THE DECLINE OF THE EDO GOVERNMENT
1651-1837
The period of the third shōgun, Iyemitsu (1624-1651), perhaps marks the
height of the vigor and efficiency of the Tokugawa feudalism. He was
assisted by able councilors, and his strong administration was emulated
by many great local barons in their respective fiefs, so that a profound
peace reigned over the country broken only by the Christian insurrection
at Shimabara. From the latter half of the seventeenth century, however,
signs of the decline of the Edo power began to manifest themselves. At
the accession of the fourth shōgun, Iyetsuna (1651-1680), Yuino Shōsetsu
and Marubashi Chūya, two military captains not attached to any feudal
baron, collected a great number of _rōnin_ ("wave men," _samurai_
attached to no lord) in Suruga and in Edo, their project being to raise
the standard of revolt simultaneously in the west and in the east. Their
attempt was unsuccessful, but its failure did not deter two other
_rōnin_ from plotting a similar insurrection in Edo the following year.
They, too, were discovered and punished before their plans matured.
Thereafter, for a time, owing doubtless to the fact that the feudal
barons were too frequently deprived of their estates, their vassals
found themselves homeless and resourceless, and the peace of the country
was broken here and there by bands of _rōnin_. These troubles, however,
were speedily dealt with. Nor was the Edo castle itself free from
trouble, for toward the close of Iyetsuna's shōgunate, the _tairō_,
Sakai Tadakiyo, acquired so much influence that the authority of the
shōgun himself was somewhat impaired.
The next shōgun, Tsunayoshi (1680-1709), however, returned to the
vigorous policy of the first three of his predecessors. He dismissed
Tadakiyo, and appointed Hotta Masatoshi, a statesman of great acumen, in
his stead as _tairō_. The shōgun and his ministers alike devoted
themselves unwearyingly to promoting the welfare of the country. This
era is worthy of close attention. We find, among other things, that
Tsunayoshi greatly encouraged the study of literature. Tokugawa
Iyeyasu, though essentially a soldier and statesman, fully appreciated
the importance of literature, which he conceived as an indispensable
factor in encouraging the pursuit of virtue and promoting the peace of
society. Even while his hands were busy with campaigns and battles, he
invited great savants and listened to their lectures on the Chinese
classics. He also caused his officers to collect and reprint valuable
books that would otherwise have been lost to the nation. His three
successors followed his example in this respect, but it was the fifth
shōgun, Tsunayoshi, who above all contributed to the spread of literary
pursuits. Devoted from his youth to the study of the Chinese classics,
he made a habit, after his succession, of delivering lectures to the
feudal barons and vassals, and Shintō and Buddhist priests, and it may
well be supposed that this action gave a great impetus to literary
pursuits.
Prior to this time, it had been customary for the military men to
neglect the study of reading and writing. Such occupations were
abandoned to the priests, and it resulted that, even after the
conclusion of the wars, men having a predilection for literature
generally drifted into the ranks of the priests. Such persons, however,
were not required to adopt the tonsure or to give up their position as
_samurai_. The learned family of Hayashi were a case in point. The
succeeding shōguns paid them high respect, and a school founded by them,
at first in the character of a private establishment, but afterward
taken under government protection, grew into an institution of much
importance under the name of the _Shōhei-kō_. The example of Edo was
widely followed in various provinces of Japan, and numerous institutions
of learning sprang up in all the fiefs, from which the most
distinguished pupils were selected and sent to the central school,
_Shōhei-kō_, for purposes of further study. So far was the study of
Chinese literature carried by the Japanese of the time that some of
their publications in that line elicited admiration of the Chinese
themselves. The Edo epoch may thus be described as the golden era of
Chinese literature in Japan, although unfortunately this record is
somewhat marred by the acrimonious disputes that sprang up among the
different schools of philosophy, each considering itself orthodox and
denouncing the teachings of others as spurious. The study of the Chinese
classics also called forth the revival of Japanese history and _belles
lettres_. Fiction, dramatic pieces called _kikyoku_, and the popular,
pithy verses known as _haikai_, flourished greatly, particularly during
the Genroku era (1688-1703). Education among the masses also at last
made its appearance, for in almost every temple there existed a private
school, called _tera-koya_, in which the children of farmers, merchants,
and artisans were taught rudimentary lessons in reading, writing, and
arithmetic.
