Beyond Muc is Great Cathaya, the inhabitants whereof (as I suppose)
were of old time called Seres. For from them are brought most excellent
stuffs of silk. And this people is called Seres of a certain town in
the same country. I was credibly informed that, in the said country,
there is one town having walls of silver, and bulwarks or towers of
gold. There be many provinces in that land, the greater part whereof
are not as yet subdued unto the Tartars.
MARCO POLO
(_The Book of Ser Marco Polo, the Venetian_, Col. H. Yule. Edn. 1875)
Rusticiano’s address (p. 1)
Great Princes, Emperors, and Kings, Dukes and Marquises, Counts,
Knights and Burgesses and people of all degrees who desire to get
knowledge of the various races of mankind, and of the diversities of
the sundry regions of the World, take this book and cause it to be read
to you....
For let me tell you that since our Lord God did mould with his hands
our first father, Adam, even until this day, never hath there been
Christian or Pagan, or Tartar or Indian or any man of any nation, who
in his own person hath had so much knowledge and experience of the
divers parts of the World and its Wonders as hath this Messer Marco....
and I may tell you that in acquiring this knowledge he spent in
those various parts of the world good six and twenty years. Now
being thereafter an inmate of the Prison at Genoa, he caused Messer
Rusticiano of Pisa, who was in the said Prison likewise to reduce the
whole to writing; and this befell in the year 1298 from the birth of
Jesus.
His Summary
It came to pass in the year of Christ 1260 ... that Messer Nicolas
Polo, the father of my lord Mark, and Messer Maffeo Polo, the brother
of Messer Nicolas, were at the city of Constantinople, whither they
had gone from Venice with their merchant’s wares. Now these two
... took counsel together to cross the Greater Sea (Black Sea) on a
venture of trade; so they laid in a store of jewels and set forth from
Constantinople, crossing the sea to Soldaia ... and travelled till
they came to the court of a certain Tartar Prince ... whose residences
were at Sara and at Bolgara [Sarai and Bolghar] and by reason of ...
war no one could travel ... on the road by which the Brothers had
come ... so the Brothers, finding that they could not retrace their
steps, determined to go forward ... and passing the River Tigris they
travelled across a desert which extended for 17 days journey and
wherein they found neither town nor village, falling in only with the
tents of Tartars occupied with their cattle at pasture (p. 9)....
They arrived at a very great and noble city called Bocara [Bokhara].
The city is the best in all Persia ... there came Envoys on their way
to the court of the Great Khan.... “In truth,” said the Envoys, “the
Great Khan hath never seen any Latins, and he hath a great desire
so to do. Wherefore if ye will keep us company to his court, ye may
depend upon it that he will be right glad to see you and will treat
you with great honour and liberality; whilst in our company ye shall
travel with perfect security, and need fear to be molested by nobody!”
So they set out and journeyed for a whole year, going northward and
north-eastward.... When the two brothers got to the Great Khan at
Karakoram, he received them with great honour ... asking them a great
number of questions. [They return with a message from him to the Pope,
and young Marco, aged 15, accompanies them back to China, learns 4
eastern languages, and is employed on embassies by the great Kublai
Khan for 17 years. They are then sent by sea via Java and Trebizond to
the Levant].
Account of Kublai Khan
He is of a good stature, neither tall nor short, but of a middle
height. He has a becoming amount of flesh, and is very shapely in all
his limbs. His complexion is white and red, the eyes black and fine,
the nose well formed and well set on (p. 318).
I shall tell you of the great and wonderful magnificence of the Great
Khan now reigning, by name Kublay Khan; Khan being a title which
signifieth “The Great Lord of Lords” or Emperor. Now this Kublai Khan
is of the right Imperial lineage, being descended from Chinghiz Khan,
the first sovereign of all the Tartars ... (p. 324). He came to the
throne in the year of Christ 1256 ... up to the year of Christ now
running, to wit 1298, he hath reigned two and forty years, and his age
is about 85.... The Great Khan resides in the capital city of Cathay,
which is called Cambaluc. (Khan baligh, Khan’s city). In that city
stands his great Palace ... it is enclosed all round by a great wall
forming a square, each side of which is a mile in length.
This you may depend on, it is also very thick, and a good ten paces in
height, whitewashed and loopholed all round. At each angle of the wall
there is a very fine and rich palace in which the war-harness of the
Emperor is kept, such as bows and quivers, saddles and bridles, and
bowstrings and everything needful for an army. The great wall has five
gates on its southern face ... inside of this wall there is a second.
You must know that is the greatest Palace that ever was ... hath no
upper storey, but is all on the ground floor ... the roof is very
lofty, and the walls of the Palace are all with gold and silver. They
are also adorned with representations of dragons, beasts and birds,
knights and idols, and sundry other subjects. And on the ceiling too
you can see nothing but gold and silver and paintings. The Hall of the
Palace is so large that it could easily dine 6,000 people; and it is
quite a marvel to see how many rooms there are besides.... The outside
of the roof also is all coloured with vermilion and yellow and green
and blue and other hues, which are fixed with a varnish so fine and
exquisite that they shine like crystal ... seen for a great way round
(pp. 324, 325).
FOOTNOTES:
[18] Socman = A free holder of land.
[19] i.e. shires, hundreds, tithings.
[20] Carucate = Hide, about 120 acres.
[21] Chirograph is the name for a bond or written record.
[22] Corodiers = Men holding by corrody, i.e. service of providing a
night’s lodging.
[23] Mentz = Mainz, ruled by an archbishop.
[24] A mistake, Alexius did not reign till thirty years later.
CHAPTER IV
THIRTEENTH CENTURY LONDON
INTRODUCTORY NOTES
Mint and Coinage
Compare list of Saxon mints under Athelstane with this account of
the King’s mint, in the eighteenth century. The history of coinage
is illustrated by notes of clipping; repeated re-coinage; advice of
merchants on coinage over-ridden, case of persecution, of laws for
clipping, etc.
Compare also with fifteenth century extracts.
Aliens and King’s Income
Great importance of aliens in trade and industry is constantly
appearing in London records. The king collects his customs by farming
them out to the Lombards; he makes an income by weighing, granting
charters, taking prisage, fines, etc.
(1269) The “hosting” of aliens, i.e. the rule that every alien
must lodge with an English host who will be answerable for him, is
practised. The special position of the Jews is well illustrated,
nominally under protection of king and Mayor they are yet attacked by
King and Pope as well as people.
City Government
Strife is continual between the citizens and the royal officers for
control of the city. Its freedom dated from Henry I’s charter of 1100
(cf. Stubbs, _Select Charters_). In 1249 the citizens claim to be
peers of “the earls and barons of England.” The survival of the Saxon
practice of witness on oath is evidenced in 1267 by the witness of “12
sworn men of the City” not swearing to fact but to ancient usage.
The titles and duties of the king’s officers are illustrated; the
Treasurer, Constable, Warden, claiming dues for the King, Sheriffs
of London and Middlesex, Barons of Exchequer and other wardens all
holding by royal appointment. The persistence of the folkmote is
evidenced in 1260, when the oath of loyalty is taken, as in the time of
Richard I’s crusade. In 1267 a tax on movables is levied, first done
in 1207. The intervention of the citizens between Barons and King in
1262 foreshadows their intervention in de Montfort’s Parliament of 1265
and that of Edward I, 1295, indicates the influence of the new class
of burghers made wealthy by the wool trade. The various activities of
the City officers show the gradual organisation of ordered life in
a commune of this date; further illustrated by the Mayor’s reliance
on craft-gilds in 1262 against the “aldermen or chief citizens,” the
officers of the Merchant Gild.
In connection with the Black Death it is noteworthy how frequent
famines were in the earlier part of the fourteenth century and how food
sales were regulated; the rules of the Court Leet in the sixteenth
century would, no doubt, be in practice at this earlier period in some
parts of England.
Battle of Sluys
A good instance of fourteenth century naval warfare, the French make
no use of mobility but make conditions as near as possible to land
fighting; the English, however, use advantage of wind and are already
carrying heavier artillery than their opponents, an English naval
characteristic later.
Fourteenth Century Prices
Lancaster was cousin to Edward II, and his rival for power; in 1314 he
practically controlled the kingdom, but provoked the envy of Pembroke
and was captured at Boroughbridge in 1322 and executed. This period of
great royal princes rivalling the king, culminates in the usurpation of
Henry IV and the Wars of the Roses. The extract gives a vivid picture
of the various ranks in the household of such a lord. It may be used to
compare values and prices in this century with those of the thirteenth
century (see _London Records_) and with fifteenth century wages.
THE MINT
(Stow, _Survey of London_, Book I, p. 96)
The Mint is the Office and Place where the King’s Coin is made, be it
Gold or Silver Which is at present, and for a long Time hath been kept,
in the Tower of London.
OFFICERS [IN 1722]
(1) The Warden, who is the Chief: and by his Office is to receive the
Silver from the Goldsmiths, and to pay them for it....
(2) The Master Worker, who receiveth the Silver from the Warden,
causeth it to be melted; and delivers it to the Moniers, and takes it
from them again when it is made.
(4) The Master of the Assay, who weigheth the Silver, and seeth whether
it be according to the Standard.
(6) The Surveyor of the Melting; who is to see the Silver cast out.
(7) The Clerk of the Irons; who seeth that the Irons be clean and fit
to work with.
(8) The Engraver, which graveth the Stamps for the Money.
(9) The Smiter of Irons, who after they are graven, smiteth them upon
the Money.
(10) The Melters, that melt the Bullion before it comes to the Coining.
(11) The Blanchers who do anneal, boil and cleanse the Money.
(14) The Moniers, who are some to sheer the Money, some to forge it;
some to beat it broad, some to round it and some to stamp or coin it.
COINAGE
A.D. 1247
(_Chronicles of Old London_, Edited by H. T. Riley)
In the same year, Michael Tovy was again made Mayor, and by precept of
his lordship the King it was published that if any clipped penny or
halfpenny should be found offered for the purchase of anything, the
same should immediately be perforated. At this time, the money was
entirely made anew, that is to say, immediately after the Feast of All
Saints [November 1.]
A.D. 1257
In this year, the King issued a new coinage, of golden pennies, each of
two sterlings [i.e., silver pennies] in weight, and of the purest gold;
and it was his will that such gold coin should pass current in value
for twenty sterlings.
This year, on the Sunday next after the Feast of All Saints the Mayor
and citizens appearing before his lordship the King at the Exchequer
in obedience to his precept, he put them to the question, conjuring
them by the fealty in which they were bound to him, that they would
certify him, according to their consciences, whether the aforesaid
coinage would be beneficial and for the common weal of his kingdom,
or not. Accordingly, holding counsel and conference thereon among
themselves, they appeared before the King and said, that through that
coinage the greatest detriment might accrue to his realm, and more
especially to the poor of his realm, the chattels of very many of whom
are not worth in value a single gold coin. And further they said that
through that coinage gold would be held of much lower value, when that
money should come to be dispersed in so many hands; a thing that was
already evident, seeing that sheet gold, which always used to be worth
ten marks, was then worth nine marks only, or even eight (p. oz.).
