Raisonné of Oriental Manuscripts,' [152] it is recorded that "they
build houses over mountain torrents, previously throwing trees across
the chasms; and these houses are in the midst of forests of fifty
or more miles in extent. The reason of choosing such situations is
stated to be in order that they may more readily escape by passing
underneath their houses, and through the defile, in the event of
any disagreement and hostile attack in reference to other rulers or
neighbours. They cultivate independently, and pay tax or tribute
to no one. If the zemindar of the neighbourhood troubles them for
tribute, they go in a body to his house by night, set it on fire,
plunder, and kill; and then retreat, with their entire households,
into the wilds and fastnesses. They do in like manner with any of the
zemindar's subordinates, if troublesome to them. If they are courted,
and a compact is made with them, they will then abstain from any wrong
or disturbance. If the zemindar, unable to bear with them, raise
troops and proceed to destroy their houses, they escape underneath
by a private way, as above mentioned. The invaders usually burn the
houses, and retire. If the zemindar forego his demands, and make an
agreement with them, they rebuild their houses in the same situations,
and then render assistance to him."
The modern Savara settlement is described by Mr. Fawcett as having
two rows of huts parallel and facing each other. "Huts," he writes,
"are generally built of upright pieces of wood stuck in the ground,
6 or 8 inches apart, and the intervals filled in with stones and mud
laid alternately, and the whole plastered over with red mud. Huts are
invariably built a few feet above the level of the ground, often, when
the ground is very uneven, 5 feet above the ground in front. Roofs are
always thatched with grass. There is usually but one door, near one
end wall; no windows or ventilators, every chink being filled up. In
front of the doorway there is room for six or eight people to stand,
and there is a loft, made by cross-beams, about 5 feet from the floor,
on which grain is stored in baskets, and under which the inmates
crawl to do their cooking. Bits of sun-dried buffalo meat and bones,
not smelling over-sweet, are suspended from the rafters, or here and
there stuck in between the rafters and the thatch; knives, a tangi
(battle-axe), a sword, and bows and arrows may also be seen stuck in
somewhere under the thatch. Agricultural implements may be seen, too,
small ones stuck under the roof or on the loft, and larger ones against
the wall. As in Ireland, the pig is of sufficient importance to have
a room in the house. There is generally merely a low wall between the
pig's room and the rest of the house, and a separate door, so that it
may go in and out without going through that part of the house occupied
by the family. Rude drawings are very common in Saora houses. They
are invariably, if not always, in some way that I could never clearly
apprehend, connected with one of the fetishes in the house." "When,"
Mr. Ramamurti writes, "a tiger enters a cottage and carries away
an inmate, the villages are deserted, and sacrifices are offered to
some spirits by all the inhabitants. The prevalence of small-pox in
a village requires its abandonment. A succession of calamities leads
to the same result. If a Savara has a number of wives, each of them
sometimes requires a separate house, and the house sites are frequently
shifted according to the caprice of the women. The death or disease
of cattle is occasionally followed by the desertion of the house."
When selecting a site for a new dwelling hut, the Maliah Savaras place
on the proposed site as many grains of rice in pairs as there are
married members in the family, and cover them over with a cocoanut
shell. They are examined on the following day, and, if they are all
there, the site is considered auspicious. Among the Kapu Savaras,
the grains of rice are folded up in leaflets of the bael tree (Ægle
Marmelos), and placed in split bamboo.
It is recorded by Mr. Fawcett, in connection with the use of the
duodecimal system by the Savaras that, "on asking a Gomango how
he reckoned when selling produce to the Panos, he began to count
on his fingers. In order to count 20, he began on the left foot
(he was squatting), and counted 5; then with the left hand 5 more;
then with the two first fingers of the right hand he made 2 more,
i.e., 12 altogether; then with the thumb of the right hand and the
other two fingers of the same, and the toes of the right foot he made 8
more. And so it was always. They have names for numerals up to 12 only,
and to count 20 always count first twelve and then eight in the manner
described, except that they may begin on either hand or foot. To count
50 or 60, they count by twenties, and put down a stone or some mark
for each twenty. There is a Saora story accounting for their numerals
being limited to 12. One day, long ago, some Saoras were measuring
grain in a field, and, when they had measured 12 measures of some
kind, a tiger pounced in on them and devoured them. So, ever after,
they dare not have a numeral above 12, for fear of a tiger repeating
the performance."
