Tangalan Paraiyans was furnished by Mr. K. Rangachari. The parents
or near relations of the contracting parties meet, and talk over
the match. If an agreement is arrived at, an adjournment is made to
the nearest liquor shop, and a day fixed for the formal exchange of
betel leaves, which is the sign of a binding engagement. A Paraiyan,
when he goes to seek the hand of a girl in marriage, will not eat at
her house if her family refuse to consider the alliance, to which the
consent of the girl's maternal uncle is essential. The Paraiyan is
particular in the observation of omens, and, if a cat or a valiyan
(a bird) crosses his path when he sets out in quest of a bride, he
will give her up. The betrothal ceremony, or pariyam, is binding as
long as the contracting couple are alive. They may live together as
man and wife without performing the marriage ceremony, and children
born to them are considered as legitimate. But, when their offspring
marry, the parents must first go through the marriage rites, and
the children are then married in the same pandal on the same day. At
the betrothal ceremony, the headman, father, maternal uncle, and two
near relations of the bridegroom-elect, proceed to the girl's house,
where they are received, and sit on seats or mats. Drink and plantain
fruits are offered to them. Some conversation takes place between
the headmen of the two parties, such as "Have you seen the girl? Have
you seen her house and relations? Are you disposed to recommend and
arrange the match?" If he assents, the girl's headman says "As long as
stones and the Kaveri river exist, so that the sky goddess Akasavani
and the earth goddess Bhumadevi may know it; so that the water-pot
(used at the marriage ceremony), and the sun and moon may know it;
so that this assembly may know it; I ... give this girl." The headman
of the bridegroom then says "The girl shall be received into the
house by marriage. These thirty-six pieces of gold are yours, and
the girl is mine." He then hands betel leaves and areca nuts to the
other headman, who returns them. The exchange of betel is carried out
three times. Near the headmen is placed a tray containing betel nuts,
a rupee, a turmeric-dyed cloth in which a fanam (2 1/2 annas) is tied,
a cocoanut, flowers, and the bride's money varying in amount from seven
to twenty rupees. The fanam and bride's money are handed to the headman
of the girl, and the rupee is divided between the two headmen. On the
betrothal day, the relations of the girl offer flowers, cocoanuts,
etc., to their ancestors, who are supposed to be without food or
drink. The Paraiyans believe that the ancestors will be ill-disposed
towards them, if they are not propitiated with offerings of rice and
other things. For the purpose of worship, the ancestors are represented
by a number of cloths kept in a box made of bamboo or other material,
to which the offerings are made. On the conclusion of the ancestor
worship, the two headmen go to a liquor shop, and exchange drinks of
toddy. This exchange is called mel sambandham kural, or proclaiming
relationship. After the lapse of a few days, the girl's family is
expected to pay a return visit, and the party should include at
least seven men. Betel is again exchanged, and the guests are fed,
or presented with a small gift of money. When marriage follows close
on betrothal, the girl is taken to the houses of her relations,
and goes through the nalugu ceremony, which consists of smearing
her with turmeric paste, an oil bath, and presentation of betel and
sweets. The auspicious day and hour for the marriage are fixed by
the Valluvan, or priest of the Paraiyans. The ceremonial is generally
carried through in a single day. On the morning of the wedding day,
three male and two married female relations of the bridegroom go
to the potter's house to fetch the pots, which have been already
ordered. The potter's fee is a fowl, pumpkin, paddy, betel, and a few
annas. The bride, accompanied by the headman and her relations, goes
to the bridegroom's village, bringing with her a number of articles
called petti varisai or box presents. These consist of a lamp, cup,
brass vessel, ear-ornament called kalappu, twenty-five betel leaves
and areca nuts, onions, and cakes, a lump of jaggery (crude sugar),
grass mat, silver toe-ring, rice, a bundle of betel leaves and five
cocoanuts, which are placed inside a bamboo box. The next item in
the proceedings is the erection of the milk-post, which is made of a
pestle of tamarind or Soymida febrifuga wood, or a green bamboo. To the
post leafy twigs of the mango or pipal (Ficus religiosa) are tied. In
some places, a pole of the Odina Wodier tree is said to be set up,
and afterwards planted near the house, to see if it will grow. Near
the marriage dais a pit is dug, into which are thrown nine kinds of
grain, and milk is poured. The milk-post is supported on a grindstone
painted with turmeric stripes, washed with milk and cow's urine,
and worshipped, with the Valluvan as the celebrant priest. The post
is then set up in the pit by three men and two women. A string with
a bit of turmeric (kankanam) is tied to the milk-post, and to it
and the dais boiled rice is offered. Kankanams are also tied round
the wrists of the bride and bridegroom. The bridegroom's party go to
the temple or house where the bride is awaiting them, bringing with