Whereupon after they had set forth many reasons why that coinage would
prove otherwise than beneficial, his lordship, the King replied: “It
is my will that this coinage shall pass current, the penny for twenty
sterlings, but that no one shall be compelled to take it; and whosoever
shall take it, shall be at liberty to exchange it wherever he may
please, without hindrance therein; and if he shall think proper, he
may come to our Exchange, and shall have for every such golden penny
nineteen pence and one halfpenny.”
A.D. 1278
In this year the exchange was made at the Tower of London, of the new
money, sterling, halfpenny and farthing, and Gregory de Rokesle, Master
of the Exchange throughout all England.
A.D. 1300
... On the day of St. Stephen (Dec. 28), at the beginning of the
eight and twentieth year [of Edward I], the crocards and pollards
were proclaimed. (i.e., the crooked or polled, i.e. clipped coins
of inferior value. They generally passed for one penny, but by
proclamation their value was fixed at one halfpenny.) They were cried
down throughout England and continued current only until the Vigil of
Easter Day next ensuing: upon which Vigil it was forbidden that they
should pass current. This money came from Flanders and was current in
England throughout the land for six years, to the great damage of all
the realm.
ALIENS
A.D. 1268
... His lordship the King ... had granted unto Sir Edward his son, to
take custom of all things coming by sea into England and from England
going forth, and such custom had been leased unto certain Italians upon
yearly payment to Sir Edward of a farm of six thousand marks; the said
Italians exacted the same custom of the citizens of London, and took
sureties of them, in contravention of their franchises.
Wherefore the citizens went to Sir Edward, and begged of him that he
would not allow such a yoke of servitude to be imposed upon them, in
contravention of the franchises by the Charters of his lordship the
King, his father, and of his predecessors, Kings of England, unto them
granted: whereupon Sir Edward, at their entreaty, granted unto them
acquittance of the custom aforesaid, giving them his letters patent
thereon. The citizens, however, made court to him, giving him 200 marks.
A.D. 1269
... according to the custom of the City, all merchant strangers
coming into London, were wont to be harboured, together with their
merchandize, in hostels belonging to the citizens; and their wares,
which are sold by the hundredweight, such as wax, alum and the like, to
be weighed by the balance of his lordship the King. Other wares again,
which are valued by the pound, such as pepper, ginger, brasil (i.e.,
a kind of wood for making red dye), grains, and the like, used to be
weighed by various balances at the hosts’ places, or else by the basket
of them, the buyer having upon every hundredweight four pounds for the
draught; the commodity being weighed with the pin standing midway,
the same as gold and silver are weighed. Afterwards the Italians, the
people of Quercy, and the merchants of Provence (who at first however
were but few in number), coming to the City with their merchandize,
transacted business in a similar manner; but in process of time, when a
great number of merchants from the parts aforesaid, who were extremely
rich, had brought into the City a very great quantity of merchandize,
in order that the amount of such wares might remain unknown to the
citizens, they declined to be harboured in the hostels of the citizens,
but built houses in the City, and abode therein by themselves, housing
there their goods. And then too, weighing by balances of their own,
they sold their wares contrary to the custom of the City; and even went
so far as themselves to weigh by their own balances certain articles
which were sold by the hundredweight, and which ought to be weighed by
the King’s balance; to the prejudice of his lordship the King, and to
the loss and subtraction of his pesage [duty for weighing]; and this
they did for many years.
Afterwards, when his lordship the King gave unto the citizens a new
Charter as to their liberties, in which it is set forth that no
merchant stranger shall buy or sell any wares that ought to be weighed
or troned, except by the beam and tron of his lordship the King,
under forfeiture of the whole of such wares--and this, too, had been
proclaimed throughout all the City--these merchants, nevertheless,
continued to weigh as they had previously done. But when the King and
his Council were given to understand this, his bailiffs, in accordance
with his command, took all the balances and weights of the said
merchants, and upon good sureties, attached the persons themselves.
Afterwards, in this year, ... the King summoned the said merchants
to appear before himself and his Council at Westminster; and because
they were convicted ... and because their balances and weights, when
examined in the King’s Exchange, were found, it is said, to be untrue,
they were adjudged to be amerced and committed to prison; immediately
upon which, being about twenty in number, they were taken to the Tower
and there imprisoned.
On the morrow, too, their balances and weights were burnt in Westchepe;
and such parts thereof as could not be consumed by fire, were broken to
pieces with iron hammers, and wholly destroyed....
Then the said merchants made fine to the King in the sum of one
thousand pounds sterling; and this under compulsion, as it were, they
being in dread of being thrust into a most noisome prison.
A.D. 1270
... in this year, about Easter last past, it was provided by the common
Council of his lordship the King, that cloths coming into England from
the parts beyond sea should contain at least 26 ells in length, and
an ell and a half in breadth, under forfeiture of the whole piece of
cloth. And at the same time, orders were given to the merchants that,
after the Fair of St. Botolph then next coming, they should not bring
any cloths into England, under the penalty aforesaid, unless they
should be of the said length and breadth, burels [coarse cloths] of
Normandy excepted.
RIGHTS OF THE CITIZENS OF LONDON
A.D. 1246
In this year, the citizens of London took Queen Hithe, they paying a
yearly rent of fifty pounds to Earl Richard, and sixty shillings to the
Sick of St. Giles’s without London.
In this year, the Prior and Canons of St. Bartholomew’s, ... set up
a new tron, on the vigil of St. Bartholomew, refusing to allow anyone
to weigh except with that tron; and this, in contravention of the
liberties and customs of the City. Wherefore the principal men of the
City, together with their Mayor, Peter Fitz-Alan and a multitude of
the citizens, on the morrow went to the Priory of St. Bartholomew, and
advised the Prior and Canons of that place to make amends for that
act of presumption, and to desist therefrom; whereupon they forthwith
gave up the practice, and by the Mayor and Sheriffs of London it was
published that every man was to sell, buy and weigh in that market,
just as they previously had been wont to do.
JURISDICTION DISPUTED
1247
In the same year ... a Justiciar sent by his lordship the King, came
to St. Martin’s le Grand, to hear the record which had been given upon
the plaint of Margery Vyel, ... in the previous year ...; as to which
judgment the said Margery had made complaint to his lordship the King,
and had found pledges to prove that the same was false.
Whereupon, the Mayor and citizens meeting there, the record having been
read through, and all the writs of his lordship the King which the said
Margery had obtained, having been read and heard, the Justiciar said:
“I do not say that this judgment is false, but the process therein is
faulty, as there is no mention made in this record of summons of the
opponents of the said Margery, and, seeing that John Vyel, her husband,
made a will, it did not pertain to your Court to determine such a plea
as this.” To which the citizens made answer: “There was no necessity to
summon those who had possession of the property of the deceased, for
they were always ready, and proffered to stand trial at suit of the
said Margery in our Court; and besides, we were fully able to entertain
such plea by assent of the two parties, who did not at all claim or
demand the Ecclesiastical Court, and seeing that his lordship the King
by his writ commanded us to determine the same.”
At length, after much altercation ... the Justiciar said that they
must shew all this to the King and his Council, and so they withdrew.
Afterwards, however, and solely for this cause, his lordship the King
took the City into his hand, and by his writ entrusted it to the
custody of William de Haverille and Edward de Westminster, namely, on
the Vigil of St. Bartholomew (24 August); whereupon, the Mayor and
citizens went to the King at Wudestok, and shewed him that they had
done no wrong; but they could not regain his favour....
Afterwards, on the Sunday before the Nativity of St. Mary (8
September), the Mayor and Sheriffs, by leave of the King, received the
City into their hands, and a day was given them to make answer as to
the aforesaid judgment before the King and his Barons.
A.D. 1248
In this year, the citizens of London, at the request of his lordship
the King, not compelled, yet as though compelled, took their wares to
the Fair of Westminster, on Saint Edward’s Day, and also the citizens
of many cities of England, by precept of his lordship the King,
repaired thither with their wares; all of whom made a stay at that fair
of full fifteen days, all the shops and selds [large sheds] of the
merchants of London being closed in the meantime.
And on the morrow of St. Edward, the Mayor and citizens appeared at
Westminster, to make answer as to the judgment before mentioned ... his
lordship the King requested them to permit the Abbot of Westminster
to enjoy the franchises which the King had granted him in Middlesex,
in exchange for other liberties which the citizens might of right
demand. To which the citizens made answer, that they could do nothing
as to such matter without the consent of the whole community. The
King, however, on learning this, as though moved to anger, made them
appear before him, and after much altercation had passed as to the said
judgment ... counsel being at last held before his lordship the King
between the Bishops and Barons, the Mayor and citizens were acquitted
and took their departure.
A.D. 1249
In the same year, ... the citizens recovered before the King, two kinds
of franchise, of which for many years they had been deprived, for the
King granted that the Jews, who before had been held to warranty by
writ of the Exchequer, should plead in future before the citizens as to
their tenements in London. He also granted that the Chirographers of
the Chest of the Jews [keepers of the bonds] should be tallaged like
other citizens.
In this year, on Sunday in Midlent, nearly all the men, as well as
women, of London having met together, in accordance with the precept of
his lordship the King in the Great Hall at Westminster, his lordship
the King assumed the Cross with the view of setting out in aid of the
Holy Land. It is also to be noted, that after his lordship the King had
repeatedly requested the citizens to grant to the Abbot of Westminster
the franchises which we have already mentioned in this record, in
this year, on the Wednesday, namely, in the week of Pentecost, there
was a day of love appointed at the demand of his lordship the King,
between the citizens and the Abbot; upon which day, the Mayor, and a
countless multitude of the citizens with him, came to the New Temple,
where the Abbot was, there being also present, William de Haverhill,
the Treasurer, Henry de Ba, Roger de Turkelby, John de Gatesdene,
Justiciars, and others who had been sent thither by the King. Upon
these desiring to hold a conference with the Mayor and Aldermen, the
whole of the populace opposed it, and would not allow them, without the
whole of the commons being present, to treat at all of the matter; all
of them exclaiming with one voice that in no point would they recede
from their wonted franchises, which, by Charters of his lordship the
King and his predecessors, they possessed.
Upon this, a day was given them by the Justiciars to appear before
his lordship the King at Wyndlesore, the Tuesday following, namely;
and solely for this reason the King took the City into his hands,
and delivered it to William the Treasurer, and to Peter Blund, the
Constable of the Tower, all the clerks and serjeants of the Sheriffwick
paying obedience to them. On the day appointed, the Mayor and citizens
appeared at Wyndlesore; when the King, wishing to harass them,
compelled them, through his Justiciars, to shew cause why they had
gainsaid the Charter which he had granted to the Abbot of Westminster.
