Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes as follows. "They have a very exalted
account of their lineage, saying that they are descended from the
Brahman priest Sala Sambavan, who was employed in a Siva temple to
worship the god with offerings of beef, but who incurred the anger
of the god by one day concealing a portion of the meat, to give it to
his pregnant wife, and was therefore turned into a Paraiyan. The god
appointed his brother to do duty instead of him, and the Paraiyans
say that Brahman priests are their cousins. For this reason they wear
a sacred thread at their marriages and funerals. At the festival of
the village goddesses, they repeat an extravagant praise of their
caste, which runs as follows. 'The Paraiyans were the first creation,
the first who wore the sacred thread, the uppermost in the social
scale, the differentiators of castes, the winners of laurels. They
have been seated on the white elephant, the Vira Sambavans who beat
the victorious drum.' It is a curious fact that, at the feast of the
village goddess, a Paraiyan is honoured by being invested with a sacred
thread for the occasion by the pujari (priest) of the temple, by having
a turmeric thread tied to his wrists, and being allowed to head the
procession. This, the Paraiyans say, is owing to their exalted origin."
In times of drought some of the lower orders, instead of addressing
their prayers to the rain god Varuna, try to induce a spirit or
devata named Kodumpavi (wicked one) to send her paramour Sukra to
the affected area. The belief seems to be that Sukra goes away to
his concubine for about six months, and, if he does not then return,
drought ensues. The ceremony consists in making a huge figure of
Kodumpavi in clay, which is placed on a cart, and dragged through
the streets for seven to ten days. On the last day, the final
death ceremonies of the figure are celebrated. It is disfigured,
especially in those parts which are usually concealed. Vettiyans
(Paraiyan grave-diggers), who have been shaved, accompany the figure,
and perform the funeral ceremonies. This procedure is believed to
put Kodumpavi to shame, and to get her to induce Sukra to return,
and stay the drought. Paraiyans are said [55] to wail as though they
were at a funeral, and to beat drums in the funeral time.
The Paraiyans are said by Mr. Francis [56] to have a curious share
in the ceremonies in connection with the annual buffalo sacrifice
at the Kali shrine at Mangalam in South Arcot. "Eight men of this
community are chosen from eight adjoining villages, and one of them
is selected as leader. His wife must not be with child at the' time,
and she is made to prove that she is above all suspicion by undergoing
the ordeal of thrusting her hand into boiling gingelly (Sesamum)
oil. On each of ten days for which the festival lasts, this Paraiyan
has to go round some part of the boundaries of the eight villages,
and he is fed gratis by the villagers during this time. On the day
of the sacrifice itself, he marches in front of the priest as the
latter kills the buffaloes. The Paraiyans of the eight villages have
the right to the carcases of the slaughtered animals."
The Paraiyans know the village boundaries better than anyone else,
and are very expert in this matter, unerringly pointing out where
boundaries should run, even when the Government demarcation stones are
completely overgrown by prickly-pear, or have been removed. Mr. Stuart
records a custom which prevails in some parts of making a Paraiyan
walk the boundaries of a field with a pot of water on his head,
when there is any dispute about their exact position. He thinks that
the only satisfactory explanation of this is that the connection of
the Paraiyans with the soil is of much longer standing than that
of other castes. The admitted proprietary right which Paraiyans
have in the site known as cheri-nattam, on which their huts stand,
is a confirmation of this. These sites are entered as such on the
official village maps. They cannot be taken from the Paraiyans, and
date from time immemorial. Throughout the whole of the Tamil country
it is usual to find that the land allotted for house-site (nattam)
is in two portions in every village (Ur). One part is known by the
Sanskrit name gramam (village), the inhabited place. The other is
called by the Dravidian name cheri (gathering place).
