commonly wear swords or rapiers, with their daggers as
doth every common serving man also that followeth his lord and master.
Finally no man travelleth by the way, without his sword or some such
weapon, with us; except the Minister who commonly weareth none at all,
unless it be a dagger or hanger at his side.”
Rev. W. Harrison, B.D.
THE EMBASSY OF SIR THOMAS ROE
(_The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to the Court of the Great Mogul_,
1615-19. Ed., W. Foster. Vol. II; Hakluyt Society, pp. 342-5).
LETTER TO THE EAST INDIA CO., 24 NOV., 1616
... Your residence you need not doubt as long as you tame the Portugall
... he only can prejudice you. For a Fort, at my first arrival I
received it as very necessary; but experience teaches me we are refused
it to our advantage. If he [Jahangir] would offer me ten, I would
not accept one. First, where the river is commodious, the country is
barren and untraded.... Secondly the charge is greater than the trade
can bear; for to maintain a garrison will eat the profit.... A war
and traffic are incompatible. By my consent, you shall no way engage
yourselves but at sea, where you are like to gain as often as to lose.
It is the beggaring of the Portugall, notwithstanding his many rich
residencies and territories, that he keeps soldiers that spend it;
yet his garrisons are mean. He never profited by the Indies since he
defended them. Observe this well. It hath been also the error of the
Dutch, who seek plantation here by the sword. They turn a wonderful
stock, they prowl in all places, they possess some of the best; yet
their dead payes consume all the gain. Let this be received as a rule
that if you will profit, seek it at sea, and in quiet trade; for
without controversy it is an error to affect garrisons and land wars
in India. If you made it only against the naturals [natives] I would
agree....
... The road of Swally or the Port of Surat are fittest for you in all
the Mogul’s territory.... You need no more; it is not number of ports,
factories and residences that will profit you; they will increase
charge but not recompense it.... The commodities you sell pass best in
that quarter. The goods you seek being principally indigo and cloth
(calicoes).
For the settling your trafique here, I doubt not to effect any
reasonable desire. My credit is sufficient with the King [great Mogul],
and your force will alway bind him to constancy.... But you must alter
your stock. Let not your servants deceive you; cloth, lead, teeth
[ivory], quicksilver are dead commodities and will never drive this
trade. You must succour it by change....
Articles of treaty on equal terms I cannot effect: want of presents
disgraced me. But yet by pieces I have gotten as much as I desired at
once. I have recovered all bribes, extortions, debts made and taken
before my time till this day; or at least an honourable composition.
But when I deliver the next gifts to the Mogul.... I will set on anew
for a formal contract.... Concerning private trade, [of the Company’s
servants] my opinion is you absolutely prohibit it and execute
forfeiture, for your business will be the better done. All your loss is
not in the goods brought home. I see here the inconveniences you think
not of. I know this is harsh to all men and seems hard; men profess
they come not out for bare wages. You shall take away the plea if you
resolve to give very good to men’s content; then you know what you
part from. But you must make good choice of your servants and use fewer.
Note of Goods for Presents
Table knives, swords, gilt armour, precious stones, cloth of gold,
looking glasses, arras, pictures, wines (strong waters are unrequested
now), dogs, ostrich plumes, silk stuffs (“but no blue, it is the colour
of mourners”) and generally any rare knack to please the eye.... (p.
356).
LETTER TO MASTER SECRETARY WYNWODE, NOV. 30, 1616
“The trade is profitable and fit for England, but no way understood by
the Company how to effect it at best advantage.... I assure your Honour
it is not fit to keep an Ambassador in this Court. I have shuffled
better out and escaped and avoided affronts and slavish customs
clearer than ever any did. I am allowed rank above the Persian, but
he outstrips me in rewards; his Master lies near us. But His Majesty
commanded me to do nothing unworthy the honour of a Christian King, and
no reward can humble me to any baseness” (p. 358).
EAST INDIA COMPANY COURT MINUTES
(_Court Minutes of the East India Company_, 1635-1659. Ed. E. B.
Sainsbury: Oxford University Press, p. 183)
A COURT OF COMMITTEES, AUGUST 4, 1641
Nathaniel Hawes transfers to Robert Freeman 942l. 10s. adventure and
profits in the Third Joint Stock, (subscribed in 1631) ‘the principal
being divided.’
The Court, understanding that 438 bales of Legee silk, 50 bales of
Ardas, and 39 of Mazandran were returned in the (E.I.C.s’ ship)
_Crispian_, directs that each adventurer shall receive for his division
five-sixths in Legee, and one-sixth in Ardas or Mazandran and desires
three Committees to oversee the delivery of the said divisions.
Captain Stiles is desired to go aboard the _Hopewell_ and give
directions for all her lumber, guns and ordnance to be put ashore, all
private trade to be sent up to the Custom House, and nothing more to be
unladen until further order.