The citizens however made answer, that they had had no day named for
pleading there against the Abbot of Westminster, and that out of the
City of London they were not bound to plead; and that if they had been
bound to plead thereon, they ought not to receive any judgment as to
the same in the absence of their peers, the Earls, namely Barons of
England....
After this, consultations being held between the King and his Council,
the City was restored to the citizens, and day was given them until the
Translation of St. Edward (13 October).
A.D. 1250
... it was enacted by the citizens, that the Wardens of the Bridge,
from that day forward, should have, take or claim nothing from the
ships or property of citizens passing through the middle of the Bridge
[drawbridge]; whereas before they had been wont to take twelve pence
for every ship belonging to a citizen, the same as foreigners.
A.D. 1253
In this year, it was enacted by the community, that no one of the
franchise of the City should in future pay scavage [due paid for
right to display] for his beasts sold on the field of Smethefield, as
before they had been wont. In this year, about the season of Lent, the
Sheriffs of Middlesex, by precept of his lordship the King, caused all
wears to be destroyed that stood in the Thames towards the west; and
at this time many nets which were injurious, were burnt in Westchep.
Afterwards and before Pentecost, the Sheriffs of London, seeing that
the water of Thames pertains to London, by precept of his lordship the
King destroyed all the other wears from London to the sea.
A.D. 1254
In this year Ralph Hardel was elected Mayor of London.... And
immediately after this, the Barons (of the Exchequer) shewed a writ
of his lordship the King, by which precept was given unto them that
they should take the City into the King’s hands, for non-observance
in the City of the assize of bread and ale. And although the citizens
ought not to be molested for such a default as this, but only the
Sheriffs, if convicted thereof; still the City was taken into the
King’s hands, and delivered into the custody of John de Gyseorz, the
said John being sworn before the Barons; after which the clerks and all
the serjeants of the Sheriffs, as also the Wardens of the Gates, the
Thames and the Gaol, were there sworn. And all this had been discussed
in the Parliament aforesaid, because the citizens, being divided among
themselves, would not appear there before Earl Richard, as they had
promised him, to put an end to a matter on which they had frequently
entreated him before, namely, the Exchange.
Afterwards the citizens waited upon the Earl to entreat his favour;
whereupon he named to them a day at London, saying that he would do
nothing therein without counsel of the King, to whom a moiety of the
issues of the Exchange belonged. After this, on the third day after the
Feast of St. Edmund the Archbishop, the citizens of Westminster made
fine to the said Earl before the Council of his lordship the King, in a
sum of 600 marks; whereupon all claims were remitted on account of the
Exchange, and the Mayor and Sheriffs were restored to their bailiwicks.
(King Henry attempts to make the City answerable for a felon escaped
from Newgate).
To this the citizens made answer, that the custody of the Gaol does not
belong to them, but to the Sheriffs only. Whereupon answer was made
to them by the King, that as they make the Sheriffs, they themselves
ought to be answerable for them. To this the citizens said, that they
do not make the Sheriffs, but only have to choose them, and present
them to the Barons of his lordship the King; and that such Sheriffs can
do nothing in respect of their office, before they have been admitted
at the Exchequer; that in no point ought they to be answerable for the
Sheriffs, save only as to the ferm due from the Sheriffwick, and only
then, when the Sheriffs themselves are not of sufficient means to pay
the ferm.
EFFECTS OF BARONS’ WAR UPON THE CITY
A.D. 1260
The same year ... the King came to London, and afterwards, on the
Sunday before the Feast of St. Valentine, had the Folkmote summoned at
St. Paul’s Cross; whither he himself came.... The King also commanded
that all persons of the age of twelve years and upwards should make
oath before their Alderman, in every Ward, that they would be faithful
unto him, so long as he should live, and after his death, to his heir;
which was accordingly done. Then all the Gates of the City were shut,
night and day, by the King’s command, the Bridge Gate and the Gates of
Ludgate and Aldgate excepted, which were open by day and well fortified
with armed men.
A.D. 1262
In this year before Pentecost, the Barons who had given their assent
to the observance of the Ordinances and Statutes made at Oxford, sent
a certain letter to his lordship the King ... after this they sent a
letter to the citizens of London ... whether they would observe the
said Ordinances.... Upon receiving the message the citizens shewed
the same to his lordship the King ... and they further said that all
the community was willing to observe those Statutes which were to
the honour of God, in fealty to the King, and to the advantage of
the realm ... and further that it was their wish that no knights,
serjeants, aliens by birth, should be allowed to sojourn in the City;
for that it was through them that all the dissensions had arisen
between the King and his Barons. After this, by the King’s command,
certain of the citizens were sent to Dover with the King’s Council, to
treat for peace with the Barons....
At this season, and indeed before, all aliens, both knights and
serjeants, were dismissed from the City; who were afterwards placed
by Sir Edward in garrison at Wyndleshore. And at this time also the
citizens kept watch and ward, riding by night throughout the City with
horse and arms; though among them a countless multitude of persons on
foot obtruded themselves; some evil-minded among whom, under pretext
of searching for aliens, broke open many houses belonging to other
persons, and carried off such goods as were there to be found. To
restrain the evil designs of these persons, the watches on horseback
were therefore put an end to, and watch was kept by the respective
Wards, each person keeping himself well armed within his own Ward.
Afterwards, on the Sunday before the Feast of St. Margaret (July
20) the Barons came to London, and on the morrow the King and Queen
withdrew from the Tower to Westminster. At this time with the assent
of his lordship the King, Hugh le Despencer was made by the Barons
Justiciar of all England, and the Tower of London delivered into his
charge.
A.D. 1262
Be it here remarked, that this Mayor (Thomas Fitzthomas) during the
time of his mayoralty had so pampered the City populace, that, stiling
themselves the “Commons of the City,” they had obtained the first voice
in the City. For the Mayor, in doing all that he had to do, acted and
determined through them, and would say to them, “Is it your will that
so it shall be?” and then, if they answered “Ya, ya,” so it was done.
And on the other hand, the Aldermen or chief citizens were little or
not at all consulted on such matter; but were in fact just as though
they had not existed. Through this, that same populace became so
elated and so inflated with pride, that during the commotions in the
realm ... they formed themselves into covins, and leagued themselves
together by oath, by the hundred and by the thousand, under a sort of
colour of keeping the peace, whereas they themselves were manifestly
disturbers of the peace. For whereas the Barons were only fighting
against those who wished to break the aforesaid Statutes, and seized
the property of such, and that too by day, the others by night broke
into the houses of the people of Quercy and of other persons in the
City, who were not against the said Statutes, and by main force carried
off the property found in such houses, besides doing many other
unlawful acts as well. As to the Mayor, he censured these persons in
but a lukewarm way.
Afterwards these same persons, like so many Justiciars Itinerant,
wished to remove all purprestures [encroachments], new and old,
observing no order of trial; and endeavoured to throw open lanes,
which, by writ of his lordship the King and with the sanction of the
Justiciars Itinerant, the community assenting thereto, had been stopped
up and rented to certain persons; so much so, in fact, that some of
them they opened, without judgment given, and in like manner did they
remove certain purprestures, and some of them after dinner; and this
they did, not only for the purpose of removing them, but for the
opportunity of carrying off the timber and other things there to be
found.
* * * * *
The Mayor too, had all the populace of the City summoned, telling them
that the men of each craft must make such provisions as should be to
their own advantage, and he himself would have the same proclaimed
throughout the City and strictly observed.
Accordingly after this, from day to day, individuals of every craft of
themselves made new statutes and provisions, or rather what might be
stiled “abominations,” and that, solely for their own advantage, and to
the intolerable loss of all merchants coming to London and visiting the
fairs of England, and the exceeding injury of all persons in the realm.
AWARD OF THE KING OF FRANCE MADE BETWEEN THE KING AND THE BARONS
The Londoners, however, and the Barons of the Cinque Ports, and nearly
all the middle class of people throughout the kingdom of England, who
indeed had not joined in the reference to the king of France, wholly
declined his award.
Wherefore, the Londoners appointed one of their number, Thomas de
Piwelesdone by name, to be their Constable, and as Marshal, Stephen
Buckerel, at whose summons, upon hearing the great bell of St. Paul’s,
all the people were to sally forth, and not otherwise; being prepared
as well by night as by day, well armed, to follow the standards of the
said Constable and Marshal wheresoever they might think proper to lead
them. After this, Hugh le Despencer, the Justiciar, who then had charge
of the Tower, with a countless multitude of Londoners, went forth
from the City, following the standards of the aforesaid Constable and
Marshal, none of them knowing whither they were going, or what they
were to do. Being led however as far as Ystleworthe, they there laid
waste and ravaged with fire the manor of the King of Almaine,[25] and
plundered all the property there found, and broke down and burned his
mills and fish preserves, observing no truce, at the very time that the
said Parliament [of Oxford, 1262] was in existence. And this was the
beginning of woes, and the source of that deadly war, through which so
many manors were committed to the flames, so many men, rich and poor,
were plundered, and so many thousands of persons lost their lives.
* * * * *
At this time, the Barons and Londoners entered into a league written
by instrument and by oath, all in fact of 12 years and upwards; to the
effect that they would stand together against all men, saving however
their fealty to their lord the King.
* * * * *
A.D. 1265
Be it remarked, that at the time when the City submitted itself unto
the mercy of his lordship the King, many persons in the City who had
spontaneously sided with the Earl of Leicester, took to flight; having
committed depredations and many mischiefs within the City and without,
and, in the time of the aforesaid Mayor, styling themselves the
“Commons of the City,” having had the first voice there, the principal
men being little consulted in reference thereto.
* * * * *
Be it remarked, that many of the common people, on the day that the
aforesaid election took place, gainsayed the same, crying “Nay,
nay”, and saying, “We will have no one for Mayor, save only Thomas
Fitzthomas, and we desire that he be released from prison, as well as
his companions, who are at Wyndleshores.” Such base exclamations did
the fools of the vulgar classes give utterance to, on the previous
Monday, in the same Guildhall. Wherefore his lordship the King, on
hearing rumours to this effect, fearing an insurrection of the populace
against the principal men of the City, who maintained their fealty
towards him, sent to London Sir Roger de Leiburne; who on the Saturday
next ensuing, came into the Guildhall with a great retinue of knights
and serjeants, with arms beneath their clothes; whither a countless
multitude of the City had already resorted, and that without summons.
And the same Sir Roger gave orders, on behalf of his lordship the King,
that all who were suspected should be seized and put in arrest, lest
they might enter into some confederacy with the enemies of his lordship
the King. Wherefore on the same day there were taken more than twenty
persons, no one of the populace making any opposition thereto.