them a brass lamp, vessel and cup, castor and gingelly oil, combs,
confectionery, turmeric, and betel leaves. The procession is headed
by Paraiyans beating tom-toms, and blowing on trumpets. When their
destination is reached, all take their seats on mats, and the various
articles which they have brought are handed over to the headman, who
returns them. The bride is then taken in procession to the marriage
house, which she is the first to enter. She is then told to touch with
her right hand some paddy, salt, and rice, placed in three pots inside
the house. Touching them with the left hand would be an evil omen,
and every mishap which might occur in the family would be traced to
the new daughter-in-law. The bride and bridegroom next go through the
nalugu ceremony, and some of the relations proceed with the ceremony
of bringing sand (manal vari sadangu). A cousin of the bridegroom and
his wife take three pots called sal karagam and kuresal, and repair to
a river, tank (pond) or well, accompanied by a few men and women. The
pots are set on the ground, and close to them are placed a lamp, and
a leaf with cakes, betel leaves and nuts set on it. Puja (worship)
is made to the pots by burning camphor and breaking cocoanuts. The
Vettiyan then says "The sun, the moon, the pots, and the owner of
the girl have come to the pandal. So make haste and fill the pot
with water." The woman dips a small pot in water, and, after putting
some sand or mud into a big pot, pours the water therein. The pots
are then again worshipped. After the performance of the nalugu, the
bridal couple go through a ceremony for removing the evil eye, called
"sige kazhippu." A leaf of Ficus religiosa, with its tail downwards,
is held over their foreheads, and all the close relations pour
water over it, so that it trickles over their faces; or seven cakes
are placed by each of the relations on the head, shoulders, knees,
feet, and other parts of the body of the bridegroom. The cakes are
subsequently given to a washerman. The parents of the bridal couple,
accompanied by some of their relations, next proceed to an open field,
taking with them the cloths, tali, jewels, and other things which have
been purchased for the wedding. A cloth is laid on the ground, and on
it seven leaves are placed, and cooked rice, vegetables, etc., heaped
up thereon. Puja is done, and a goat is sacrificed to the ancestors
(Tangalanmar). By some the offerings are made to the village goddess
Pidari, instead of to the ancestors. Meanwhile the bridegroom has been
taken in procession round the village on horseback, and the headmen
have been exchanging betel in the pandal. On the bridegroom's return,
he and the bride seat themselves on planks placed on the dais, and
are garlanded by their maternal uncle with wreaths of Nerium odorum
flowers. The maternal uncle of the bride presents her with a ring. In
some places, the bride is carried to the dais on the shoulders or
in the arms of the maternal uncle. While the couple are seated on
the dais the Valluvan priest lights the sacred fire (homam), and,
repeating some words in corrupt Sanskrit, pours gingelly oil into
the fire. He then does puja to the tali, and passes it round, to be
touched and blessed by those assembled. The bridegroom, taking up
the tali, shows it through a hole in the pandal to the sky or sun,
and, on receipt of permission from those present, ties it round the
neck of the bride. Thin plates of gold or silver, called pattam,
are then tied on the foreheads of the contracting couple, first by
the mother-in-law and sister-in-law. With Brahman and non-Brahman
castes it is customary for the bride and bridegroom to fast until
the tali has been tied. With Paraiyans, on the contrary, the rite is
performed after a good meal. Towards the close of the marriage day,
fruit, flowers, and betel are placed on a tray before the couple,
and all the kankanams, seven in number, are removed, and put on
the tray. After burning camphor, the bridegroom hands the tray to
his wife, and it is exchanged between them three times. It is then
given to the washerman. The proceedings terminate by the two going
with linked hands three times round the pandal. On the following day,
the bride's relatives purchase some good curds, a number of plantains,
sugar and pepper, which are mixed together. All assemble at the pandal,
and some of the mixture is given to the headman, the newly married
couple, and all who are present. All the articles which constitute
the bride's dowry are then placed in the pandal, and examined by
the headman. If they are found to be correct, he proclaims the union
of the couple, and more of the mixture is doled out. This ceremony
is known as sambandham kural or sambandham piriththal (proclaiming
relationship). Two or three days after the marriage, the bridegroom
goes to the house of the bride, and remains there for three days. He
is stopped at the entrance by his brother-in-law, who washes his feet,
puts rings on the second toe, and keeps on pinching his feet until he
has extracted a promise that the bridegroom will give his daughter, if
one is born to him, in marriage to the son of his brother-in-law. The
ring is put on the foot of the bride by her maternal uncle at the time
of the marriage ceremony, after the wrist threads have been removed. In
some places it is done by the mother-in-law or sister-in-law, before
the tali is tied, behind a screen.