The Governor opines that as the year is passing, the generality should
be called together about a new subscription for a Particular Voyage
for this year; after some debate it is resolved to await the King’s
recommendation upon the Company’s petition to Parliament for renewal
of its charter. The Court decides to present Sir Harry Vane, who is
and always has been ready to assist the Company on all occasions, with
‘fifty pieces.’
Mr. Ashwell to be paid for the looking glass he sent to Bantam. Mr.
Stiles reports that he has been offered 4l. 10s. per ton for the
defective ordnance, 10s. per ton more than the last was sold for; and
is told to use his own judgement in this matter. John Gearing, his son
John, and Richard Crawly are accepted as securities for cloves. The
estate of the late William Fall, a factor in Persia, to be paid to
his executrix. Certain Committees are desired to hear the difference
between Mrs. Powell and Thomas Clarke who lately returned from India.
YOUNG COURTIER’S LIFE IN LONDON, C. 1630
(_Autobiography of Thomas Raymond._ Ed. G. Davies. Camden Series III,
Vol. 28, p. 26)
I was taken from the Citty, where I expected to be planted, and brought
to Courte, attending my unkle, whoe grew so rigorous that my life
thereby became very unpleasant, and leaving the Citty for the Courte I
was with the proverbe fallen out of the frying pan into the fier. Long
waiting and short meales, sometimes cutt wholly out at my first coming
by the voracity and nimbleness of the courtiers, and if by chance I
was necessitated to make to our lodgings for dynner, I was sure to be
entertayned with a look and words would almost fright the devill. But
after a while by getting courage and acquaintance I made partly shift
abroade, choosing rather to fast then go home and be rated. I remember
my aunt was one day seemingly very importunate with a good neighbour
woman, whoe came to visit her, to stay and dyne with hir. Whereupon my
aunt called to hir mayde, “Nan sett on the whole rash of mutton,” which
the good woman hearing tooke occasion to break away, haveing a farre
better dynner at home.
Another tyme there was boyling on the fier in my unkle’s chamber a
pipkin of pease pottage, and a Lord comeing to him unexpectedly on
the sudden aboute business, with stifling aboute least the pipkin
should be seene it was throwne downe, broke, and all the porridge
aboute the chamber--a woefull disaster to my aunt for the losse of
hir belly tymber, and to my unkle least the Lord should have taken us
in our cookery and misfortune. But the Lord was encountered before he
could perceive the mischeife, a miscarriage that often made me laugh
heartily. Our lodgings were in a little straight howse built in a
corner on the lefte hand as soon as you are out of the East door of
Westminster Abbey, bellonging to one of the vergers of the Church, and
is since demolished. My chanber was just under there, high towards on
pynacle of the Abbey, and in rayney or wyndy nights there would fall
downe upon the leades of the roofe of my chanber such huge pieces of
freestone (those parts of the Church being much decayed and dayly
decaying) that I often tymes thought I should be knocked on the head
before morning. My unkle, being wondered at and sometymes laughed at
for the place of his lodgings ... had a story to defend it....
Our remove from these lodgings was to Whitehall, and there in the third
story of the first greate stone gate passing towards King strete where
are kept the papers of state, whereof my unkle was now one of the
clerkes and keepers. And here my condition was somewhat better ... that
I was saved from the feare of being brayned in my bed, and only my legs
had here the worst ont by mounting soe high soe often in the day.
PRIVILEGES OF AMBASSADORS, C. 1635
(Raymond, p. 57)
VENICE
The persons and howses of ambassadors are by the lawes of all nations
sacred, and in this place as much as anywhere. Not only their howses
are privileged but a considerable distance from them, within which no
officer of justice must presume to come to follow or fetch away any
offender that flies thither. And these priviledges are often abused by
the attendants of ambassadors, whoe are too ready to protect offenders
against the lawe. There stood very nere our Pallace a little howse
into which certayne offenders had fledd, and there not only sheltred
themselves, but contrary to the lawes of the place kept dicing and
carding. Complaint was made thereof to the ambassador, that he would
either cause them to be delivered to the justice or chase them from
thence. But the ambassador, possibly by meanes of some of his servants,
turned the deaf eare to their just requests, whereupon, after some
waiting the ambassador’s answers, in the dead tyme of night came the
bargello with his men, and tooke these fellows out of their beds, and
carried them to prison. And well for us it was that it was done when
we were all asleepe, otherwise wee must have defended our priviledges,
though to the great endangering of our own lives and those officers.
This bred a great difference between the State and my lord ambassador,
who said the howse was his, and that the officers had violated the
laws of nations by this proceeding, craved the persons taken out of
the howse should be returned thither and the bergello and his officers
severely punished for their impudence, etc. This matter proceeded to
that height that the ambassador was ready to quitt the place, and a
rupture between England and the Republick like to follow, but was at
the last with much ado composed to the honour and satisfaction of the
ambassador and the Republick. In the agitation of which business, being
very hott on both sides, the King himselfe, good King Charles, did
write once or twice to my lord ambassador with his owne handd, in which
appeared his greate prudence and noe small affection for the person of
the ambassador. (Basil, Lord Feilding).