The Savaras are described by Mr. Fawcett as "below the middle height;
face rather flat; lips thick; nose broad and flat; cheek bones high;
eyes slightly oblique. They are as fair as the Uriyas, and fairer
than the Telugus of the plains. Not only is the Saora shorter and
fairer than other hill people, but his face is distinctly Mongolian,
the obliquity of the eyes being sometimes very marked, and the inner
corners of the eyes are generally very oblique. [The Mongolian type
is clearly brought out in the illustration.] The Saora's endurance
in going up and down hill, whether carrying heavy loads or not,
is wonderful. Four Saoras have been known to carry a 10-stone man
in a chair straight up a 3,800 feet hill without relief, and without
rest. Usually, the Saora's dress (his full dress) consists of a large
bunch of feathers (generally white) stuck in his hair on the crown
of his head, a coloured cloth round his head as a turban, and worn
much on the back of the head, and folded tightly, so as to be a good
protection to the head. When feathers are not worn, the hair is tied
on the top of the head, or a little at the side of it. A piece of
flat brass is another head ornament. It is stuck in the hair, which
is tied in a knot at the crown of the head, at an angle of about 40°
from the perpendicular, and its waving up and down motion as a man
walks has a curious effect. Another head ornament is a piece of wood,
about 8 or 9 inches in length and 3/4 inch in diameter, with a flat
button about 2 inches in diameter on the top, all covered with hair
or coloured thread, and worn in the same position as the flat piece
of brass. A peacock's feather, or one or two of the tail feathers
of the jungle cock, may be often seen stuck in the knot of hair on
the top of the head. A cheroot or two, perhaps half smoked, may
often be seen sticking in the hair of a man or woman, to be used
again when wanted. They also smoke pipes, and the old women seem
particularly fond of them. Round the Saora's neck are brass and bead
necklaces. A man will wear as many as thirty necklaces at a time,
or rather necklaces of various lengths passed as many as thirty times
round his neck. Round the Saora's waist, and under his fork, is tied a
cloth with coloured ends hanging in front and behind. When a cloth on
the body is worn, it is usually worn crossed in front. The women wear
necklaces like the men. Their hair is tied at the back of the head,
and is sometimes confined with a fillet. They wear only one cloth, tied
round the waist. During feasts, or when dancing, they generally wear
a cloth over the shoulders. Every male wears a small ring, generally
of silver, in the right nostril, and every female wears a similar ring
in each nostril, and in the septum. As I have been told, these rings
are put in the nose on the eighth or tenth day after birth. Bangles
are often worn by men and women. Anklets, too, are sometimes worn by
the women. Brass necklets and many other ornaments are made in Saora
hills by the Gangsis, a low tribe of workers in brass. The Saora's
weapons are the bow, sometimes ornamented with peacock's feathers,
sword, dagger, and tangi. The bow used by the Saoras is much smaller
than the bow used by any of the other hill people. It is generally
about 3 1/2 feet long, and the arrows from 18 to 21 inches. The bow
is always made of bamboo, and so is the string. The arrows are reeds
tipped with iron, and leathered on two sides only. A blunt-headed
arrow is used for shooting birds. Every Saora can use the bow from
boyhood, and can shoot straight up to 25 or 30 yards."