Sometimes the latter is called by the fuller title paracheri (Anglice
parcheri, parcherry), i.e., the gathering place of the Paraiyans. In
the gramam live the Brahmans, who sometimes dwell, in a quarter
by themselves known as the agrahara, and also other Hindus. In the
paracheri live the Paraiyans. The paracheri and the gramam are always
separated, at least by a road or lane, and often by several fields. And
not only is it usual thus to find that, in every village, the Paraiyans
as a community possess a house-site, but there are many cases in which
more than one cheri is attached to a gramam. This seems to repudiate
the suggestion that at some period or periods the higher castes
relegated the Paraiyans to these cheris. Indeed, in some cases, the
very names of the cheris suggest what appears to be the more correct
view, viz., that the cheris had a distinct origin. For instance,
the whole revenue village of Teiyar near Chingleput consists of one
Sudra gramam and seven Paraiyan cheris, each with a name of its own,
Periyapilleri, Komancheri, etc. In other cases, e.g., Ideipalayam in
the north of the district, and Varadarajapuram near Vandalur, only
Paraiyan hamlets exist; there is no gramam. In South Arcot there
are at least two villages, Govindanallur and Andapet, inhabited
only by Paraiyans, where even the Maniyakkaran (munsiff or village
headman) is a Paraiyan. Other instances might be quoted in proof of
the same opinion. And, when the ceremonial antipathy between Brahman
and Paraiyan is examined, it points in the same direction. It is well
known that a Brahman considers himself polluted by the touch, presence,
or shadow of a Paraiyan, and will not allow him to enter his house,
or even the street in which he lives, if it is an agrahara. But it
is not so well known that the Paraiyans will not allow a Brahman to
enter the cheri. Should a Brahman venture into the Paraiyan's quarter,
water with which cow-dung has been mixed is thrown on his head, and
he is driven out. It is stated [57] by Captain J. S. F. Mackenzie
that "Brahmans in Mysore consider that great luck will await them
if they can manage to pass through the Holeya quarter of a village
unmolested, and that, should a Brahman attempt to enter their quarters,
they turn out in a body and slipper him, in former times it is said to
death." Some Brahmans consider a forsaken paracheri an auspicious site
for an agrahara. A very peculiar case is that of the gramam founded
for, and occupied by the clerks of the earliest Collectors (district
magistrates) of the jagir of Karunguli from 1795 to 1825 A.D. These
clerks were Brahmans, and it was called the agraharam. It was deserted
when the head-quarters of the Collector were removed to Conjeeveram. It
is now occupied by Paraiyans, but is still called the agraharam.
The facts, taken together, seem to show that the Paraiyan priests
(Valluvans), and therefore the Paraiyans as a race, are very ancient,
that ten centuries ago they were a respectable community, and that many
were weavers. The privileges they enjoy are relics of an exceedingly
long association with the land. The institution of the paracheri
points to original independence, and even to possession of much of the
land. If the account of the colonisation of Tondeimandalam by Vellalans
in the eighth century A.D. is historic, then it is possible that at
that time the Paraiyans lost the land, and that their degradation as
a race began.
The Paraiyans have long been a settled race. And, though a number of
them emigrate to Ceylon, Mauritius, South Africa, the West Indies,
the Straits Settlements, and even to Fiji, the vast majority live and
die within a mile or two of the spot where they were born. The houses
in which they live are not temporary erections, or intended for use
during certain seasons of the year only. The rudest form is a hut made
by tying a few leaves of the palmyra palm on to a framework of poles
or bamboos. The better class of houses are a series of rooms with low
mud walls and thatched roof, but generally without doors, surrounding
a small courtyard, in which the family goats, buffaloes, and fowls
have their homes. The cooking is done anywhere where it is convenient
either indoors or out, as there is no fear of pollution from the glance
or shadow of any passer-by. Very occasionally the walls of the house,
especially those facing the street, are whitewashed, or decorated with
variegated patterns or figures in red and white. Paraiya women, like
higher caste women, are much given to tracing exceedingly intricate
symmetrical designs (kolam) with rice flour on the smooth space or
pathway immediately before the doors of their houses, it is said,
to prevent the entrance of evil spirits. Mr. S. P. Rice writes to
me that the patterns on the floor or threshold are generally traced
with white powder, e.g., chalk, as rice is too costly; and that the
original object of the custom was not to drive away evil spirits,
but to provide food for the lowest creatures of creation--ants,
insects, etc.