EXPERIENCES OF A SOLDIER
(Raymond, p. 73)
FLANDERS, A.D. 1633
I observed how briske and fyne some English gallants were at the
beginning of this campagne, but at the latter end ther briskenes and
gallantry soe faded and clowdy that I could not but be mynded of the
vanity of this world with the uneasiness of this profession. And truly,
by what I have seene and felt, I cannott but thinck that the life of
a private or comon soldier is the most miserable in the world; and
that not soe much because his life is always in danger--that is little
or nothing--but for the terrible miseries he endures in hunger and
nakedness, in hard marches and bad quarters, 30 stivers being his pay
for 8 days, of which they could not possibly subsist, but that they
helpe themselves by forraging, stealing, furnishing wood in the feild
to the officers, straw, some are cobblers, taylers, etc. Straw is ready
money, especially at first comeing to new quarters. I remember at one
place I saw a couple of soldiers that had found a little howse filled
with strawe. One of them kept the dore whilst the other carried out the
strawe by bunches to sell. Other soldiers came and would have part:
these withstood them. At last others fell to chopping of the 4 corner
posts, soe in a short tyme downe fell the howse and soe the strawe
grew comon. It is hardly to be thought the devastation that an army
brings into a countrie, and the hangers on of the army doe most of the
mischeife. They march in no order, carry hookes by which they search
wells and ditches for pewter or brasse that the poore countrie people
have sunck to preserve them from the soldiers. Other places they dig up
where they suspect anything to be hid, torturing the poore people to
make them confesse, etc. Sometymes we came to a goodly feild of corne,
which within a few minutes is trod flatt, to the very ground: faire
howses unthatched, all the plancher and wood work chopped downe if not
fyred, pleasant orchards and walkes of trees in an instant chopped
downe by the ground, etc. It pittyed me at one place where we marched
by a poore little howse, to which joined a little close of about an
acre with bush. The poore woman came out, felled on hir knees, and
holding up hir hands, praying the soldiers for Christ Jesus’ sake to
spare hir cropp. Twas all, she sayd, that she and hir poore children
had to live on all the yere, makeing lamentable outcryes, but all to
noe purpose. For, though there was forrage enough just by, with in a
few minutes all this poore creatures crop was wholly destroyed.
A TREATISE ... CONCERNING ... THE METHOD FOR KEEPING A COURT LEET
(By John Wilkinson, of Bernard’s inne, gent., London, 1638)
(_From Court Rolls of the Honor of Clitheroe._ Ed., W. Farrar, pp.
xiii-xviii)
[Extracts]
Affrays and Bloodsheds
... You shall therefore first inquire if any man within your inquirie
haue broken the peace, or made any affray or bloodshed. If any haue
offended herein, you must present him or them, and the manner of it,
with what weapon, for that it is forfeit to the Lord of this Leet, and
the offender or offenders are to be fined for such offence.
Rogues
These persons by particular are said to bee by the Statute rogues,
viz., Proctors of Spittle houses, Patent gatherers, or Collectors for
Gaoles, prisons or Hospitals, Fencers, Bearwards, common Plaiers of
enterludes, Minstrels wandering abroad, Glassemen, Saylers, Souldiers,
Schollers, and all other idle persons which goe about begging.
Stocks
Also for the punishment of these offenders, you shall inquire if there
bee in euery tything a paire of stockes, according as there ought to
bee by the Statute, or no: if there bee not, then the tything doe lose
V pounds.
Artillery (33 H. 8. ca. 9)
Also you shall inquire whether eueryone haue Bow and Arrowes according
to the Statute, or no: for euery man child from seven yeeres old to
seuenteene ought to haue a Bow and two Arrowes, and euery man from
seuenteene to three score ought to haue a bow and foure arrowes, vpon
paine of vjs viijd for euery default: and parents ought to provide them
for their children and masters for their seruants with their wages, or
else they ought to undergoe the penaltie thereof.
Butts, 33 H. 8
And also that for the exercise of Archers in shooting at times
convenient, there ought to be buts made in euery Tything, Village, and
Hamlet, or else the Tything, Village, or Hamlet ought to lose xxs, for
euery three moneths wanting Butsthere.
Plays or Games, 33 H. 8
Also you shall inquire if any Alehousekeeper or other person do keepe
any unlawfull games in his or their house or houses, or elsewhere, as
cards, dice, tables, loggets, quoits, bowles, or such like: in this
case the house keeper loseth for euery day forty shillings, and every
player vj viij for euery time.