* * * * *
The same year, on the second of the Ides of July (12 August) at
night the wife of Sir Edward was delivered of her firstborn son,
at Wyndleshores, on hearing news of which, the citizens of London
caused proclamation to be made in the City, that on the morrow the
whole community should celebrate the same by doing no handicraft, for
joyousness at the birth of the said child. Accordingly on that day all
selds and shops being closed, all the men and women, clergy as well as
lay, went on foot and horseback to Westminster, to give thanks unto
God for the birth of the child, and to offer prayers for its safety.
Also throughout the streets of the City there was dancing and singing
of carols for joy, as is the usual yearly custom upon the Feast of St.
John the Baptist (24 June). The name that was given to the child was
John.
FOOD SUPPLIES AND REGULATIONS
ASSISE OF WINE: DISPUTED. A.D. 1256.
In the same year, Henry de Ba (Bath) Justiciar, came to the Guildhall
of London, bringing to the Mayor and Sheriffs a writ from his lordship
the King; who thereupon summoned before him all the vintners of the
City. The Justiciar wishing to amerce all these for breach of the
assise of wine, the citizens made answer, that the vintners who had
broken the assise ought, and are wont, solely to be amerced at the
Common Pleas of the Crown, and not before a Justiciar at the Tower.
To whom the Justiciar made answer ... that this will not satisfy his
lordship the King, for that it does not seem just or right that they
may break the assise for seven years or more with impunity, and only
once be amerced for so many offences.
To which reply was made, that his lordship the King is both wont to and
may whenever he pleases, upon election by the citizens, appoint two
wardens to keep that assise, in manner as heretofore; ... that the same
wardens, too, when any one is convicted of breach of the assise, ought
to sell the wine found in the tun, in reference to which the breach
has been committed, and to produce the money at the Pleas of the Crown
holden before the Justiciars, the transgressor nevertheless being there
also amerced.
METHODS OF WEIGHING
A.D. 1256
It has usually been the custom, when wares which have to be sold by
balance, are weighed, for the draught of the balance to incline on
the wares side, the case of gold and silver excepted which are always
weighed with the pin standing midway, and inclining neither towards
the weight nor towards the gold or silver; and consequently that the
weigher who weighs in the City by the balance of his lordship the King,
is able, by reason of such draught, to give a greater weight to one
person than to another, through favour, maybe, or through fear, or
through a bribe passing between them, or perhaps inadvertence.
It was therefore provided and enacted on the Saturday after the Feast
of St. Nicholas (6 December) in the one and fortieth year of the reign
of King Henry, son of King John, that all wares which have to be
weighed by the King’s balances in the City, shall be weighed like gold
and silver, the draught in no degree inclining towards the wares; and
that in lieu of such draught, the vendor ought to give to the buyer
four pounds in every hundred.
A.D. 1257.
In this year there was a failure of the crops; upon which failure a
famine ensued, to such a degree that the people from the villages
resorted to the City for food; and there upon the famine waxing still
greater, many thousand persons perished; many thousands more too would
have died of hunger, had not corn just then arrived from Almaine. [The
German States.]
KING’S PRISAGE. A.D. 1257
After this, on the Nones (5) of August an edict was published in the
City, that no one of the King’s household, nor any other person should
take anything in the City, except at the will of the vendors; saving
however unto his lordship the King his rightful prisage of wine, that
is to say from every ship that owes full custom two tuns of wine at the
price of forty shillings. And further that if anyone should presume to
contravene the same and be convicted thereof, he should be immediately
imprisoned. After this no one of the King’s officers, nor yet any of
their people, took anything without soon after paying the vendor for
the same: this however lasted for a short time only.
A.D. 1262
In this year ... the Mayor and citizens of London shewed unto Sir
Philip Basset, Justiciar of England, and others of the Council of his
lordship the King at Westminster, that the Constable of the Tower in
contravention of their franchises, wished to arrest and seize vessels
in the Thames before the Tower, and take prisage of corn and other
things, before they had reached the wharf; further saying, that just
then he had caused a vessel belonging to Thomas de Basings, laden with
wheat, to be stopped before the Tower, and was for taking one hundred
quarters therefrom, at a price by the quarter, two pence less than it
would have sold for when brought ashore. To which the Constable made
answer, that this he was quite at liberty to do, in behalf of his
lordship the King; whereupon the citizens replied that attachments
on the Thames pertain solely to the Sheriffs of London, seeing that
the whole water of Thames belongs to the City from shore to shore, as
far as the Newe Were; (close to Yantlet creek) as has been repeatedly
shown....
They said also that his lordship the King takes no prisage of corn,
before the vessel has reached the wharf, and that then he is to have
the quarter of wheat at two pence less than it would sell for; and
this only for the support of his own household. Also that neither the
Constable nor any other person is to have prisage of corn, but that if
he wishes to buy anything, he must buy it in the market of the City,
like the citizens, and at the option of the vendor; and they entreated
his lordship the King, that he would preserve their liberties....
LIQUID MEASURES. A.D. 1264
In this year it was provided at the Hustings, on the morrow of All
Souls (2 November), that all measures by which wine, ale and other
liquors are sold, should be of the same dimensions, the mouth of the
gallon being ordered to measure four inches across (cf. 1273).
FISHING REGULATIONS. A.D. 1269
Be it remarked that in ancient times it had been enacted and provided
as to nets, used for fishing in the Thames, that in the body of such
nets the meshes should be woven of such a size that a man’s thumb nail
might be able wholly to pass through them; and that if in any net there
should be found a single mesh otherwise woven, the whole of such net
was to be condemned....
For which reason it was ... there were many nets seized and brought to
the Guildhall, and there by twelve sworn men of the City, who had no
share in the said nets, adjudged to be in contravention of the statutes
aforesaid. But as to this decision some of the citizens thought
differently; and in fact there were some who said, that that part only
ought to be burnt which was faulty and unfair, and that the other parts
which were good and lawful ought to be saved; while on the other hand,
the City, in meeting of its commons, pronounced that a net, a part of
which is bad, is bad all over....
... in accordance with the precedent that on another occasion such nets
had been wholly burnt the citizens agreed in common that these should
in the same manner be condemned; and accordingly so it was done ...
all those nets, about twenty in number, were burnt in the middle of
Westchepe; so that nothing of them whatever was saved.
A.D. 1269
In this year the pillory that stood in Chepe was broken through the
negligence of the Bailiffs, and for a long time remained unrepaired;
wherefore, in the meantime no punishment was inflicted on the bakers,
who made their loaves just as they pleased; so much so, that each of
their loaves was deficient in one third of the weight that it ought to
weigh, according to the award that had been made upon the assay of the
Feast of St. Michael preceding; and this lasted for a whole year and
more.
In the same year, all the freemen of the kingdom of England, as well of
vills as of cities, and boroughs and elsewhere, gave unto his lordship
the King one twentieth part of all their moveable goods, towards
payment of his expenses on his expedition to the land of Jerusalem.
But afterwards Sir Edward undertook that expedition, on behalf of his
father and himself.
A.D. 1270
These Sheriffs, immediately after the Feast of St. Michael, had a new
pillory made, and erected it in the place where the old pillory had
previously stood....
A.D. 1271
Throughout all this year, no punishment was inflicted upon the bakers;
but they made loaves at their own will; so much so, that each loaf was
deficient in weight one third, or one fourth at least.
MEASURES
A.D. 1273
In this year, both before and after Pentecost, all the measures were
broken in pieces by the Mayor of the City, by which corn used to be
sold in the City, and new ones made of larger dimensions; each of which
measures was bound in the upper part by an iron hoop, fastened on with
iron nails, that so they might not at any time be falsified.
Each measure also, that is to say, each quarter, half quarter, and
bushel, was sealed with the Alderman’s seal.
C. A.D. 1293
Memorandum--that the gallon of Conduit water weighs ten pounds four
shillings (1s. 3/5oz.) by the ordinary weight.
Also the gallon of Thames water weighs ten pounds, sixteen pence, by
the same weight.
Also the grocers’ pound of wax and of fruit is to weigh 25 shillings,
the ounce 25 pence, and the quarter 6 shillings and 3 pence.
Be it remembered that the sterling (silver penny) must weigh 32 grains
of corn in number, from the middle of the ear;
And to the quarter of an ounce go 160 grains in number.
And to the half ounce go 320 grains.
And to the whole ounce go 640 grains; the ounce, that is to say, of
twenty sterlings.
And to the quarter of the pound go 1,920 grains in number.
And to the half pound go 3,840 grains.
And to the pound of 20 shillings sterling go 7,680 grains in number,
divided into 12 ounces.
And the weight of two pounds, which amounts in number to 15,360 grains,
makes the quarter of liquor.
And the weight of four pounds, which amounts in number to 30,720
grains, makes the pottle.
And the weight of eight pounds, which amounts in number to 61,440
grains, makes the gallon.
And the weight of thirty-two pounds, which amounts in number to 245,760
grains, makes the old half bushel.
And the weight of sixty-four pounds, which amounts in number to 491,520
grains, makes the bushel of wheat, of the ancient standard.
And the weight of 256 pounds, which amounts in number to 19,266,180
grains of wheat, makes the half quarter.
And the weight of 512 pounds sterling, which amounts in number of
grains of wheat to 3,932,160, makes the measure of one quarter of eight
bushels.
FAMINE
A.D. 1313
In this year there were such great rains that the wheat failed, and all
other things as well, in August; and the rains lasted from Pentecost to
Easter.
In this year, upon the Day of St. James (25 July), before August, there
was one baker drawn upon the hurdle alone; and because another baker
did not have the same sentence carried out, the same day the Mayor was
reviled by the people....
1315
In this year there was a great famine, so that people without number
died of hunger; and there was also a great pestilence among the people.
The quarter of wheat was sold at Pentecost this year and after, at
thirty-eight and forty shillings; salt also, at forty shillings, and
two small onions for one penny.
DISPUTED ELECTION OF MAYOR
A.D. 1271
When the citizens of London, as the custom is, met together for the
election of Mayor in the Guildhall, ... and the Aldermen and more
discreet citizens would have chosen Philip le Tayllur, the mob of the
City, opposing such election and making a great tumult, cried aloud,
“Nay, nay, we will have no one for Mayor but Walter Hervi,” who before
was Mayor; and against the will of the rest, with all their might,
placed him in the seat of the Mayoralty. The Aldermen, however, and
many discreet men who sided with them, being unable to make head
against the vast multitude of a countless populace, immediately went
to his lordship the King and his Council at Westminster; and Walter
Herevy, taking with him the populace, proceeded thither in like manner,
promising them, as he before had promised, that he would preserve
them, one and all, throughout the whole time of his Mayoralty, exempt
from all tallages, exactions and tolls, and would keep the City
acquitted of all its debts, both as towards the Queen as towards all
other persons, out of the arrears in the rolls of the City Chamberlain
contained....