As regards the marriage customs of the Savaras, Mr. Fawcett writes that
"a Saora may marry a woman of his own or of any other village. A man
may have as many as three wives, or, if he is a man of importance,
such as Gomango of a large village, he may have four. Not that there
is any law in the matter, but it is considered that three, or at
most four, are as many as a man can manage. For his first marriage,
a man chooses a young woman he fancies; his other wives are perhaps
her sisters, or other women who have come to him. A woman may leave
her husband whenever she pleases. Her husband cannot prevent her. When
a woman leaves her husband to join herself to another, the other pays
the husband she has left a buffalo and a pig. Formerly, it is said,
if he did not pay up, the man she left would kill the man to whom she
went. Now arbitration comes into play. I believe a man usually takes
a second wife after his first has had a child; if he did so before,
the first wife would say he was impotent. As the getting of the
first wife is more troublesome and expensive than getting the others,
she is treated the best. In some places, all a man's wives are said
to live together peaceably. It is not the custom in the Kolakotta
villages. Knowing the wives would fight if together, domestic felicity
is maintained by keeping up different establishments. A man's wives
will visit one another in the daytime, but one wife will never spend
the night in the house of another. An exception to this is that the
first wife may invite one of the other wives to sleep in her house
with the husband. As each wife has her separate house, so has she her
separate piece of ground on the hill-side to cultivate. The wives will
not co-operate in working each other's cultivation, but they will work
together, with the husband, in the paddy fields. Each wife keeps the
produce of the ground she cultivates in her own house. Produce of the
paddy fields is divided into equal shares among the wives. If a wife
will not work properly, or if she gives away anything belonging to
her husband, she may be divorced. Any man may marry a divorced woman,
but she must pay to her former husband a buffalo and a pig. If a man
catches his wife in adultery (he must see her in the act), he thinks he
has a right to kill her, and her lover too. But this is now generally
(but not always) settled by arbitration, and the lover pays up. A wife
caught in adultery will never be retained as a wife. As any man may
have as many as three wives, illicit attachments are common. During
large feasts, when the Saoras give themselves up to sensuality,
there is no doubt a great deal of promiscuous intercourse. A widow
is considered bound to marry her husband's brother, or his brother's
sons if he has no younger brothers. A number of Saoras once came to me
to settle a dispute. They were in their full dress, with feathers and
weapons. The dispute was this. A young woman's husband was dead, and
his younger brother was almost of an age to take her to wife. She had
fixed her affections on a man of another village, and made up her mind
to have him and no one else. Her village people wanted compensation
in the shape of a buffalo, and also wanted her ornaments. The men of
the other village said no, they could not give a buffalo. Well, they
should give a pig at least--no, they had no pig. Then they must give
some equivalent. They would give one rupee. That was not enough--at
least three rupees. They were trying to carry the young woman off
by force to make her marry her brother-in-law, but were induced to
accept the rupee, and have the matter settled by their respective
Bissoyis. The young woman was most obstinate, and insisted on having
her own choice, and keeping her ornaments. Her village people had no
objection to her choice, provided the usual compensation was paid.
"In one far out-of-the-way village the marriage ceremony consists
in this. The bride's father is plied with liquor two or three times;
a feast is made in the bridegroom's house, to which the bride comes
with her father; and after the feast she remains in the man's house
as his wife. They know nothing of capture. In the Kolakotta valley,
below this village, a different custom prevails. The following is
an account of a Saora marriage as given by the Gomango of one of the
Kolakotta villages, and it may be taken as representative of the purest
Saora marriage ceremony. 'I wished to marry a certain girl, and, with
my brother and his son, went to her house. I carried a pot of liquor,
and arrow, and one brass bangle for the girl's mother. Arrived at
the house, I put the liquor and the arrow on the floor. I and the
two with me drank the liquor--no one else had any. The father of the
girl said 'Why have you brought the liquor?' I said 'Because I want
your daughter.' He said 'Bring a big pot of liquor, and we will talk
about it.' I took the arrow I brought with me, and stuck it in the
thatch of the roof just above the wall, took up the empty pot, and
went home with those who came with me. Four days afterwards, with the
same two and three others of my village, I went to the girl's father's