Also Constables ought to search monethly for such unlawfull games and
disorders in alehouses vpon paine of fortie shillings, and they may
arrest such as they find playing at unlawfull games, and commit them to
ward vntill they put in sureties not to play any more at any vnlawfull
game. No man may play at any vnlawfull game insatiably, unless hee can
dispend C pounds per annum in lands, fees, or offices, for life at the
least: and hee may not play neither in any open place where euery one
that will may see him, but in his house, or in his Orchard or Garden,
vpon paine of vj viij for euery time. Except in the Christmas time; for
then all men may play.
Shooting in Guns, 33 H. 8, ca. 6
Next you shall inquire of such as shoot in hand gunnes or cross bowes;
for no man may shoot in them vnlesse hee can dispend C pounds per annum
in lands, tenements, officers, annuities, or fees, neither may those
shoot at any Pheasant, Partridge, Herre, Duck, Mallard, Housedoue,
Pigeon, Wigeon, Teale, or Heathcock, vpon paine of x pounds for euery
shoot.
Highways
Next you shall inquire whether your high waies bee sufficiently amended
and made passable, as they ought to be, or no; for to that end and
purpose there ought to be two Superuisors chosen in euery Parish,
between Easter and Midsomer, by the Constables and Church wardens; and
there ought to be six days appointed for amending of highwayes, eight
houres eury day, vpon paine of xxs to bee lost by the Superuisors.
And every one that hath a cart to send two able men with it, with
tooles fit for that seruice, or else to lose twelve pence for euery
day wanting. And they ought most chiefly to amend the wayes leading to
Market Townes; and they may gather stones in any man’s grounds, and
also digge pits of ten yards square in any man’s seuerall for stones
and rubbish (if it be needful), filling the same vp againe, without
danger of Law. And they must turne springs, if they can, out of the
high wayes; and trees and hedges which hang ouer the King’s high wayes
must be cut and shredded, vpon paine of xs for euery default.
Purprestures and Assarts, 18 Eliz. 2
Next you shall inquire of Purprestures and Assarts, and that is where
any Wall, Hedge, Ditch, or House is set, leuied, or abated in the
King’s Highway, or any watercourse stopped or turned into the highway,
to hinder the passage of the King’s subjects, or any way annoy them.
Bounds and Marks
Also you shall inquire whether any mearestones or stakes bonds or
markes, betweene this Lordship and any other, or betweene tenant and
tenant, hath bin remoued since the last law day, or before, and not set
in the vsual place again: if there be any which haue offended herein,
you must present them.
Highways or Footsteps (Footpaths)
Also if any high wayes or footpathes to Church, Mill, or Market bee
stopped or hedged vp, which haue beene accustomed to lye open, you must
present him or them which shut it vp, for the King’s subjects must not
be stopped of his lawfull passage to Church, Mill or Market.
Common Bridges Broken
Also if any Common Bridges ouer Common Streames bee broken, that by
reason thereof the King’s subjects cannot pass about their affaires and
businesses, you must present those which ought to make them, vpon a
paine.
Common Pounds Broken
And also if common pounds bee broken, so that they will hold no
distresse that is brought to them untill they bee deliuered thence by
order of law, you must present those which ought to make such pounds,
vpon a paine.
Sleepers by Day and Walkers by Night
Also you shall inquire of Sleepers by day, and walkers by night, to
steale and purloine other men’s goods and Conies out of Warrens, Fish
out of men’s seuerall Ponds or Waters, Hennes from Henhouse, or any
other thing whatsoever, for they are ill members in a Common wealth,
and deserue punishment: therefore if you know any such, present them.
Eavesdroppers
Also you shall inquire of Eues droppers, and those are such as by night
stand or lye harkening under walles or windowes of other men’s, to
hear what is said in another man’s house, to the end to set debate and
dissension between neighbors, which is a very ill office: therefore, if
you know any such, present them.
Forestallers, Regraters and Ingrossers
Also you shall inquire of Forestallers, Regraters, and Ingrossers,
euill members in a Commonwealth.
A Forestaller is hee which buyeth or causeth to be bought any victualls
whatsoeuer going to any Faire or Market to bee sold, and maketh any
bargaine for the buying thereof before the same bee brought into the
Faire or Market, or doth make any motion for the inhancing of the
price of any victuals, or doth mooue or perswade any person comming to
the Faire or Market with victuals, to absent and forbeare his comming
thither with any victuall to be sold there.
Regrator is hee that getteth into his hands in any Faire or Market any
Corne, Tallow, or Candles, or any dead victuall whatsoeuer, brought to
any Faire or Market to be sold, and doth sell the same againe in any
Fair or Market, within foure miles next adioyning thereunto.
An Ingrosser is he or she that doth ingrosse and get into his or
her hands, by buying or promise taken, other than by demise, grant,
or lease, of bonde or bill of Corne growing in the Fields, or any
other Corne, Graine, butter, Cheese, Fish, or any other dead victuall
whatsoeuer to the intent to sell the same again for profit.