The populace, however, ... making a great tumult in the King’s Hall--so
much so, that the noise reached his lordship the King in bed, to which
he was confined by a severe illness--was continually crying aloud, “We
are the Commons of the City, and unto us belongs the election of Mayor
of the City, and our will distinctly is, that Walter Herevy shall be
Mayor, whom we have chosen.” But on the other hand, the Aldermen shewed
by many reasons, that unto them belongs the election of Mayor, both
because they, the Aldermen are the heads, as it were, and the populace
the limbs, as also because it is the Aldermen who pronounce judgments
in pleas moved within the City. Of the populace on the other hand there
are many who have neither lands, rents, nor dwellings in the City,
being sons of divers mothers, some of them of servile station, and all
of them caring little or nothing about the City’s welfare.
ACCUSATIONS AGAINST A MAYOR
A.D. 1271
Firstly, this Walter had unrighteously attested that a certain person
had by writ of his lordship the King been admitted attorney in the
Court of his lordship the King as to Pleas of Land; whereas it was
afterwards ascertained that no writ thereupon had ever been issued from
the Chancery....
Also, in the time of his Mayoralty, he received a writ of his lordship
the King, commanding him to appear at Westminster on a certain day
there to shew by what right the citizens were to give seizin of the
Moor to Walter de Merton. Whereupon he, who was head of the City, and
ought to be the City’s defender, made default, and did not return the
writ; by reason whereof, the said citizens are in danger of losing the
said moor.
Also whereas he ... was bound to maintain and cause to be observed
all assises made by the Aldermen and discreet men of the City, and
proclaimed throughout the whole City, he allowed ale to be sold in his
Ward for threehalfpence the gallon, and confirmed such a sale setting
the seal of his Aldermanry to a certain unfair measure made against the
statutes of the City, which contained only the sixth part of a gallon.
Also, whereas he ought not to take any part or receive any salary,
contrary to his oath he takes fees throughout all the City and receives
yearly a sum of money from the community of the fishmongers, upon the
understanding that he shall support them in their causes whether just
or unjust.
Also as to the letters patent which certain persons of the trades made,
ordaining statutes to their own proper advantage only and to the loss
of all the City and all the realm; to such letters while he was Mayor,
he set a part of the seal of the Community....
Also, whereas corn, wine and the like, when brought into the City for
sale, ought not to be taken back out of the City, according to the
law and custom of the City, he, taking a bribe, such for example, as
from one merchant a tun of wine, from another a pipe, and from another
twenty shillings, allowed more than a thousand tuns to be taken out of
the City, in contravention of his oath, and to the great loss of the
City.
ANTI-SEMITE RIOTS
A.D. 1262
In this year, just after the Feast of St. Martin (11th November)
about the time of Vespers, a certain Jew having wounded a Christian
in Colechurch Street, many Christians, indeed a countless multitude
of people, ran in pursuit of the Jew, and broke into many houses of
the Jews; not content with which, afterwards at nightfall they carried
off all the goods of the said Jews; and would have broken into many
more houses, and carried off the goods, had not the Mayor and Sheriffs
repaired to the spot and driven away those offenders by force of arms.
For which reason inquisition was made on the morrow and so from day to
day, by the Mayor and Sheriffs in the Guildhall....
A.D. 1263
Afterwards in the week before Palm Sunday, the Jewry in London was
destroyed, and all the property of the Jews carried off; as many of
them as were found being stripped naked, despoiled, and afterwards
murdered by night in sections, to the number that is to say of five
hundred. And as for those that survived, they were saved by the
Justiciars and the Mayor, having been sent to the Tower before the
slaughter took place; and then too the Chest of Chirographs was sent to
the Tower for safe custody. (See A.D. 1249.)
FLESH SOLD BY JEWS. A.D. 1273
Certain discreet men of the City appeared before the Council of his
lordship the King at Westminster; whereupon members of the Council,
before certain Jews there present, questioned them thus, saying: “It is
notorious that the Jews kill with their own hands all beasts and fowls
whose flesh they eat. But some beasts they consider of their law, and
some not; the flesh of those which are of their law they eat, and not
the flesh of the others. What then do the Jews do with the flesh of
those that are not of their law? Is it lawful for the Christians to buy
and eat it?”
To which answer was made by the citizens, that if any Christian should
buy any such flesh of a Jew, he would be immediately expelled; and
that if he should be convicted thereof by the Sheriffs of the City or
by any other person, he would lose such flesh, and it would be given
to the lepers, or to the dogs, to eat; in addition to which he would
be heavily amerced by the Sheriffs. “But if it seems to you that this
punishment is too light a one, let your discreetness make provision
that such Christians shall be visited with a more severe punishment.”
Whereupon the members of the King’s Council said: “We will not have
such persons visited with any more severe punishment, without his
lordship the King; seeing that this matter concerns the Jews, who
belong to his lordship the King.”
JEW CLIPPERS OF COINAGE. A.D. 1278
In the same year, upon the Octaves of St. Martin (11th November) which
was a Friday, just before tierce (9 o’clock service), all the Jews of
England were seized by reason of the coin, which was vilely clipped
and falsified, and upon the Feast of St. Lucy (13th December) after,
all the goldsmiths of London, and all those of the Exchange and many
of the good folks in town were seized, by reason of the purchase of
bullion and the exchange of large coin for small, for which they had
been indicted by the Wards. And on the Monday next after the Tiffany
(Epiphany) the Justiciars sat at the Guildhall for delivery (gaol
delivery) thereon ... and by reason of such doing, three Christians and
293 Jews were drawn and hanged, for clipping the coin.
A.D. 1284
In this year all the Jews of England were taken and imprisoned; and put
to ransom....
A.D. 1289
And after this it was provided by the King and his Council, upon
prayer of the Pope, that all the Jews in England were sent into exile
between the Gule (1 Aug.) and the Feast of All Saints, under pain of
decapitation, if after such Feast any one of them should be found in
England.
SWORDS FORBIDDEN. A.D. 1319
In this year swords were forbidden, so that no one was to wear them; by
reason of which, many swords were taken and hung up beneath Ludgate,
within and without. At this time many of the people of the trades of
London were arrayed in livery, and a good time was about to begin.
EDWARD II AND LONDON. A.D. 1321
And soon after this the King caused a Charter of great service [i.e.,
military service] to be made, and wished in every way that the good
people of London should have sealed it; but the people of the City
would not accede to it, for all that the King could do.
PRIVATE EXPENSES OF EDWARD II
(_Antiquarian Repertory_, Vol. II, p. 407. MS. in the possession of
Thomas Astle, F.R.S., F.A.S.)
Item--paid to the king himself to play at Cross and Pile by Peres
Barnard two shillings.
Item paid to Sir Will de Kyngeston for cabbage which he bought to make
stew in the Boat.
Tuesday, the 17th of October at Walton. Paid at Shene to James
Haggesworth, Henry de Hustrete, Robert Sealour, Henry May, Robin
Stronball, John Warwyn, Henry Smallsponne for the wages of his seven
Bargemen, working varlets in the Barge. Thomas at Lese each taking
threepence a day from Tuesday the 15th of October to Friday the 18th
of the same month, reckoning four days, bringing from Byfleet to Shene
1540 faggots in a boat for Madame la Despenser, dwelling at Shene
aforesaid, and bringing the King from the aforesaid Shene by water in
the same Barge to Cyppenham, 7/-.
11th of March. Item paid to Jack of St. Albans, the King’s painter who
danced before the king on a table and made him greatly laugh, by gift
from the king’s own hands, in aid to him, his wife, and his children,
£. s. d.
Item paid at the lodge at Wolmer when the King hunted deer there to
Morris Ken of la Kensine because he rode there before the king and fell
ofttimes from his horse at which the king greatly laughed, by gift by
command 20/-.
BATTLE OF SLUYS. A.D. 1339.
(_Chronicles of London_)
Upon the Friday morning, our King espied his enemies upon the sea, and
said, “Because our Lord Jesus Christ was put to death on a Friday, we
will not shed blood upon that day.”
The wind had then been in the East for the whole fortnight before the
King put to sea, but by the grace of Him Who is Almighty, the wind
shifted immediately to the West; so that, by the grace of God, the
King and his fleet had both wind and weather to their mind. And so
they sailed on until sunrise at break of day; when he saw his enemies
so strongly equipped, that it was a most dreadful thing to behold; for
the fleet of the ships of France was so strongly bound together with
massive chains, castles, bretasches, and bars.
But notwithstanding this, Sir Edward, our King, said to all those who
were around him in the fleet of England,--“Fair Lords and brethren of
mine, be nothing dismayed, but be of good cheer, and he who for me
shall begin the fight and shall combat with a right good heart, shall
have the benison of God Almighty; and every one shall retain that which
he shall gain.”
And so soon as our King had said this, all were of right eager heart
to avenge him of his enemies. And then our mariners hauled their
sails half mast high, and hauled up their anchors in manner as though
they intended to fly; and when the fleet of France beheld this, they
loosened themselves from their heavy chains to pursue us. And forthwith
our ships turned back upon them, and the melee began, to the sound of
trumpets, nakers, viols, tabors, and many other kinds of minstrelsy.
And then did our King, with three hundred ships, vigorously assail the
French with their five hundred great ships and galleys, and eagerly
did our people exert great diligence to give battle to the French. Our
archers and our arbalesters began to fire as densely as hail falls in
winter, and our engineers hurled so steadily, that the French had not
power to look or to hold up their heads. And in the meantime, while
this assault lasted, our English people with a great force boarded
their galleys and fought with the French hand to hand, and threw them
out of their ships and galleys.
And always our King encouraged them to fight bravely with his enemies,
he himself being in the cog called “Thomas of Winchelsea.” And at the
hour of tierce there came to them a ship of London, which belonged to
William Haunsard, and it did much good in the said battle. For the
battle was so severe and so hardly contested, that the assault lasted
from noon all day and all night, and the morrow until the hour of prime
(six a.m.) and when the battle was discontinued, no Frenchman remained
alive, save only Spaudefisshe, who took to flight with four and twenty
ships and galleys.
FOURTEENTH CENTURY PRICES
(Stow I, p. 243)
HOUSEHOLD OF THOMAS, EARL OF LANCASTER
One whole year’s expenses. Seventh of Edward II
£ s. d.
Amounting to 7957 13 4½
To wit:
In the Pantry, Buttery and Kitchen 3405 - -
For 184 Tons, one Pipe of Red or
Claret Wine and one Ton of White
Wine, bought for the House 104 17 6
For Grocery Ware 180 17 -
For six Barrels of Sturgeon 19 - -
For 6800 Stockfishes, so called, and for
dried Fishes of all sorts, as Lings,
Haberdines and other 41 6 7
For 1714 Pound of Wax, with Vermilion
and Turpentine to make Red Wax 314 7 4
For 2319 Pounds of Tallow Candles, for
the Household, and 1870 of Lights
for Paris Candles, called Perchers 31 14 3
Expenses on the Earl’s great Horses,
and the Keeper’s Wages 186 4 3 ob.