Admissions to the Paraiyan caste from higher castes sometimes
occur. Mr. Clayton records having met an Aiyangar Brahman who was
working as a cooly with some Paraiyan labourers at Kodaikanal on the
Palni hills. He had become infatuated with a Paraiya woman, and had
consequently been excommunicated, and became a Paraiyan.
In every Paraiya settlement a small number of the more important men
are known as Panakkaran (money-man). The application of the term may,
Mr. Clayton suggests, be due to their comparative opulence, or may
have arisen from the custom of paying them a small sum (panam) for
various services to the community. But Panikkar or Panakkar is usually
said to be derived from pani, meaning work. They form a committee
or council to decide ordinary quarrels, and to amerce the damages
in cases of assault, seduction, rape, and adultery. They have power
to dissolve marriages on account of the wife, or if the husband has
deserted his wife. In these cases their authority is really based on
the public opinion of the paracheri, and goes no further than that
public opinion will enforce it. There is no headman in a Paraiya hamlet
corresponding to the munsiff or village magistrate of the Hindu village
(grama). In modern practice the Paraiyans are, for police purposes,
under the authority of the munsiff of the grama, and there is a
growing tendency on their part to refer all disputes and assaults
to the munsiff, or even directly to the police. On the other hand,
cases of a more domestic nature, such as disputes about betrothals,
seduction, etc., are still dealt with, generally acutely and fairly,
by the village council. It should be added that the rank of Panakkaran
is hereditary, and is regarded as honourable.
The Paraiyans, like all the other right-hand castes, come under the
jurisdiction of the Desayi Chettis, who have held a sort of censorship
since the days of the Nawabs of Arcot over some twenty-four of these
right-hand castes, chiefly in North Arcot. The Desayi Chetti has
nominal power to deal with all moral offences, and is supposed to have
a representative in every village, who reports every offence. But,
though his authority is great in North Arcot, and the fines levied
there bring in an income of hundreds of rupees yearly, it is not so
much dreaded in other districts. The punishment usually inflicted is a
fine, but sometimes a delinquent Paraiyan will be made to crawl on his
hands and knees on the ground between the legs of a Paraiya woman as a
final humiliation. The punishment of excommunication, i.e., cutting off
from fire and water, is sometimes the fate of the recalcitrant, either
before the council or the Desayi Chetti, but it is seldom effective for
more than a short time. Mr. K. Rangachari adds that, in certain places,
the Desayi Chetti appoints the Panakkaran, who is subordinate to the
Desayi, and that a man called the Variyan or Shalavathi is sometimes
appointed as assistant to the Panakkaran. He also mentions some other
punishments. The fine for adultery is from 7 pagodas 14 fanams to
11 pagodas, when the wronged woman is unmarried. If she is married,
the amount ranges from 12 pagodas 14 fanams to 16 pagodas. The fine
is said to be divided between the woman, her husband, the members
of council, and the Panakkarans. Formerly an offender against the
Paraiyan community was tied to a post at the beginning of his trial,
and, if found guilty, was beaten. He might escape the flogging by
paying a fine of two fanams per stripe. Sometimes a delinquent is
paraded through the hamlet, carrying a rubbish basket, or is ordered
to make a heap of rubbish at a certain spot. Or a cord is passed from
one big toe over the bowed neck of the culprit, and tied to his other
big toe, and then a stone is placed on his bent back. In some places,
when an unmarried woman is convicted of adultery, she is publicly given
a new cloth and a bit of straw or a twig, apparently in mockery. It
is said that formerly, if the chastity of a bride was suspected,
she had to pick some cakes out of boiling oil. This she had to do
just after the tali had been tied in the wedding ceremony. Her hair,
nails, and clothes were examined, to see that she had no charm
concealed. After lifting the cakes from the oil, she had to husk
some rice with her bare hand. If she could do this, her virtue was
established. In the South Arcot district, according to Mr. Francis,
[58] the Paraiyans "have caste headmen called the Periya (big) Nattan
and the Chinna (little) Nattan or Tangalan (our man), whose posts are
usually hereditary. The Tangalan carries out the sentence of caste
panchayats, administering a thrashing to the accused for example,
if such be the order of the court. Of the fines inflicted by these
assemblies, a fifth is usually handed over to the local Mariamma
shrine, and the remaining four-fifths are laid out in drinks for the
panchayatdars. Until recently, a part of the fine was in some cases,
in these parts, paid to the local poligar."