For the first offence they ought to haue two moneths imprisonment,
without bail or mainprise, and forfeit the value of the goods bought
and sold.
For the second offence they ought to haue halfe a yeeres imprisonment,
and to forfeit double the value of the goods bought and sold.
And for the third offence they ought to be set vpon the Pillorie, and
to lose all their goods and chattels, and bee imprisoned during the
King’s pleasure.
Butchers
No butcher ought to sell in any open Fair or Market any other victuall
then that which is good and wholesome for man’s body, and for
reasonable gaines, and not at excessive prices.
Shoemakers
They ought to make their Shooes and Bootes of good and well tanned
Leather, and well licoured, curried, and sowed, to keep men dry of
their legges and feet.
Tanners
Also you shall inquire of Tanners that haue vsed the occupation of a
Cordwainer or a Currier, or that hath put any leather to sale, but red
Leather as it came from the Tanne fatte, or that hath put any Hide or
peece of Leather to sale, before it be well dryed, marked, and sorted,
and then sold in open market, or that hath tanned any sheep-skins.
Bakers
Also you shall inquire whether the bakers doe their duties or not, in
making of good and wholesome bread for man’s bodie, of sweet corne and
not corrupted, and that they make their Bread in weight according to
the price of wheat in three markets next adioyning, not changing the
assise of Bread, but by six pence in weight in increasing or abating;
and if they doe the contrarie, and be thereof duly conuicted, then
for the first, second, and third time they shall bee amerced after
the quantitie of their fault, and shall lose from time to time their
bread so found too light in weight; but if they shall bee found faultie
herein the fourth time, then they must be set vpon the pillorie in open
market, whose punishment may not be released for gold or silver.
Also a baker must set his own proper marke vpon euery loafe of bread
that hee maketh and selleth, to the end that if any bread be faultie in
weight, it may be then knowne in whom the fault is.
Brewers, 5 H. 3. 51 E. 3
Also you shall inquire of Brewers and Typlers whether they make good
and wholesome ale and beere for man’s bodie, or not, and sell and utter
the same according to the lawes and statutes of this Realme. And also
they ought not to put out their signe or ale stake until their ale be
assayed by the ale taster, and then to sell and not before.
Fishers, 25 H. 8 ca. 7. 31 H. 8. ca. 2
Also you shall inquire of Fishers whether they doe their duties or
no, in bringing to the Market such fish as is good and wholesome for
man’s body, and not corrupt or stinking, and there sell the same at
reasonable prices, without taking of any excessiue gains, but onely for
euery twelue pence bestowing one penny cleere gaines ouer and beside
their charges; and if any Fisher shall doe the contrarie, then he shall
be grievously amerced from time to time, and his Fish, if it be corrupt
and stinking, to bee taken from him and openly burned in the Market.
Also no man ought to fish with any Net, or Engine, angling onely
excepted, but with such Net or Trannell as euery mesh shall be two
inches and a half wide, except Nets onely to take Loches, Mennas,
Bulheads, Gudgions, eeles, and none other Fish, vpon paine of XXs for
euery time offending, and losse of the fish and the unlawfull Net.
False Weights and Double Measures, 51 E. 3
Also if any within your inquirie shall vse any false Weights or double
measures in deceiving of the King’s subjects in buying with a great
measure, and in selling with a lesse, the offender therof therein shall
be grieuously punished and imprisoned vntill he hath made fine with the
King for his offence.
No man ought to sell any corne, ale bread or wine but by a measure
sealed with this letter H., vpon paine of forfeiture for the first
offence, 6s. 8d., for the second offence, 13s. 4d., and for the third
offence twenty shillings, and to bee set on the pillorie, to the
example of others, and the measure not sealed to be broken, all which
forfeitures are to the Lord of the Libertie where such offence is
committed, and if it be in a citie or borough, then it is to the maior
and communaltie.
Hunting Dogs
No Lay man may lawfully keepe any Greyhound or Hunting Dogge, Ferrits,
or Nets, vnless he can dispend fortie shillings per annum, Freehold:
nor no Spiritual man, vnlesse hee can dispend ten pound per annum of
spirituall promotion, vpon paine of a yeares imprisonment.
Drunkards
Also you shall inquire of Drunkards, for they ought to bee presented
and to pay if they be able for euery time they bee drunke Vs to the vse
of the poore of the Parish where the offence is committed; if not able,
then after connuiction thereof they ought to sit six houres in the
Stockes.
Waifs, Strays and Felon’s Goods, 18 E.2
Also you shall inquire of waifes, strayes, and felon’s goods. Waifes
are Cattell stolne and weiued out of the possession of him that stole
them, and straies are Cattell straied out of their haunt, and they
ought to be seised vpon to the Lord’s vse, and to be wreathed and put
into an open place, and not in a couert, to the end the owner may have
the view of them, and they must be cryed at three market towns next
adioyning to the place where they are straied; and if they be not
challenged within a yeare and a day, then they belong to the Lord of
the soile where they are, by the Law, otherwise not.