Linnen Cloth for the Lord and his
Chaplains, and for the Pantry 43 17 -
For 129 Doz. of Parchment, with Ink 4 8 3
Sum £1230 17 7 ob.
_Item_:
For 2 Cloths of Scarlet for the Earl against
Christmas.
1 Cloth of Russet for the Bishop of Anjou.
70 Cloths of Blue for the Knights (as they
were then termed).
15 Cloths of Medley for the Lord’s Clerks.
28 Cloths for the Esquires.
15 Cloths for Officers.
19 Cloths for Grooms
5 Cloths for Archers.
4 Cloths for Minstrels and Carpenters,
with the Sharing and Carriage for
the Earl’s Liveries at Christmas £460 1 3
_Item_:
For 7 Furs of variable Minever [or
powdered Ermin]
7 Hoods of Purple
395 Furs of Budge, for the Liveries of
Barons, Knights and Clerks
123 Furs of Lambs for Esquires,
bought at Christmas £147 17 8
_Item_:
65 Cloths Saffron Colour, for the
Barons and Knights in summer.
12 Red Cloths mixt for Clerks
26 Cloths Ray for Esquires £ s. d.
1 Cloth Ray for Officers’ Coats in
Summer and
4 Cloths Ray for carpets in the Hall £345 13 8
_Item_:
100 Pieces of Green Silk for the Knights
14 Budge Furs for Surceats
13 Hoods of Budge for Clerks, and
75 Furs of Lambs for the Lord’s
Liveries in summer, with Canvas
and cords to truss them £72 19 -
_Item_:
Saddles for the Lord’s Liveries in
summer £51 6 8
_Item_:
For one Saddle for the Earl of the
Prince’s Arms £2 - -
Sum £1079 18 3
_Item_:
For Things bought whereof nothing
can be read in my Note £241 14 1 ob.
For Horses lost in the Service of
the Earl £86 6 8
Fees paid to Earls, Barons, Knights
and Esquires £628 15 6
In Gifts to Knights of France, the
Queen of England’s Nurses, to
the Countess of Warren,
Esquires, Minstrels, Messengers
and Riders £92 14 -
_Item_:
168 Yards of Russet Cloth, and 24 Coats
for Poor Men, with Money given
to the Poor on Maunday Thursday £8 16 7
_Item_:
24 Silver Dishes, so many Sawcers, and
so many Cups for the Buttery,
one Pair of Paternosters, and
one Silver Coffin, bought this
Year £103 5 6
To divers Messengers about the
Earl’s business £34 19 8
In the Earl’s Chamber £5 - -
To divers Men for the Earl’s old
debts £88 16 - ob.
Sum £1207 7 11
The Expenses of the Countess at
Pickering for the Time of this
Account, as in the Pantry,
Buttery, Kitchen and other
Places, concerning these offices £285 13 4 ob.
In Wine, Wax, Spices, Cleaths, Furs
and other things for the
Countess’s Wardrobe £154 7 4 ob.
Sum £439 8 6 q.
Summa Totalis for the Whole
Expences £7957 13 4 ob.
Thus much for the Earl of Lancaster.
FOOTNOTE:
[25] Title given to the son of the Holy Roman Emperor.
CHAPTER V
FIFTEENTH CENTURY LIFE
INTRODUCTORY NOTES
The Tourney
This is here shown to be a sport, a trial of skill in which groups of
knights encounter. The more serious ordeal by battle or tournament is
a duel often to the death and so the rules for it are more strict and
heavily guarded.
A good lesson on the courtesy of the late chivalric age may be drawn
from this and further illustrated from Froissart. Here as there, and in
Joinville, the care for horses may be seen.
Wages and Coinage
These are chiefly useful for comparison with other periods, especially
those imposed in the Statute of Labourers. The powers of the J.P. may
be noted, also the status of the shepherd due to the importance of wool
for the new cloth manufacture.
Safeguard of the Sea
This and the following extract are important as illustrating the
beginnings of a royal naval policy, the navy to be drawn from merchant
shipping and placed under military commanders. It is in accord with the
policy advocated in 1436 in the Libel of English Policy (see Lipson,
_Economic History of England_). They shew further the rise of the
direct influence of the wealthy wool and cloth merchants in government.
The fleet captured by Wynynton is that of the Hansa League or
Easterling Merchants; the work of Henry IV and Henry V, in copying
Genoese models, enabled English ships for the first time to carry
more than one mast, and so increase both speed and capacity for
artillery. Henry VII and Henry VIII continued this policy but Elizabeth
economized, relying on their provision and on individual patriotic
effort.
Paston Letters
The real meaning of the Wars of the Roses for the society of the time,
emerges from such pictures as those of the need for self protection.
Petition of the Commons
This demand of privilege shows how much the Parliament had gained in
power from the insecure position of Henry IV and Henry V’s need for war
supplies, while the merchants’ wealth grew. It suggests reasons for
Henry VII’s determination to drain their resources.
Alnwick’s Visitations
It must be remembered that an enquiry such as this leads to the airing
of grievances, and so to a one-sided view of the monastic life; also
that by this time the original high standards of most orders were
beginning to droop. Care should be taken to avoid giving children a
biassed view on this subject.
Enclosures
Under the common field system there had always existed closes, or small
fenced pieces of land attached to the owner’s dwelling-house or farm.
It was also a lawful practice in the thirteenth century for lords or
wealthy men to “approve,” i.e., enclose and cultivate portions of the
land hitherto lying waste.
The enclosures of the sixteenth century differ from these. The growth
before 1400 of the wool industry for export, and after that period for
the English manufacture into cloth, raised the value of sheep-farming,
and combined with the shortage of labour to bring about great sheep
farms and a capitalistic system. Wealth was concentrated in the hands
of big merchants, nobles or corporations. In the late sixteenth and
early seventeenth century new methods of farming; rotation of crops,
including roots; dairying; great drainage schemes led to the desire to
escape from the unprogressive open field system; by enclosing, dairy
farms became possible, and the famous brands of English cattle, sheep
and horses could be developed.
The effect of these changes is noted by A. Young in his tours (see p.
229, etc.).
Holinshed gives a short, clear account of the risings which were
brought about by rich or progressive owners enclosing their share of
the common fields, and often more than their share. The illustrations
from Cambridge documents give some of those details which alone enable
children to grasp these social changes.
ORDINANCES RESPECTING TOURNAMENTS
(MS. I, 26, _College of Arms_. _Antiquarian Repertory_, Vol. I, p. 144.)
_First_: whoso breaketh most spears, as they ought to be
broken, shall have the prize.
_Item_: whoso hitteth three times in the helm, shall have
the prize.
_Item_: whoso meeteth three times coronell to coronell shall
have the prize.
_How the prize should be lost._
_First_: whoso striketh a horse shall have no prize.
_Item_: whoso striketh a man, his back turned, or disarmed
of his spear, shall have no prize.
_Item_: whoso hitteth the toyle or tilte thrice, shall have no
prize.
_Item_: whoso unhelms himself twice, shall have no prize,
without his horse fail him.
_How spears broken shall be allowed._
_First_: whoso breaketh a spear between the saddle and the
charnell of the helm, shall be allowed for one.
_Item_: whoso breaketh a spear from the charnell upward,
shall be allowed for two.
_Item_: whoso breaketh a spear so as he strike him down
or put him out of his saddle or disarm him in
such wise as he may not run the next course
after, shall be allowed for three spears broken.
Whereas your most noble grace hast most abundantly given unto four
maidens of your most honourable court, the castle called Loyal, to
dispose according to their pleasure; they have most liberally given
the guard and custody of the same unto a captain and with him fifteen
gentlemen ... they have undertaken the defence of the same ... to
defend and keep the same against all comers....
Item, in any days that this enterprize shall be done, to begin at one
of the clock at afternoon, and to continue until seven of the clock at
afternoon....
... The VI comers shall take a spear and a sword every of them in like
wise, the VI gentlemen putting themselves in range directly against
their fellows, every man his spear on his thigh and his sword where
it shall please him; and then at the sound of the trumpet to charge
and run together all at once everyman to his fellow that shall stand
against him, and so pass through.
Item, the course with the spears passed, everyman to take his sword and
do his best, only the foyne except, choosing his fellow by fortune as
it shall happen, and so to continue until the time that the king shall
command to rest.
Item, if any man of arms break his sword or lose it by any fortune
he may return to the scaffold where the heralds be and there receive
another and so enter into the tourney again. Also it shall not need
that every man confine to still in fighting with him whom he shall
first encounter, but if he will may also search to and fro taking his
advantage, and helping his fellow if need be, always defended that no
man lay hand on other but only with his sword to do his best nor twain
to set upon one alone unless it be in aiding of his fellow as above....
Item, if any man be disarmed, he may withdraw himself if he will; but
once past the bars he may not come again into the tourney, for that
day. Also there shall no man have his servant within the bars with any
piece of harness, for no man shall be within the said bars but such as
shall be assigned by the king’s grace.
Item, who shall best demean himself at the same art of arms shall have
a sword garnished to the value of three hundred crowns or under....
Item, if any man strike a horse with his spear, he shall be put out of
the tourney without any favour incontinent: and if any slay an horse,
he shall pay to the owner of the said horse an hundred crowns in
recompense; also it is not to be thought that any man will strike an
horse willingly: for if it do, it shall be to his great dishonour.
ORDER OF THE TOURNAMENT
First, the quarrels and bills of the challenger and defendant shall be
pleaded in the court before the constable and marshall ... the battle
being appointed the constable shall assign them the day and place, in
sort that it be not within forty days after the battle appointed ...
awarding them how many weapons they shall have, i.e., glaive, long
sword, short sword and dagger....
The king shall find the field to fight in ... the lists must be 60 pace
long and 40 pace broad, in good order, so that the ground be hard,
stable and firm, and equally made, without great stones, the ground
flat; and that the lists be strongly barred about, with one door in the
east, another in the west, with good and strong bars 7 foot high or
more, that a horse cannot leap over them.
The day of the battle, the king shall be in a state upon a high
scaffold, and a place shall be made for the constable and marshall at
the foot of the stairs of the said scaffold, where they shall sit....
When the Challenger cometh ... to the east gate of the lists in such
manner as he will fight with his armour and weapons as is appointed
by the court ... the constable and marshall shall go thither, and
the constable shall ask him what man he is that is come, armed to
the door of the lists? What is his name? And wherefore he is come?