house with a big pot of liquor. About fifteen or twenty people of
the village were present. The father said he would not give the girl,
and, saying so, he smashed the pot of liquor, and, with those of his
village, beat us so that we ran back to our village. I was glad of the
beating, as I know by it I was pretty sure of success. About ten days
afterwards, ten or twenty of my village people went with me again,
carrying five pots of liquor, which we put in the girl's father's
house. I carried an arrow, which I stuck in the thatch beside the
first one. The father and the girl's nearest male relative each took
one of the arrows I had put in the thatch, and, holding them in their
left hands, drank some of the liquor. I now felt sure of success. I
then put two more arrows in the father's left hand, holding them in
his hand with both of my hands over his, and asked him to drink. Two
fresh arrows were likewise placed in the left hands of all the girl's
male relatives, while I asked them to drink. To each female relative
of the girl I gave a brass bangle, which I put on their right wrists
while I asked them to drink. The five pots of liquor were drunk by
the girl's male and female relations, and the villagers. When the
liquor was all drunk, the girl's father said 'Come again in a month,
and bring more liquor.' In a month I went again, with all the people
of my village, men, women and children, dancing as we went (to music
of course), taking with us thirty pots of liquor, and a little rice
and a cloth for the girl's mother; also some hill dholl (pulse),
which we put in the father's house. The liquor was set down in the
middle of the village, and the villagers, and those who came with me,
drank the liquor and danced. The girl did not join in this; she was
in the house. When the liquor was finished, my village people went
home, but I remained in the father's house. For three days I stayed,
and helped him to work in his fields. I did not sleep with the girl;
the father and I slept in one part of the house, and the girl and her
mother in another. At the end of the three days I went home. About
ten days afterwards, I, with about ten men of my village, went to
watch for the girl going to the stream for water. When we saw her,
we caught her, and ran away with her. She cried out and the people of
her village came after us, and fought with us. We got her off to my
village, and she remained with me as my wife. After she became my wife,
her mother gave her a cloth and a bangle." The same individual said
that, if a man wants a girl, and cannot afford to give the liquor,
etc., to her people, he takes her off by force. If she likes him,
she remains, but, if not, she runs home. He will carry her off three
times, but not oftener; and, if after the third time she again runs
away, he leaves her. The Saoras themselves say that formerly every
one took his wife by force. In a case which occurred a few years ago,
a bridegroom did not comply with the usual custom of giving a feast
to the bride's people, and the bride's mother objected to the marriage
on that account. The bridegroom's party, however, managed to carry off
the bride. Her mother raised an alarm, whereon a number of people ran
up, and tried to stop the bridegroom's party. They were outnumbered,
and one was knocked down, and died from rupture of the spleen.
A further account of the Saora marriage customs is given by
Mr. Ramamurti Pantulu, who writes as follows. "When the parents of
a young man consider it time to seek a bride for him, they make
enquiries and even consult their relatives and friends as to a
suitable girl for him. The girl's parents are informally apprised of
their selection. On a certain day, the male relatives of the youth
go to the girl's house to make a proposal of marriage. Her parents,
having received previous notice of the visit, have the door of the
house open or closed, according as they approve or disapprove of
the match. On arrival at the house, the visitors knock at the door,
and, if it is open, enter without further ceremony. Sometimes the
door is broken open. If the girl's parents object to the match, they
remain silent, and will not touch the liquor brought by the visitors,
and they go away. Should, however, they regard it with favour, they
charge the visitors with intruding, shower abuse on them, and beat
them, it may be, so severely that wounds are inflicted, and blood is
shed. This ill-treatment is borne cheerfully, and without resistance,
as it is a sign that the girl's hand will be bestowed on the young
man. The liquor is then placed on the floor, and, after more abuse,
all present partake thereof. If the girl's parents refuse to give
her in marriage after the performance of this ceremony, they have
to pay a penalty to the parents of the disappointed suitor. Two or
three days later, the young man's relatives go a second time to the
girl's house, taking with them three pots of liquor, and a bundle
composed of as many arrows as there are male members in the girl's
family. The liquor is drunk, and the arrows are presented, one to each
male. After an interval of some days, a third visit is paid, and three