A few words may be said regarding the literary productions of this
period. Mitsukuni, lord of Mito and grandson of Iyeyasu, himself a
distinguished scholar and munificent patron of literature, established
in his Edo mansion a historiographical bureau, where, under his
direction, a number of savants undertook the compilation of the history
of Japan from the days of the Emperor Jimmu. This work, "_Dai Nihon
shi_" (History of Great Japan), in 243 books, written in the Chinese
style of composition stands at the head of Japanese histories of this
era, the second in order being the "_Honchōtsugan_" (Mirror of Our
Dynasty), in 300 books, compiled under the direction of Hayashi by order
of the shōgun's government. In the same category may be placed the
"_Fusōshuyōshu_," 30 volumes of Mitsukuni, and the "_Reigiruiten_," 510
volumes, of the same author. Of other greater works, the "_Kansei Choshu
Shokafu_," in 1053 books, the "_Chōya Kyubuniko_," in 1083 books, and
the "_Tokugawa Jikki_," in 516 books, may be mentioned. There was also a
large work on botany called "_Shobutsuruisan_," in 1054 volumes. Hanawa
Hokiichi, a renowned scholar, though blind, made a business of
collecting old rare works, as the "_Gunsho Ruijū_" (1821 volumes). Arai
Hakuseki was the author of over three hundred books on classics,
history, and law. The novels of Kyokutei Bakin aggregated more than two
hundred. And in addition there were numerous works by less prolific
students. On the whole, in the variety and height of literary
development the Tokugawa period is unrivaled in the history of Japan.
The monopoly of learning of the Buddhist priest was completely broken,
and the intellectual power of the nation, long held in abeyance under
the stress of continual warfare, now asserted itself with tremendous
vigor.
At the same time proofs became more abundant that the prime of the real
greatness of the Tokugawa had been passed. The same fifth shōgun who so
vigorously encouraged learning, and under whom the glorious era of
Genroku occurred, unduly promoted Yanagizawa Yoshiyasu, a man of humble
origin, and treated him with unbecoming favor. Peace had then lasted for
eighty years, and both the government and the people had begun to fall
into luxurious and extravagant ways, so that, for the first time in the
history of the Tokugawa, the government found itself straitened for
funds. The total revenue of the empire derived from land then amounted
to 30,000,000 _koku_, of which 23,000,000 _koku_ belonged to the feudal
barons, and 3,000,000 _koku_ to the bannerets, shrines, and temples, the
remaining 4,000,000 representing the income of the government. Of this
last named sum, 1,400,000 _koku_ were absorbed by the shōgun's
household, a paltry sum of 150,000 being considered sufficient for the
maintenance of the sovereign, the payment of the civil nobles'
allowances, and the other expenses of the court in Kyōto. The method of
taxation varied according to provinces, but the general rule was that
the government, or the feudal lord, took forty per cent., and the
cultivator sixty per cent., of the gross produce. In the early years of
the shōgunate large reserves of money were accumulated by Iyeyasu,
Hidetada, and Iyemitsu, but Tsunayoshi expended the whole, and found
himself reduced to considerable straits. Yoshiyasu prevailed upon him to
adopt a scheme proposed by one Hagiwara Shigehide, namely, the issue of
a debased currency. The coins issued in the early years of the Tokugawa,
namely, the _Keichō-kingin_ (gold and silver of the Keichō era), were
very pure, but in the recoinage of Tsunayoshi, gold was alloyed with
silver and copper, and copper with lead and tin, so that the cost of the
coins was below their face value. Many hundreds of thousands of _ryō_
were obtained by this device, and thereby the embarrassed finances of
the shōgun seemed to have resumed their normal state. But the evils
incidental to currency debasement did not fail to ensue. Prices
appreciated suddenly and counterfeiting took place on a large scale.
Subsequently, however, the government corrected these abuses by
restoring the currency to its pristine purity, and substituting
administrative economy for false finance. The bad example once set by
the shōgun, however, was followed by the feudal barons long after he had
mended his ways, for they, also, finding themselves in an impecunious
state, began to issue fiat paper money, _hansatsu_, for circulation
within their own fiefs. It is a point well worthy of the attention of
students of history, that from the time of their accession to power
until the day of their downfall, the Tokugawa shōguns never resorted to
the device of issuing fiduciary notes.