Which is all manner of felon’s goods which may (presently) after the
felonie is knowne to be committed, be seized vpon, but not taken away,
but left with the towneship, for the felon must haue his finding out
of it so long as he liues vnconuicted or attainted; but when he is
conuicted or attainted, his goods they properly belong to the Lord of
the Leet, if he have words for it in his Charter, otherwise they belong
to the King.
Treasure Trove
Also you shall inquire of Treasure troues, either vpon the ground or
within the ground: for if any hath been found within the jurisdiction
of this Court, it belonged to the Lord of this Leet or Law day.
And to conclude, if there shall any other thing come to your knowledge
meete to bee presented, and by any omitted to bee giuen in charge, you
shall as well inquire thereof and present it as the rest.
DRAINING OF THE FENS
(Dugdale, _History of Imbanking and Draining_, p. 375)
It hath been a long received opinion, as well by the borderers upon the
Fens as others, that the total drowning of this Great Level (whereof
we have in our times been eyewitnesses) hath for the most part,
been occasioned by the neglect of putting the laws of sewers in due
execution in these latter times; and that before the dissolution of the
monasteries by King Henry VIII the passages for the water were kept
with cleansing, and the banks with better repair, chiefly through the
care and cost of those religious houses.
... but wholly to clear them was impossible without the perfect opening
and cleansing of their natural outfalls.... In order whereunto the
first considerable attempt ... was in 20 Eliz. the Queen then granting
her commission to Sir Thomas Cecil, Sir W. Fitzwilliams, Sir Edward
Montague and Sir Henry Cromwell, Knights, etc. Howbeit ... little was
done.... But King James ... encouraged their proceedings therein,
expressing his readiness to allow a part of his own lands to be so
recovered, towards the charge of the work, in like proportion that
other of his subjects should do....
After this ... the lords of the ... Privy Council ... desired them
[the commissioners] to endeavour to satisfy all such persons as
having no respect to the general good ... should oppose it ... the
said commissioners ... concluded (with one consent) that this work
of draining was feasible ... and most beneficial to the countries
interested, to have good by, that ever was taken in hand of that kind
in those days; ... The commissioners names subscribed thereto being
these, viz.:
Oliver Cromwell, etc., Thomas Lambert, Robert Cromwell, Ireby, etc.,
etc.
Whereupon there was a particular view of the whole Level, begun ... (21
June, 1605) and ... the king himself ... incited them to fall in hand
speedily with the work and the rather because that was a dry summer,
and so the more proper for it ... intimating also that, for the better
expediting thereof, he had employed his Chief Justice Popham to take
pains therein ... they had information ... that in several places of
recovered grounds, within the isle of Ely, etc. such as before that
time had lived upon alms having no help but by fishing and fowling and
such poor means, out of the common Fens, while they lay drowned, were
since come to good and supportable estates.
The limitation of time allowed to Sir John Popham, knight, Lord Chief
Justice, and the rest of the adventurers, for accomplishing the work,
was to be ten years ...
... for the space of five years at the least ... there nothing
appeareth of consequence to have been prosecuted therein, by reason of
the opposition which divers perverse spirited people made thereto ...
by bringing of turbulent suits in law ... and making of libellous songs
...
THE POWTES COMPLAINT
Come, Brethren of the water, and let us all assemble
To treat upon this matter, which makes us quake and tremble;
For we shall rue, if it be true, that Fens be undertaken,
And where we feed, in Fen and Reed, they’ll feed both Beef and
Bacon.
They’ll sow both beans and oats, where never man yet thought it,
Where men did row in boats, ere undertakers[29] bought it:
But Ceres, thou behold us now, let wild oats be their venture,
Oh, let the frogs and miry bogs destroy where they do enter.
Behold the great design, which they do now determine,
Will make our bodies fine, a prey to crows and vermine:
For they do mean all fens to drain, and waters overmaster,
All will be dry, and we must die, ‘cause Essex calves want
pasture.
* * * * *
Away with boats and rudder, farewell both boots and skatches,
No need of one nor th’other, men now make better matches;
Stilt-makers all and tanners shall complain of this disaster:
For they will make each muddy lake for Essex calves a pasture.
The feathered fowls have wings, to fly to other nations;
But we have no such things to help our transportations;
We must give place (oh grievous case) to horned beasts and cattle,
Except that we can all agree to drive them out by battle, etc.