Polygamy is not common among the Paraiyans, but Mr. Clayton has known
a few instances in which a Paraiyan had two regularly married wives,
each wearing a tali. But it is very common to find that a Paraiyan
has, in addition to his formally married wife, another woman who
occupies a recognised position in his household. The first wears the
tali. The other woman does not, but is called the second wife. She
cannot be dismissed without the sanction of the paracheri council. The
man who maintains her is called her husband, and her children are
recognised as part of his family. Mr. Clayton believes that a second
wife is usually taken only when the more formally married wife has
no children, or when an additional worker is wanted in the house,
or to help in the daily work. Thus a horsekeeper will often have
two wives, one to prepare his meals and boil the gram for the horse,
the other to go out day by day to collect grass for the horse. The
Tamil proverb "The experience of a man with two wives is anguish"
applies to all these double unions. There are constant quarrels
between the two women, and the man is generally involved, often to
his own great inconvenience. It is quite common for a Paraiyan to
marry his deceased wife's sister, if she is not already married.
A Paraiya woman usually goes to her mother's house a month or two
before she expects the birth of her first child, which is born
there. Sometimes a medicine woman (maruttuvacchi), who possesses
or professes some knowledge of drugs and midwifery, is called in,
if the case is a bad one. Generally her barbarous treatment is but
additional torture to the patient. Immediately after the birth of
the child, the mother drinks a decoction called kashayam, in which
there is much ginger. Hence the Tamil proverb "Is there any decoction
without ginger in it?" About a week after the birth, the mother,
as a purificatory ceremony, is rubbed with oil and bathed.
Among Sudras there is a family ceremony, to which the Sanskrit name
Simanta has been assigned, though it is not the true Simanta observed
by Brahmans. It occurs only in connection with a first pregnancy. The
expectant mother stands bending over a rice mortar, and water or
human milk is poured on her back by her husband's elder or younger
sister. Money is also given to buy jewels for the expected child. The
ceremony is of no interest to anyone outside the family. Hence the
proverb "Come, ye villagers, and pour water on this woman's back." This
is used when outsiders are called in to do for a member of a family
what the relatives ought to do. This ceremony is sometimes observed
by Paraiyans. Among Brahmans it is believed to affect the sex of
the child. It should be added that it is firmly believed that, if
a woman dies during pregnancy or in childbed, her spirit becomes an
exceedingly malignant ghost, and haunts the precincts of the village
where she dies.