And the challenger shall answer.... Then the constable opening the
umbrel of his helmet, and perceiving him to be the same man which is
the challenger, shall cause the door of the lists to be opened, and
suffer him to enter with his said armour, weapons, victuals, and other
lowable necessaries about him and also his council with him; and then
he shall bring him before the king and to his estate [station] where
he shall attend until the defendant be come. In the like sort shall be
done to the defendant; but that he shall enter in at the west door of
the lists ... the which thing being done, the constable and marshall
shall view the spears of the said challenger and defendant and shall
cause them to be cut and sharpened of equal measure.... [Both parties
being made to swear to their truth and honesty] ... the constable shall
cause them to clasp their hands together and to lay their left hands
upon the Book.... The oaths being ended and every of them led to his
place, their counsellers and friends being taken away from them ... the
constable shall command the marshall to make proclamation at the four
corners of the lists in manner and form following:
“Oies, oies, oies, we charge and command you in the behalf of the
King, the Constable and Marshall, that no man whether of great or
small estate ... be so hardie from henceforth to approach the lists
by four feet nor to speak one word, to make any countenance, sign,
likelihood or noise whereby any of the parties ... may take advantage
of each other, upon peril to lose their life and goods at the king’s
pleasure. That done the constable and marshall shall cause the lists
to be voided of all manner of persons except their lieutenants and two
knights one for the constable and one for the marshall ... but the two
lieutenants ... ought to have in their hands either of them, a spear
without iron, for to part them if the king would cause them to stay in
their fighting, whether it be to rest, or otherwise howsoer it be ...
and the parties being ready to fight as is said, the constable shall
by commandment of the King say with a loud voice: Let them go and rest
awhile; Let them go again and rest awhile; Let them go and do their
indevoir in God’s name.”
WAGES IN THE TIME OF KING HENRY VI, A.D. 1443
(_Antiquarian Repertory_, Vol. III, p. 52)
Where [as] the common people of this realm is greatly annoyed by cause
of sudden departing of servants of husbandry from their masters at end
of their terms without due warning made ... [it is decreed] that every
servant of husbandry purposing to depart from his master at end of his
term, at midst of his term or else before, make Covenant with another
man to serve him for the next year ... in presence of the Constables of
the Towns ... also that the salaries and wages of servants, labourers
and artificers exceed not the assessing that followeth:--
The salary of a Bailly of Husbandry by year 23/4 and clothing, price of
5/-with meat and drink.
Of a chief hind, a carter, a chief shepherd 20/-and clothing, price of
4/-with meat and drink.
A common servant or husbandman 1/-and clothing, price of 40d.
A woman servant 10/-and clothing, price of 4/-with meat and drink.
A child within age of 14 years 6/-and clothing, price 3/- with meat and
drink.
A master tyler or slater, rough mason, and mean carpenter, and other
artificers concerning building, by the day 3d. with meat and drink, and
without meat and drink 3½d., and from every other labourer by the day
2d. with meat and drink, without meat and drink 3½d.
And from the Feast of Michaelmas unto Easter a free mason and a master
carpenter by the day 3d. with meat and drink, without meat and drink
4½d.
Tyler, mean carpenter, rough mason, and other artificers aforesaid
by the day 2½d. with meat and drink, without meat and drink 4d., and
every other workman, and labourer by the day 1½d. with meat and drink,
and without meat and drink 3d., and who that less deserveth to take
less; provided that the said assessing extend unto labourers in time of
harvest, about harvest labour in which the wages of a mower exceed not
by the day 4d. with meat and drink and without meat and drink 6d. A man
reaper or carter 3d. by the day with meat and drink, and without meat
and drink 5d. A woman labourer and other labourers in harvest by the
day 2½d. with meat and drink, and without meat and drink 4½d., and such
as are worth less to take less, and in places where less is used to be
taken, less to be taken hereafter. And that none artificer, workman,
nor labourer, take anything for any holiday, nor for no workaday,
except after the rate of the time of day in which he laboureth; and if
any person refuse to serve or labour according to the premises that
every Justice of the Peace in their shires have power ... to commit
to prison, there to abide until they have found suretie sufficient to
serve and labour in form by law required.
PETITION FOR THE COINAGE OF HALFPENCE AND FARTHINGS, A.D. 1444
(Rol. Parl. V. 23 Hen. VI)
To the right worshipful and discreet Commons in this present Parlement
assembled;
Please it unto your said great and high discretions to consider the
great hurt that the poor Commons of this noble realm of England have
and suffer at this time for default of Halfpennies and Farthings of
silver; insomuch that men travelling over countries, for part of their
expenses of necessity must dispart our sovereign Lord’s coin, that is
to wit, a penny in two pieces, or else forgo all the same penny for
the payment of an halfpenny; and also the poor common retailers of
victuals, and of other needful things, for default of such coinage of
halfpennies and farthings oftentimes may not sell their said victuals
and things, and many of our said sovereign Lord’s poor liege people
which would buy such victuals or other small things necessary, may not
buy them for default of halfpence and farthings not had, neither on
the party buyer, nor on the party seller: which scarcity and wanting
of halfpence and farthings hath fall, and daily yet doth, because that
for their great weight and their fineness of alloy, they be tried and
molten, and put into other use, unto the increase of winning of them
that so do....
... enact ... that every pound weight of the Tower ... which be now
of the number of 30/-from this time forth, to be of the number of
33/-, no fineness abated of the alloy ... moreover that halfpennies
and farthings run not, only in payment of great sums among the people,
without other money among; that is to say that no man be bound to
receive in payment but after the quantity and rate, in every 20/-of
grotes, half grotes and pence, twelve pence in halfpence and farthings
and no more; and yet, [even] that by the will and consent of him that
shall receive the payment; and this ordinance endure unto the next
Parlement; provided also that no white money, as grote, halfgrote,
penny, halfpenny, nor farthings, be broken nor molten for the cause
above said, on pain of forfeiture to the king, the double value of
as much as is so molten or broken; considering furthermore that by
this means, plenty of halfpennies and farthings shall be had in short
time through this said realm, and the people greatly eased, and the
king profited in his seigneurage, and all clipping and melting of
halfpennies and farthings hereafter finally fordone.
_Response_: Soit fait sicome il est desire, etc.
FOR THE SAFEGUARD OF THE SEA
(Petition of the Commons, 1442. 20th Henry VI Rot. Parl. V, 59)
Prayen the Commons, that it please the King, our sovereign Lord, for
the safe keeping of the sea, to ordain and authorise by the authority
of this Parlement ...
Forasmuch as it is thought by all the Commons of this land, that it is
necessary the sea to be kept, there must purveyance be made for certain
ships defensably in manner and form following:
First it is thought that least purveyance that can be made for the
worship of the King our Sovereign Lord, and welfare and defence of
this realm of England is for to have upon the sea continually, for the
seasons of the year from Candlemas to Martinmas 8 ships with forstages,
the which ships it is thought must have one with another, each of them
150 men, sum (1200) men.
Item, every great ship must have attending upon him a barge and a
balinger, and every barge must have 24 men, sum 146 men.
Item, the 8 balingers must have in each of them 40 men, sum 320 men.
There must be awaiting and attendant upon them 4 Spynes, in each
spyne 25 men, sum 100 men; sum of the men 260 men, every man taking 11
shillings by the month, amounteth in the month £226.
[Follows a list of “where the ships are to be had,” Bristol, Hull,
Dartmouth, Newcastle, etc. each contributing certain vessels named].
Item, it is thought there should be chosen and named, eight Knights,
and worthy Squires of the West, South and of the North, so that no
countrie should be dispesid (sic) [despised]; and thereof the King our
Sovereign Lord chose such one as him liketh to be a chief Captain; and
other seven as the King liketh of the said eight, for to attend the
said Captain; so that every great ship have a Captain within board.
Item, it is to remember that the King will give them in charge, by his
officers to them sent, that all these said ships stuffed and arrayed,
make their first assemble in the Cuambre ... there to obey such rule
and governance, as by their Captain and under captain shall to them be
ordained and there muster of every ship to be seen by such persons as
the King will depute thereto by his commission.
Item, there such proclamation and ordinance to be made and established
amongst and in the said Navy, that none ship or ships harm nor hurt
none other ship of our friends; where through any trouble or breaking
of Peace might fall between the King our Sovereign Lord, and other of
his Friends.
Item, it is thought necessary, that if any ship or ships be taken as
enemies, when the goods in the said ship be brought into any port of
this land; that the goods nor the ships be not disperbled nor divided,
unto the time that it be duly known, whether it be enemies’ goods or
friends’ goods; foreseen always that the press be made within the six
weeks after the landing or havening of said ship or ships and goods so
taken....
Item, it is thought that the goods and ships that may be taken by them,
in the sea of our enemies, shall be departed in the form after serving;
that is to say, the masters of the ships, quartermasters, shipmen and
soldiers shall have half of the ships and goods so taken, and other
half of the ship and goods shall be departed in three, of which the
owners of the ships, barges, balingers and spynaces shall have two
parts, and the chief Captain and under captains the third part; the
chief captain shall have double that one of the under captains shall
have.
_N.B._--[Payment of the Navy to be made out of the Tonnage and
Poundage.]
CAPTURE OF FRENCH AND HANSARD SHIPPING,
_A.D._ 1449
(_Paston Letters_, Vol. I, p. 84)
Part of Robert Wynyngtone’s report of his service to the king “for the
cleansing of the sea, and rebuking of the robbers and pirates thereof,
which daily do all the noisance they can.”
First I send you word, that when we went to sea, we took two ships of
Brest coming out of Flanders; and then after, there is made a great
arming in Britanny to meet with me and my fellowships, that is to say,
the great ship of Brest, the great ship of the Morlaix, the great ship
of Vannes, with other viij ships, barges and balingers to the number of
iij mli [thousand men;] and so we lay in the sea to meet with them.
And then we met with a fleet of a hundred great ships of Prussia,
Lubeck, Campe, Rastocke, Holland, Zealand and Flanders, between
Guernsey and Portland; and then I came aboard the Admiral and bade
them strike in the King’s name of England, and they bade me skite [?
strike] in the King’s name of England; and then I and my fellowships
said, but he will strike down the sail, that I would oversail him, by
the grace of God, an God will send me wind and weather; and they bade
me do my worst, by cause I had so few ships and so small that they
scorned with me. And as God would, on Friday last was, we had a good
wind, and then we armed to the number of ii.m. men in my fellowship,
and made us ready for to oversail them; and then they launched a boat
and set up a standard of truce, and come and spake with me. And there
they were yielded all the hundred ships to go with me in what port that
me lust and my fellows; but they fought with me the day before and
shot at us a j.m. guns, and quarrel out of number, and have slain many
of my fellowships, and maimed also. Wherefore me thinketh that they
have forfeit both ships and goods at our sovereign lord the King will
... and so I have brought them all the hundred ships, within Wight,
in spite of them all ... for I dare well say that I have here at this
time all the chief ships, of Dutchland [Germany], Holland, Zealand and
Flanders, and now it were time for to treat for a final peace as for
that parte.