And upon the 12th of August (1618) ... at a general session of sewers
held at Huntingdon ... there were appointed three commissioners of
every county to accompany ... Sir Clement Edwards (one of the Clerks
of the Council) ... who gave in this following certificate ... That
forasmuch as the inhabitants of Marshland complained much.... And
though there were many gentlemen of good worth in those parts who
wanted neither zeal nor judgement to do service therein; yet it was
conceived, that the work might be best effected by such as had no
interest at all in the country.... In pursuance of which order, the
said Earl of Arundel made a journey into those parts; where having
treaty with Sir William Ayloffe, knight, baronet, Anthony Thomas, Esq.,
and others, they ... as undertakers in this great adventure, did make
these following proposals, viz.:
1. To have all the King’s lands drowned with fresh or salt water, which
should be so recovered, at the free rent of 4d. the acre ...
2. To have all the Prince’s lands upon the like condition.
3. To have of all subjects lands, so drowned all the year, two thirds
to them the said undertakers ...
4. And of all such lands of subjects which lay drowned half the year,
to have the one half ...
* * * * *
... the said undertakers did propose to begin their work at the sea,
by opening the outfalls of Nene, and Welland; and to make the same
navigable to Spalding and Wisbech, which would take away all fear of
turning the water upon any neighbour country and draw the same into
their true and natural channels....
... Certain it is, that no farther progress was made therein....
Howbeit ... at King’s Lynne, upon the 1st of September (1630) there
was a contract made with Sir Cornelius Vermuden, knight (a person well
experienced in works of this kind) for the draining of this Level; and
he, for his recompense therein, to have 95 thousand acres of the said
surrounded lands: But the country not being satisfied to deal with Sir
Cornelius, in regard he was an alien, they ... became humble suitors to
Francis, then Earl of Bedford (who was owner of near 20 thousand acres
about Thorney and Whittlesey, of this fenny level) to undertake the
work; at whose request, as also of the commissioners, he condescended
thereto....
These things being thus settled, the said Earl taking in divers
adventurers as participants with him therein, they cast the whole
(95,000 acres) so allowed for their recompense, into 20 parts or
lots....
The said Francis ... etc.... did obtain Letters Patents of
Incorporation ... into a body politic, to be guardians and conservors
of the Fen lands....
All which being accomplished about three years after in a session of
Sewers held at Peterborough, 12 October, 1637, the whole Level was
adjudged drained ... the charge of these works to the said Earl and his
participants having been no less than an hundred thousand pounds....
But ... though the lands were very much improved by those works, yet
were they subject to inundation especially in the winter season....
Hereupon ... Charles I ... did command divers gentlemen to give their
advice ... amongst which ... Vermuden was one ... the king himself
was declared the undertaker; and to have not only those 95,000 acres
... but also 57,000 acres more, to make the same fens as well winter
grounds as summer grounds.... And that though the Earl of Bedford had
not performed his undertaking, he should in recompense of his great
charge in those rivers, cuts and drains ... have 40,000 acres....
The king’s work [owing to the Civil War] being ... obstructed.... The
Earl, etc., fell in hand with the work ... this main body of the fens
is divided into three distinct Levels, viz., the North Level, the
Middle Level and the South Level ... the Level on the 25th of March,
1653 was adjudged to be fully drained: Whereupon the said Earl and his
participants had possession of those 95,000 acres awarded to them.
FOOTNOTES:
[28] The prohibition of iron-tyred carts was common in towns at this
period.
[29] Speculators, investing capital in draining.
CHAPTER VIII
EIGHTEENTH CENTURY EXTRACTS
INTRODUCTORY NOTES
Military, religious and constitutional questions are not suitable for
children, and are only touched here in Defoe’s racy, if partisan,
summary. The close of the first extract gives a clear statement of the
theory of a compact by virtue of which, rather than by Divine right,
the Whigs considered the King to reign.
American affairs, however, played a part in the interests of great
classes of the nation, and in the growth of the empire. “No taxation,”
etc., was a party-cry rather than a real grievance; it was the
monopolist trade rules demanded by British merchants that ultimately
caused the war. To meet this monopoly the Americans adopted the
successful policy of refusing to import British goods.
The “Appeal to France” shows the motives inciting our Continental
enemies against us and also the weakness of America even at that date.
In the writings of Franklin, Deane, and de Warville, can be seen the
enthusiasm and debate which made the American example the real cradle
of “Libérté, égalité, fraternité,” a relation not usually stressed in
English history books.
The main effect of the century was the growth of a great capitalist
class able to control the national affairs, drawing their wealth
from the colonies, from new methods of agriculture, or of finance
and industry, such as are seen in the references to Defoe’s Tour,
Young’s Northern Tour, the Life of Coutts, and indications of the new
inventions in industry, and the conditions they produced.
A DEFENCE OF DISSENT
(D. Defoe’s Works, 2nd edition, _A New Test of the Church of England’s
Loyalty_, p. 406 _et seq._)
Our first Reformation from Popery was in the days of King Edward VI
... ‘twas under him that the whole Nation and Government embraced the
Protestant Reformed Religion ... and here it began to be called the
Church of England.