A widow does not wear the tali, which is removed at a gathering of
relatives some days after her husband's death. "The removal of the
tali of a widow," Mr. Francis writes, [59] "is effected in a curious
manner. On the sixteenth day after the husband's death, another woman
stands behind the widow, who stoops forward, and unties the tali
in such a way that it falls into a vessel of milk placed to receive
it. Adoption ceremonies are also odd. The adoptee's feet are washed
in turmeric water by the adopter, who then drinks a little of the
liquid. Adoption is accordingly known as manjanir kudikkiradu, or the
drinking of turmeric water, and the adopted son as the manjanir pillai,
or turmeric water boy." Paraiya women do not wear any distinctive
dress when they are widows, and do not shave their heads. But they
cease to paint the vermilion mark (kunkumam) on their foreheads,
which married women who are living with their husbands always wear,
except at times when they are considered ceremonially unclean. The
widow of a Paraiyan, if not too old to bear children, generally lives
with another man as his wife. Sometimes she is ceremonially married
to him, and then wears the tali. A widow practically chooses her own
second husband, and is not restricted to any particular relative,
such as her husband's elder or younger brother. The practice of the
Levirate, by which the younger brother takes the widow of the elder,
is non-existent as a custom among Paraiyas, though instances of such
unions may be found. Indeed the popular opinion of the Tamil caste
credits the Paraiyan with little regard for any of the restrictions
of consanguinity, either prohibitive or permissive. "The palmyra palm
has no shadow: the Paraiyan has no regard for seemliness" is a common
Tamil proverb.
It is stated, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that "the Paraiyans
have been but little affected by Brahmanical doctrines and customs,
though in respect to ceremonies they have not escaped their
influence. Paraiyans are nominally Saivites, but in reality they are
demon worshippers." The Homakulam tank in the South Arcot district
is reputed to be the place where Nanda, the Paraiyan saint, bathed
before he performed sacrifice preparatory to his transfiguration to
Brahmanhood. [60] Brahman influence has scarcely affected the Paraiyan
at all, even in ceremonial. No Paraiyan may enter any Vaishnava or
Saiva temple even of the humblest sort, though of course his offerings
of money are accepted, if presented by the hands of some friendly
Sudra, even in such exclusive shrines as that of Sri Vira Raghava Swami
at Tiruvallur. It is true that Paraiyans are often termed Saivites,
but there are many nominal Vaishnavas among them, who regularly wear
the namam of Vishnu on their foreheads. The truth is that the feminine
deities, commonly called devata, have been identified by Hindus with
the feminine energy of Siva, and thus the Paraiyans who worship them
have received the sectarian epithet. As a matter of fact, the wearing
of the namam of Vishnu, or the smearing of the ashes of Siva, is of
no meaning to a Paraiyan. They are neither Saivites nor Vaishnavites.
Like all other Dravidians, the Paraiyans acknowledge the existence of
a supreme, omnipresent, personal spiritual Being, the source of all,
whom they call Kadavul (He who is). Kadavul possesses no temples,
and is not worshipped, but he is the highest conception of Paraiya
thought. Paraiyans worship at least three classes of godlings or
devata, generally called the mothers (amma). Sometimes they are
worshipped as the virgins (Kanniyamma) or the seven virgins. These
mothers may be worshipped collectively in a group. They are then
symbolised by seven stones or bricks, perhaps within a little
enclosure, or on a little platform in the Paraiya hamlet, or under
a margosa (Melia Azadirachta) tree, or sheltered by a wattle hut,
or even by a small brick temple. This temple is universally known as
the Amman Koil. More usually, one particular mother is worshipped at
the Paraiya shrine. She is then called the grama devata, or village
goddess, of the particular hamlet. The names of these goddesses are
legion. Each village claims that its own mother is not the same as
that of the next village, but all are supposed to be sisters. Each is
supposed to be the guardian of the boundaries of the cheri or gramam
where her temple lies, sometimes of both gramam and cheri. She is
believed to protect its inhabitants and its livestock from disease,
disaster and famine, to promote the fecundity of cattle and goats,
and to give children. In a word, she is called the benefactress of
the place, and of all in it who worship her. The following are a few
of the names of these village tutelary deities:--
Ellamma, goddess of the boundary, worshipped by Tamil and Telugu
Paraiyans.
Mungilamma, bamboo goddess.
Padeiyattal or Padeiyacchi.
Parrapotamma, a Telugu goddess supposed to cure cattle diseases.
Pidariyamma, sometimes called Ellei Pidari.
The symbol of the goddess may be a conical stone, or a carved
idol. Occasionally a rude figure of the bull Nandi, and an iron
trident mark the shrine. A lamp is often lighted before it at night.