MISRULE IN NORFOLK
LETTER TO PASTON FROM HIS WIFE, A.D. 1449
(_Paston Letters_, Vol. I, p. 82).
Right worshipful husband,
I recommend me to you and pray you to get some cross bows and windacs
to bind them with, and quarrels; for our houses here be so low that
there may no man shoot out with no long bow, though we had never so
much need.
I suppose ye should have such things of Sir John Falstaff, if ye would
send to him; and also I would ye should get ij or iij short pollaxes to
keep within doors, and as many jacks, an ye may.
Partridge [one of Molyns’ men] and his fellowship are sore afraid that
ye would enter again upon them, and they have made great ordinance
within the house, as it is told me. They have made bars to bar the
doors crosswise, and they have made wickets on every quarter of the
house to shoot out at, both with bows and with hand guns; and the holes
that be made for hand guns, they be scarce knee high from the plancher
[floor], and of such holes be made five. There can no man shoot out at
them with no hand bows.
I pray you that you will vouch save to do buy for me 1 lb. of almonds
and 1 lb. of sugar, and that ye will do buy some frieze to make of your
child his gowns; ye shall have best cheap and best choice of Hayes wife
as it is told me. And that ye would buy a yard of broad cloth of black
for an hood for me of XIIIjd or IIIjs a yard, for there is neither
good cloth nor good frieze in this town. As for the child his gowns, an
I have them I will do them maken.
The Trinity have you in his (sic) keeping, and send you good speed in
all your matters.
PETITION OF JOHN PASTON, ESQ.
(_Paston Letters_, Vol. I, pp. 106-8)
To the King, our Sovereign Lord, and to the right wise and discreet
Lords, assembled in this present Parliament.
Beseecheth meekly your humble liegeman, John Paston, that where [as]
he and other ... have be peaceably possessed of the manor of Gresham,
within the county of Norfolk xx year and more, till the xxij day of
February, the year of your noble reign xxvi, that Robert Hungerford,
Knight, the Lord Molyns, entered in to the said manor ... the said
Lord sent to the mansion a riotous people, to the number of a thousand
persons ... arrayed in manner of war, with cuirasse, briganders, jacks,
salettes, glaives, bowes, arrows, pavyse (shields) pans with fire
burning therein, long cromes (hooks) to draw down houses, ladders,
pikes, with which they mined down the walls, and long trees with which
they broke up gates and doors, and so came into the said mansion, the
wife of your beseecher being at that time therein, and xlj persons with
her; the which persons they drove out of the said mansion, and mined
down the wall of the chamber wherein the wife of your said beseecher
was, and bare her out at the gates, and cut asunder the posts of the
houses and let them fall, and broke up all the chambers and coffers
within the said mansion, and rifled, and in manner of robbery bare
away all the stuffe, array, and money that your said beseecher and his
servants had there, unto the value of ccli ... saying openly that if
they might have found there your said beseecher and one John Damme,
which is of council with him, and divers others of the servants of your
said beseecher, they should have died. And yet [i.e. still] divers of
the said misdoers and riotous people unknown, contrary to your laws,
daily keep the said manor with force, and lie in wait.... And also
they compel poor tenants of the said manor, now within their danger,
against their will, to take feigned plaints in the courts of the
hundred there against the ... servants of your said beseecher, who dare
not appear to answer for fear of bodily harm, nor can get no copies of
the said plaints, to remedy them by the law, because he that keepeth
the said courts is of covyn with the said misdoers and was one of the
said risers....
Please it your highness, ... to purvey ... that your said beseecher may
be restored to the said goods and chattels thus riotously taken away
... and that the said Lord Molynes and his servants be set in such a
rule, that your said beseecher, his friends, tenants and servants may
be sure and safe from hurt of their persons, and peaceably occupy their
lands and tenements under your laws without oppression or unrightful
vexation of any of them; and that the said risers and causers thereof
may be punished, that other may eschew to make any such rising in this
your land of peace in time coming. And he shall pray to God for you.
PETITION OF THE COMMONS TO HENRY VI IN 1460 ON BEHALF OF WALTER CLERK,
M.P.
(_Antiquarian Repertory_, Vol. III, p. 265)
To the King our Sovereign Lord; Prayen the Commons,
Forasmuch that great delay has been in this Parlement, by that Walter
Clerk, Burgess of Chippenham in the shire of Wilts, which came by your
high commandment to this your present Parlement, and attending to the
same in the House for the Commons accustomed, the freedom of which
Commons so called, hath ever before this time been and oweth to be,
the same Commons to have free coming, going and there abiding: against
which freedom the said Walter was, after his said coming, and during
this your present Parlement, arrested at your suit for a fine to be
made to your Highness, and imprisoned in the Counter of London, and
from thence removed into your Exchequer, and then committed into your
prison of Fleet ... and sithen that committing, the said Walter was
outlawed.... Please it your Highness ... him to dismiss at large ...
so that the said Walter may daily tend of this your Parlement, as his
duty is to do.... Saving also to your said Commons called now to this
your Parlement, and their successors, their whole Liberties, Franchises
and Privileges in as ample form and manner, as your said Commons at any
time afore this day have had, used and enjoyed and oweth to have, use
and enjoy....
Response:--Le Roy le voelt.
CONDITION OF RELIGIOUS HOUSES
VISITATION OF BARDNEY
(_Alnwick’s Visitations of Religious Houses_, Vol. II, 1436-1449. Ed.,
A. Hamilton Thompson. Lincoln Record Society)
In the year A.D. 1437 in the chapter house of the monastery of Bardney,
of the Order of St. Benet, of the diocese of Lincoln, these appeared
before ... William ... bishop of Lincoln ... brother John Waynflete,
abbot of the same monastery and the monks of the same place ... to
undergo with lowliness the visitation of the said reverend father....
Brother John Waynflete, the abbot, being examined says that they are
sixteen in number ... also he says that there are three establishments
in the monastery, to wit the abbot’s hall, the infirmary and the
frater; and sometimes the monks that do stay in the infirmary take
their meals not together but separately, to wit, one by himself, and
another by himself and a third by himself, and send their broken meat
into the town whither they will, and so the alms are wholly wasted.
Also he says that whatsoever guests come down to the monastery are
entertained in the guestmaster’s quarters, and not, as is the usual
custom, in the abbot’s hall.
Also he says that long and many watchings are kept at night in the
guest-house in the infirmary, at which beer from the frater is
consumed, and this by monks who spend their time in such offences
against discipline and will not give them up.
Also he says that all day long they sit in the frater drinking and
spending their time in messes and drinkings as though it were a public
tavern, and to these they bring in secular folk.
Also he says that the monks too often make expeditions into the town
of Bardney, where for their ease they haunt the taverns to the great
scandal of the monastery....
Also he says that the church, manors, granges and tenements belonging
to the monastery are much dilapidated and stand in need of large
repairs. Also he says that the monastery is many ways in debt, as is
apparent in the roll delivered to my lord.
Also he says that there is a sore division and discord among almost all
of the convent who are confederate together and in conspiracy one with
another against Thomas Bartone....
Also he says that the baker, the brewer, the porter, the smith and the
lime-burner receive corrodies severally of a large amount [and] do eat
almost daily of the abbot’s victuals.
Also he says that they who abide in the frater have each his separate
dish and they in the infirmary do eat by two and two, and every day in
the frater they will have at least three sorts of fish.
Also he says that women have too free and often access to the cloister
precincts and most especially to the infirmary [where there is] eating,
drinking and chattering between the monks and the same women to the
great expense and scandal [of the monastery].
Also he says that in the conventual church the monks almost of custom
do chatter with women during divine service [in a very ...] manner, by
reason whereof the monastery is very evil spoken of.
Also he says that each monk receives for his clothing year by year
forty shillings in divers parcels.
* * * * *
Brother John Rose, deacon, says that a young layman who dwells with
the abbot did most foully browbeat and scold this deponent, and it is
notorious [that] this youth, by name Taylboys, is upheld by the abbot
against the young monks.
Also he says ... that the chantries of Partney and Skandleley and the
others are not served.
Also he says as above concerning the scanty supply of victuals for the
monks in the frater and infirmary, insomuch that after their meals
nothing is left for the sustenance of their serving men or for the alms
and this is Bartone’s default.
Also he says that Bartone is every night in the infirmary without
lawful cause.
Also he says that the injunctions made by the last my lord of Lincoln
in his visitation are not observed in aught, nor are they shown
publicly in the Chapterhouse.
Brother Richard Anderby says that Bartone makes too much haste in
singing the psalms and in other [parts of the service], causing discord
among them when they chant.
Also the same Bartone is past bearing among the brethren, and all that
he has he wastes in meat and drink and presents, that he may win to
himself for his support the influence of layfolk.
Also he speaks of the unwary and improvident sale of manors.
CATESBY PRIORY
Sister Juliane Wolfe says that there should be two lights burning in
the upper church and quire in time of divine service (p. 47).
Also she says that the prioress does not shew the account of her
administrations to the Sisters.
Also she says that the prioress has pawned the jewels of the house....
Also she says that the prioress did threaten that, if the nuns
disclosed aught in the visitation, they should pay for it in prison.
* * * * *
Also Isabel Wavere, the prioress’ mother, rules almost the whole house
together with Joan Colworthe, the kinswoman of a certain priest, and
these two do carry all the keys of the offices.
Also when guests come to the house, the prioress sends out the young
nuns to make their beds, the which is a scandal to the house and a
perilous thing.
Also the prioress does not give the nuns satisfaction in the matter of
raiment and money for victuals: and she says that touching the premises
the prioress is in the nuns’ debt for three-quarters of a year.
Also the buildings and tenements both within and without the priory are
dilapidated, and many have fallen to the ground because of default in
repairs.
Dame Isabel Benet says that when the prioress is enraged against any
of the nuns, she calls them whores and pulls them by the hair, even in
quire....
The prioress denies the article of cruelty as regards calling them
whores and beggars; she denies also the violent laying of hands upon
the nuns.
As to not having rendered an account, she confesses it, and for the
reason that she has not a clerk who can write.
As to the burden of debt she refers herself to the account now to be
rendered.
As to the neglection in repairing the sheep-folds, she refers herself
to the visible evidence.
As to pawning the cup, she says that the same was done with the consent
of the convent for the payment of tithes....
As to the disclosures on the last visitation and the reproaching of
them that made them and the whipping, she denies the article....
As to her mother and Joan Coleworthe, she denies the article.
As to the bedmaking and the other tasks she denies the article.
As to withholding victuals and raiment from the nuns, she confesses it
in part.
As to the dilapidation of the outer tenements, she says that they are
partly in repair and partly not.
As to the sowing of discord, she says that she might have done this,
she is not certain....
She has the morrow for clearing herself, of [the articles] she has
denied, with four of her sisters, and to receive penance for those she
has confessed. At the which term she brought forward no compurgators;
... she was pronounced to be convicted....