Neither the sixth nor the seventh shōgun held his office long enough to
accomplish much. In 1716 the shōgunate passed to Yoshimune of the Kii
branch of the Tokugawa family. He was gifted with rare administrative
talent, and during the thirty years of his rule sought to reform the
government so as to place it again on a sound and strong basis. At this
period the impecuniosity of Edo, which had been going from bad to worse
under succeeding shōguns, and which resulted chiefly from extravagant
and useless expenditure in the Tokugawa household, began to be a subject
of serious embarrassment. Yoshimune had no sooner assumed administrative
control than he set himself to restore financial order by closing or
destroying several of the splendid mansions kept for the shōgun's
amusement, and dismissing their female and male inmates, while he
himself sought to set an example to his people by wearing rough garments
and faring in the simplest manner. Finally, he issued an edict urging
the necessity of economy in all affairs both public and private, and as
the nation had practical evidence of this spirit in the conduct of its
rulers, not alone the ministers of state, but also the feudal barons
adopting and following the admonition of the shōgun by the exercise of
strict frugality, economy became one of the most marked features of the
era. Yoshimune not only sought to foster this spirit of frugality, but
also endeavored to promote industrial and agricultural enterprise. He
encouraged the cultivation of Korean ginseng as well as Batavian and
sweet potatoes; he inaugurated the planting of Japanese sugar cane, and
at the same time dispatched officials to various parts of the empire to
promote the growth of other products. Naturally there appeared many
persons in the different clans who devoted themselves to industry and
agriculture. Enumerating the principal developments of the time, we find
that sericulture was greatly extended and its methods were improved
throughout the eastern provinces; that indigo was cultivated in Awa, and
oranges were grown in Kiushū; that the raising of tobacco and the
operation of drying bonito were considerably encouraged in Satsuma; that
salt was manufactured in Shikoku and Chiukoku, and the hardware,
lacquer, goldsmith's and furrier's trades were greatly developed.
Regulations were enacted for the protection and encouragement of
farmers, providing, among others, that, in the event of a farmer being
prevented from carrying on the necessary operations of agriculture, his
nearest neighbors must assist him. Indiscriminate transactions in real
estate were prohibited. The sale and purchase of land were forbidden;
measures were framed to prevent the undue growth of large estates, as
well as to protect the humble classes and obviate their dispersal
through poverty. Further, the shōgun encouraged the development of
water-ways for the transport of goods and for the irrigation of lands.
The result of all this beneficent administration was such a marked
increase of the production of rice that the people called Yoshimune the
_kome_ (rice) shōgun. His policy, so far as concerned the promotion of
industry and agriculture, was adopted and pursued by several of his
successors.
From the middle ages of Japanese history taxes on land constituted the
chief item of state revenue. It will be remembered that during the
Tokugawa period four-tenths of the produce of the land went to the
government and six-tenths to the farmer. There were two methods of
collecting the tax. One was called _kemmi-dori_. According to this
system, the quality of the rice raised from each particular place had to
be determined annually and the rate of tax fixed accordingly. As the
procedure was tedious, Yoshimune gave preference to the other method,
_jōmen-dori_, the principle of which was to fix the rate of tax
according to the average rice-harvest of the preceding five or ten
years, and thenceforth, during the interval of years to which this rate
applied, the farmers were required to pay the tax thus determined
whatever might be the nature of the crops, exceptions being made,
however, in the event of drought, tempest, or floods.
The industrious hand of Yoshimune extended also to the domain of law.
Throughout the government of Iyeyasu and his first successors no code of
criminal law was specially enacted, the administrative maxim of the time
being that moral doctrines should guide all officials, and that the
judges should consult the dictates of their own conscience in dealing
with criminals. But as popular knowledge increased, it became obviously
necessary that uniformity of punishments should be secured by fixed and
universally applicable laws. Yoshimune caused the various old laws to be
collated and embodied into a fifteen-volume code, called "_Hatto-sho_."
Another volume of law, the "_Kujikata-sho_," popularly called "_Gojō-sho
hyak-ka-jō_," was prepared after consultation with various jurists and
officials. These enactments constituted the complete criminal code of
the Tokugawa. From its provisions were expunged all punishments such as
had been practiced in times of war; examination by torture was
restricted to cases the circumstances of which obviously dictated its
application, and on the whole the object aimed at was to lighten the
scale of punishment as far as possible. These criminal laws were not,
however, made public. The people to whom they applied knew little of
their precise provisions, only the officers charged with the duty of
administering them having cognizance of their purport. The object of
this system was to inculcate respect for the laws themselves rather than
fear of the consequences of violating them.
Among the judicial officers of the time was one Ōoka Tadasuke, whose
acumen in judging offenses was so remarkable that the people credited
him with almost supernatural ability. Many of his judgments were such as
to be thought worthy of perpetual record. As to the punishments commonly
inflicted, we find manacling, scourging, and exile, the most severe
being transportation to a distant island and death. The degree of
punishment in the same class varied with the nature of the crime. There
were also other punishments, as branding, public exposure, confiscation
of property, and the like. In the case of _samurai_, it was assumed
that, being sufficiently conversant with the code of etiquette and the
principles of morality, minor penalties were not required for their
control. Hence the methods resorted to with them were confinement to
their own residences, shutting them off from general intercourse,
dismissal from office, or compulsory suicide. _Samurai_ who had been
guilty of an offense were first degraded from their class and then
suitably punished. With regard to priests, also, special penalties were
applied; as, for example, exposure to public view, expulsion from the
temple at which they officiated, or absolute suspension from religious
duties. In all the fiefs care was taken to preserve a close relation
between local penalties and those inflicted by the central government,
but differences in the degree of severity exercised made themselves
apparent in the sentences of different judges, and further, since the
judiciary was not independent of the executive, miscarriages of justice
were not infrequent.