pots of liquor smeared with turmeric paste, and a quantity of turmeric,
are taken to the house. The liquor is drunk, and the turmeric paste
is smeared over the back and haunches of the girl's relatives. Some
time afterwards, the marriage ceremony takes place. The bridegroom's
party proceed to the house of the bride, dancing and singing to
the accompaniment of all the musical instruments except the drum,
which is only played at funerals. With them they take twenty big
pots of liquor, a pair of brass bangles and a cloth for the bride's
mother, and head cloths for the father, brothers, and other male
relatives. When everything is ready, the priest is called in. One of
the twenty pots is decorated, and an arrow is fixed in the ground at
its side. The priest then repeats prayers to the invisible spirits
and ancestors, and pours some of the liquor into leaf-cups prepared
in the names of the ancestors [Jojonji and Yoyonji, male and female],
and the chiefs of the village. This liquor is considered very sacred,
and is sprinkled from a leaf over the shoulders and feet of the
elders present. The father of the bride, addressing the priest, says
'Boya, I have drunk the liquor brought by the bridegroom's father,
and thereby have accepted his proposal for a marriage between his son
and my daughter. I do not know whether the girl will afterwards agree
to go to her husband, or not. Therefore it is well that you should ask
her openly to speak out her mind.' The priest accordingly asks the girl
if she has any objection, and she replies 'My father and mother, and
all my relatives have drunk the bridegroom's liquor. I am a Savara, and
he is a Savara. Why then should I not marry him?' Then all the people
assembled proclaim that the pair are husband and wife. This done, the
big pot of liquor, which has been set apart from the rest, is taken
into the bride's house. This pot, with another pot of liquor purchased
at the expense of the bride's father, is given to the bridegroom's
party when it retires. Every house-holder receives the bridegroom
and his party at his house, and offers them liquor, rice, and flesh,
which they cannot refuse to partake of without giving offence."
"Whoever," Mr. Ramamurti continues, "marries a widow, whether it is her
husband's younger brother or some one of her own choice, must perform a
religious ceremony, during which a pig is sacrificed. The flesh, with
some liquor, is offered to the ghost of the widow's deceased husband,
and prayers are addressed by the Boyas to propitiate the ghost, so
that it may not torment the woman and her second husband. 'Oh! man,'
says the priest, addressing the deceased by name, 'Here is an animal
sacrificed to you, and with this all connection between this woman
and you ceases. She has taken with her no property belonging to
you or your children. So do not torment her within the house or
outside the house, in the jungle or on the hill, when she is asleep
or when she wakes. Do not send sickness on her children. Her second
husband has done no harm to you. She chose him for her husband, and he
consented. Oh! man, be appeased; Oh! unseen ones; Oh! ancestors, be you
witnesses.' The animal sacrificed on this occasion is called long danda
(inside fine), or fine paid to the spirit of a dead person inside the
earth. The animal offered up, when a man marries a divorced woman,
is called bayar danda (outside fine), or fine paid as compensation
to a man living outside the earth. The moment that a divorcée marries
another man, her former husband pounces upon him, shoots his buffalo
or pig dead with an arrow, and takes it to his village, where its
flesh is served up at a feast. The Boya invokes the unseen spirits,
that they may not be angry with the man who has married the woman,
as he has paid the penalty prescribed by the elders according to the
immemorial custom of the Savaras.
From a still further account of the ceremonial observances in
connection with marriage, with variations, I gather that the liquor
is the fermented juice of the salop or sago palm (Caryota urens),
and is called ara-sal. On arrival at the girl's house, on the
first occasion, the young man's party sit at the door thereof, and,
making three cups from the leaves kiredol (Uncaria Gambier) or jak
(Artocarpus integrifolia), pour the liquor into them, and lay them on
the ground. As the liquor is being poured into the cups, certain names,
which seem to be those of the ancestors, are called out. The liquor
is then drunk, and an arrow (am) is stuck in the roof, and a brass
bangle (khadu) left, before the visitors take their departure. If the
match is unacceptable to the girl's family, the arrow and bangle are
returned. The second visit is called pank-sal, or sang-sang-dal-sol,
because the liquor pots are smeared with turmeric paste. Sometimes
it is called nyanga-dal-sol, because the future bridegroom carries
a small pot of liquor on a stick borne on the shoulder; or pojang,
because the arrow, which has been stuck in the roof, is set up in the
ground close to one of the pots of liquor. In some places, several
visits take place subsequent to the first visit, at one of which,
called rodai-sal, a quarrel arises.