Excommunicated Paraiyans are said to go to a mythical place called
Vinnamangalam. In some documents signed by Paraiyans, the words
"If I fail to fulfil the conditions of our agreement, I shall go
to Vinnamangalam" are inserted. In all enquiries by the police, the
council, or the Desayi Chetti, the Paraiyan only tells what in his
opinion it is expedient to tell. But evidence given after burning a
piece of camphor is said to be reliable.
The attainment of puberty by girls is a subject of greedy curiosity
to most of the women in a Paraiya village. This has been said to be
due to the fact that "the menstrual fluid is held in horror, dire
consequences being supposed to result from not merely the contact,
but even the very sight of it. Hence the isolation and purification of
women during the menstrual period, and the extreme care and anxiety
with which the first approach of puberty in a girl is watched." The
girl at once begins to wear a covering of some sort, even it be
the most pathetic rag, over her left shoulder and breast. Till
this time, a bit of cotton cloth round her waist has been considered
sufficient. Among the Tangalan Paraiyans, when a girl attains puberty,
she is kept apart either in the house or in a separate hut. Pollution
is supposed to last eight days. On the ninth day, the girl is bathed,
and seated in the courtyard. Ten small lamps of flour paste (called
drishti mavu vilakku), to avert the evil eye, are put on a sieve,
and waved before her three times. Then coloured water (arati or alam)
and burning camphor are waved before her. Some near female relatives
then stand behind her, and strike her waist and sides with puttu
(flour cake) tied in a cloth. This is believed to make her strong. At
the same time other women strike the ground behind the girl with
a rice-pestle. Then presents are given to the girl. In some places
the girl is beaten within the house by her mother-in-law or paternal
aunt. The latter repeatedly asks the girl to promise that her daughter
shall marry her paternal aunt's son.
In marriages among the Paraiyans, difference in religion is of little
moment. A Christian Paraiyan will marry a heathen girl, though it
should be said that she is usually baptised at or about the time of
the marriage. A Christian girl is sometimes married to a heathen
Paraiyan. Mr. Clayton thinks that the fact that certain Paraiyans
paint the namam of Vishnu on their foreheads, while others smear their
foreheads with the ashes of Siva, prevents marriages between them.
The bridegroom must be older than the bride. Subject to this condition,
it is usual for a youth to marry his father's sister's daughter,
or his mother's brother's daughter. A girl should be married to her
mother's brother's son if he is old enough, but not, as among the
Konga Vellalas and some Reddis, if he is a child. In short, Paraiyans
follow the usual Tamil custom, but it is often neglected.
Marriage contracts are sometimes made by parents while the parties most
concerned are still infants, often while they are still children; in
the majority of cases when the girl attains the marriageable age. The
bridegroom may be many years older than the bride, especially when
custom, as noted above, settles who shall be his bride. The bride
has absolutely no choice in the matter; but, if the bridegroom is
a man of some years or position, his preferences are consulted. The
elder sister should be given in marriage before her younger sisters
are married. The arrangements are more or less a bargain. Presents of
clothes, paltry jewels, rice, vegetables, and perhaps a few rupees,
are exchanged between the families of the bride and bridegroom. The
household that seeks the marriage naturally gives the larger gifts. The
actual marriage ceremony is very simple. The essential part is the
tying of a small token or ornament (tali), varying in value from a
few annas to four or five rupees by a turmeric-stained string, round
the neck of the bride. This is done by the bridegroom in the presence
of a Valluvan, who mutters some kind of blessing on the marriage. A
series of feasts, lasting over two or three days, is given to all
the relatives of both parties by the parents of the newly-married
couple. The bride and bridegroom do not live together immediately,
even if the girl is old enough. The exact date at which their life
together may begin is settled by the bride's mother. The occasion,
called soppana muhurtham, is celebrated by another feast and much
merry-making, not always seemly.