Some enquiring Christians were for making farther steps, and carrying
on the Reformation to a higher degree ... but the return of Popery
under Queen Mary put a stop to the work in general.... Queen Elizabeth
restored it again.... Those who insisted upon the further Reformation
were then called Puritans, because they set up for a greater purity of
worship; and they separated themselves from the Established Church....
Before this time there was no such thing as Church of England, it was
then the Church of Rome[30] that was the established National Church.
The Protestants under the title of Lollards, Wickliffians, Hussites,
what did they do? Did they, as our modern people say everybody should
conform to what the Government commanded? No, the present Church of
England party were the Dissenters, the Schismatics and Fanatics, in the
days of Henry VIII were persecuted for not coming to Church, many of
them put to death and always treated with scorn and contempt.... In the
next Ages these come to have the power in their hands and forgetting
that they had found it “Righteous in the sight of God to obey God
rather than man,” they treat those whose consciences oblige them to
dissent from them, with the same contempt which themselves had received
from the Roman [church] government.
Thus far they are upon even terms, as to obedience to their Superiors.
The Dissenters have the first occasion after this to show their
submission under extraordinary pressures. Queen Elizabeth
discountenanced them continually, and as good a queen as she was,
put some of them to death. King James I hunted them quite out of the
kingdom, made thousands of them fly into Holland and Germany, and at
last to New England.... Under the reign of King Charles I, the case
altered, the King and Parliament fell out about matters of civil rights
and invasion of the liberties and properties of the people; the
Puritans or Dissenters, call them what we please, fell in unanimously
with the Parliament.
And here ‘tis worthy of remark, that the first difference between
the King and English Parliament did not respect Religion but civil
property nor were the majority of the House Puritans, but true Church
Protestants and English men. (There were but four Dissenters in all
that Parliament).... (p. 408).
But the Parliament finding the Puritan party stuck close to their
cause, they also came over [to] them when things came to a rupture ...
the Whigs in 41 to 48, took up arms against their King, and having
conquered him and taken him prisoner, cut off his head, because they
had him: the Church of England took up arms against their King in 88,
and did not cut off his head, because they had him not. King Charles
lost his life because he did not run away; and his son, King James,
saved his life because he did run away.... Nay if arguments may be
allowed to have equal weight on both sides, the Whigs have been the
honester of the two, for they never protested any such blind, absolute
and undisputed obedience to Princes, as the others have done.
It has always been their opinion, that Government was originally
contrived by the consent and for the mutual benefit of the parties
governed, that the people have an original, native right to their
property, the liberty of their persons and possessions, unless
forfeited to the Laws; that they cannot be divested of their right
but by their own consent; and that all invasion of this right is
destructive of the Constitution, and dissolves the Compact of
Government and Obedience (p. 411).
They have always declared that they understand their allegiance to
their governors to be, supposing they govern them according to the Laws
of the Land; and that if Princes break this Bond of Government, the
Nature of it is inverted, and the Constitution ceases of course....
This has been the avowed doctrine of the Dissenters, and indeed is
the true sense of the Constitution itself; pursuant to this doctrine,
they thought they had a right to oppose violence with force; believing
that when Kings break Coronation Oaths, the Solemn Compact with their
people, and encroach upon their civil rights, contrary to the Laws of
the Land, by which they are sworn to rule, they cease to be the Lord’s
Anointed any longer; the sanction of their office is vanished, and they
become Tyrants and enemies of mankind, and may be treated accordingly
(p. 412).
SECTIONS OF DISSENTERS, 1705
(Ibid., _The Shortest Way to Peace and Union_, p. 456.)
The General body of the Dissenters are composed of four sorts, and
those four so opposite in their tempers, customs, doctrine and
discipline that I am of opinion ‘tis as probable all four should
conform to the Church of England as to one another.
There is the Presbyterian, Independent, Anabaptist and Quaker.... The
Independent could never bear Presbyterian Government, that has been
tried already; for they once pulled it down by the ears as intolerable.
The Anabaptists in general, declare the Presbyterian would set up
persecution from the old principle, that Presbyteries are “Jure divino”
and therefore to them, a Presbyterian Government would be all one with
Popery. The Presbyterian would never brook an Independent or Anabaptist
Government, because they count the one Sectary, and hardly admit the
other to be Orthodox Christians. None of the three would bear the
thought of a Quaker King, the Novelty would make mankind laugh at the
proposal; the splendour and magnificence of a Court, and the necessary
defence and offence which the Confederacies and interests of nations
require, are things so inconsistent with this plain dealing Professor,
that he must cease to be a Quaker when he began to be a King.
EIGHTEENTH CENTURY HOME INDUSTRIES
(D. Defoe, _Tour through Great Britain: Yorkshire_, Vol. III, p. 124)
YORKSHIRE. LEEDS CLOTH MARKET.