The ceremonial of worship of all classes of devata is very simple. The
worshipper prostrates himself before the symbol of the deity,
whether one stone, seven stones, or an image. He anoints it with
oil, smears it with saffron, daubs it with vermilion, garlands it
with flowers (Nerium odorum by preference), burns a bit of camphor,
and circumambulates the shrine, keeping his right side towards it. On
special occasions he breaks cocoanuts, kills fowls, goats or sheep, of
which the two last must be killed at one blow, pours out their blood,
perhaps offers a little money, and goes his way, satisfied that he
has done his best to propitiate the devata whom he has honoured.
Special shrines attain very great fame. Thus the goddess Bavaniyammal
of Periyapalayam, some sixteen miles from Madras, is well known, and
crowds come to her annual festival. Paraiyans, Pallis, and Chakkilians
form the majority of the worshippers, but of late years Sudras and
even Brahmans are to be found at her shrine. The homage rendered to
her is twofold. Her worshippers sacrifice some thousands of sheep on
the river bank outside her temple, and, entirely divesting themselves
of their garments, and covering themselves with bunches of margosa
leaves, go round the temple. Except on the five Sundays, usually in
July and August, on which the festival is held, the shrine is forsaken,
and the goddess is said to be a vegetarian; but on the five festival
Sundays she is said to be as greedy for flesh as a leather-dresser's
(Chakkiliyan) wife.
Two goddesses hold a position distinct from the mothers as a group,
or as tutelary goddesses. These are Gangammal and Mariyattal, and
their peculiarity is that they are itinerant deities. Gangammal
is often described as the goddess of cholera, and Mariyattal,
as the goddess of small-pox, though both diseases are frequently
ascribed to the latter. Mariyattal is worshipped under the names of
Poleramma and Ammavaru by Telugus. For instance, near Arcotkuppam in
the North Arcot district, a festival is held in honour of Gangammal
in the Tamil month Vaikasi (May-June), in which Sudras join. The main
feature of the festival is the boiling of new rice as at Pongal. Men
also put on women's clothes, and perform grotesque dances. In the
same way, in the ten days' festival in honour of Mariyattal held at
Uttaramallur during the Tamil month Avani (August), the goddess is
carried about by washermen (Vannan), who perform a kind of pantomime
(vilas) in her honour. There is a curious belief that these goddesses
(or Gangammal, if they are distinguished) must travel along roads and
paths, and cannot go across country, and that they cannot pass over
the leaves of the margosa or the stems of the plant called in Tamil
perandei (Vitis quadrangularis). Consequently, when cholera is about,
and the goddess is supposed to be travelling from village to village
seeking victims, branches of margosa and long strings of perandei are
placed on all the paths leading into the gramam or cheri. Sometimes,
also, leaves of the margosa are strung together, and hung across the
village street. These are called toranam.
Besides the deities already referred to, there are a number
of ghosts, ghouls, and goblins (pey or pisasu), whom Paraiyans
propitiate. Mathureiviran and Virabadran are, for example, two
well-known demons.
Among Tamil Paraiyans there are families in almost every village,
who hold a kind of sacerdotal rank in the esteem of their
fellows. They are called Valluvans, Valluva Pandarams, or Valluva
Paraiyans. Their position and authority depend largely on their own
astuteness. Sometimes they are respected even by Brahmans for their
powers as exorcists. It is often impossible to see any difference
between the Valluvans and the ordinary Paraiyans, except that their
houses are usually a little apart from other houses in the cheri. They
take a leading part in local Paraiya festivals. At marriages they
pronounce the blessing when the tali is tied round the bride's neck.
In cases of supposed possession by demons, or by the mothers, the
Valluvan is consulted as to the meaning of the portent, and takes part
in driving the spirit out of the victim, sometimes using violence and
blows to compel the spirit to deliver its message and be gone. The
Census Report, 1901, states that Valluvans do not eat or intermarry
with other sections of the Paraiyans. Mr. Clayton is unable to confirm
this, and is inclined to doubt whether it is generally true.
The dead are buried as a rule, but sometimes the corpses are burnt. A
portion of the village waste land is allotted for the purpose. Only
Paraiyans are buried in it. The funeral rites are very simple. The
corpse is carried on a temporary litter of palm leaf mats and bamboos,
wrapped in a cotton cloth, which is a new one if it can be afforded,
and interred or burnt. About the third or fifth day after death,
the pal sadangu, or milk ceremony, should take place, when some milk
is poured out by the next-of-kin as an offering to the spirit of the
deceased. This spirit is then supposed to assume a sort of corporeity,
and to depart to the place of respite till fate decrees that it be
re-born. This ceremony is accompanied by a family feast. On the
fifteenth day after death, another family gathering is held, and
food is offered to the spirit of the dead person. This ceremony is
called Karumantaram, or expiatory ceremony. Occasionally, for some
months after the death, a few flowers are placed on the grave, and a
cocoanut is broken over it; and some attempt is even made to recognise
the anniversary of the date. But there is no regular custom and it is
probably an imitation of Brahmanical usages. The ordinary Paraiyan's
conception of life after death is merely a vague belief that the
departed soul continues its existence somewhere. He has no ordered
eschatology. If a first-born male child dies, it is buried close to
or even within the house, so that its corpse may not be carried off
by a witch or sorcerer, to be used in magic rites, as the body of a
first-born child is supposed to possess special virtues. It is noted
by Mr. H. A. Stuart [61] that "the Tangalans profess to have once been
a very respectable class, and wear the sacred thread at weddings and
funerals, while the other divisions never assume it."
The following note on the death ceremonies of the Paraiyans at
Coimbatore was supplied by Mr. V. Govindan. If the deceased was a
married man, the corpse is placed in a sitting posture in a booth
made of twigs of margosa and milk-hedge (Euphorbia Tirucalli), and
supported behind by a mortar. The widow puts on all her ornaments,
and decorates her hair with flowers. She seats herself on the left
side of the corpse, in the hands of which some paddy (unhusked rice)
or salt is placed. Taking hold of its hands, some one pours the
contents thereof into the hands of the widow, who replaces them in
those of the corpse. This is done thrice, and the widow then ties
the rice in her cloth. On the way to the burial ground (sudukadu),
the son carries a new pot, the barber a pot of cooked rice and
brinjal (Solanum Melongena) fruits and other things required for
doing puja. The Paraiyan in charge of the burial ground carries a
fire-brand. The mats and other articles used by the deceased, and
the materials of which the booth was made, are carried in front by
the washerman, who deposits them at a spot between the house of the
deceased and the burial ground called the idukadu, which is made to
represent the shrine of Arichandra. Arichandra was a king, who became
a slave of the Paraiyans, and is in charge of the burial ground. At
the idukadu the corpse is placed on the ground, and the son, going
thrice round it, breaks the pot of rice near its head. The barber
makes a mark at the four corners of the bier, and the son places a
quarter anna on three of the marks, and some cowdung on the mark
at the north-east corner. The widow seats herself at the feet of
the corpse, and another widowed woman breaks her tali string, and
throws it on the corpse. Arrived at the grave, the gurukal (priest)
descends into it, does puja and applies vibhuti (sacred ashes) to its
sides. The body is lowered into it, and half a yard of cloth from the
winding-sheet is given to the Paraiyan, and a quarter of a yard to
an Andi (religious mendicant). The grave is filled in up to the neck
of the corpse, and bael (Ægle Marmelos) leaves, salt, and vibhuti
are placed on its head by the gurukal. The grave is then filled in,
and a stone and thorny branch placed at the head end. As the son goes,
carrying the water-pot, three times round the grave, the barber makes
a hole in the pot, which is thrown on the stone. The son and other
relations bathe and return to the house, where a vessel containing
milk is set on a mortar, and another containing water placed at the
door. They dip twigs of the pipal (Ficus religiosa) into the milk,
and throw them on the roof. They also worship a lighted lamp. On
the third day, cooked rice, and other food for which the deceased
had a special liking, are taken to the grave, and placed on plantain
leaves. Puja is done, and the crows are attracted to the spot. If they
do not turn up, the gurukal prays, and throws up water three times. On
the seventeenth day, the son and others, accompanied by the gurukal,
carry a new brick and articles required for puja to the river. The
brick is placed under water, and the son bathes. The articles for
puja are spread on a plantain leaf, before which the son places the
brick. Puja is done to it, and a piece of new cloth tied on it. It is
then again carried to the water, and immersed therein. The ceremonial
concludes with the lighting of the sacred fire (homam).