Another feature of the feudal society of the time which Yoshimune deeply
regretted was the general neglect by the _samurai_ of their military
practices under a long reign of peace. For this grave fault the shōgun
strongly rebuked his vassals, encouraging them to practice equestrian
archery, fencing, spear-exercise, swimming, gymnastics (_jiūjitsu_), and
other martial arts, and reviving the long-discarded pastime of pursuing
game with hawks on the Kogane plain. Originally fond of such pursuits,
he applied himself to them with added ardor in order to popularize them
among the _samurai_. Fencing with the sword was the most practiced and
most esteemed of all military exercises. Every member of the feudal
class, from the shōgun downward, received regular instruction in this
art, and regarded his two swords with the utmost love and veneration,
the skill and spirit shown by him in their use being justly a source of
pride to Japan. Spears and firearms were also widely employed, and the
practice of _jiūjitsu_--a species of gymnastics based on the laws of
balance and reaction and directed to purposes of self-defense--received
general attention. Men conspicuous for skill in fencing and other
martial exercises built schools and became teachers of their respective
specialties. Thus theoretically the military training was very perfect,
but as there had been no occasion for the practical exercise of the art
of war during many years, the _samurai_ became gradually unfit for
service in the field, and would doubtless have lapsed into an even worse
condition but for the strenuous efforts made by Yoshimune on his
accession to power. Subsequently, toward the end of the eighteenth
century, Matsudaira Sadanobu, a minister of state, spared no pains to
encourage the pursuit of martial exercises, but the continued absence of
any practical need of such attainments told steadily upon the _samurai_,
and toward the close of the shōgunate not only had the nation become
comparatively enervated, but also its military systems were
old-fashioned and inefficient from foreign points of view. The
government then found it necessary to remodel the organization, creating
such offices as _rikugun bugyō_ (minister of war) and _kaigun bugyō_
(minister of the navy), adopting the European system, adding cavalry,
artillery, and engineers, to the army, and establishing iron foundries
and docks for the use of the navy. At the same time, the restrictions
imposed upon shipbuilding were removed, and official encouragement was
given to the construction of sea-going vessels and to the art of
navigation. Thus the foundations of the present army and navy were laid.
In this connection, a brief description may be made of the regular
military service of the lord and vassal under the Tokugawa. In the Edo
castle, all the officials from the _rōjiu_ downward served in time of
peace in civil capacities, but, in war, held military command, the
shōgun himself sometimes taking the field. As to the feudal barons in
the country, those whose income did not exceed ten thousand _koku_ of
rice were required to furnish ten horsemen and two hundred and
thirty-five foot-soldiers, with full equipment of bows, guns, spears,
banners, and so forth; while those who enjoyed a larger revenue were
under obligation to furnish more ample contingents in proportion to
their income. The shōgun himself had a large bodyguard, consisting of
30,000 men or upward, as well as a powerful standing force, called
_ōbangumi_, which was prepared to take the field first in the event of
an emergency. The _samurai_ of these troops discharged civil duties in
times of peace. Throughout the various clans a military system closely
resembling that of the shōgunate prevailed.
To Yoshimune's initiative belongs, also, the establishment of a
fire-brigade in Edo. In earlier times, during the period of the fourth
shōgun, Iyetsuna, in January, 1657, a conflagration broke out in Edo,
reducing nearly one-half of the city to ashes, and entailing the loss of
many lives. After this catastrophe, Matsudaira Nobutsuna, who then held
the office of _rōjiu_, effected great improvements in the division of
the city, repaired and widened the streets, removed the great Buddhist
temples to the suburbs, created large spaces to which the citizens could
fly for refuge in the event of fire, and built embankments to prevent
the overflow of the rivers, thus greatly augmenting the prosperity of
the capital. Prior to this three aqueducts had been constructed in the
Kanda, Tamagawa, and Senkawa districts, by which means immense
facilities were conferred in the matter of water supply. After the fire
of 1657, however, the crime of incendiarism became common, and owing to
the high winds so often prevailing in Edo, fires thus kindled proved
very destructive, as many as ten thousand houses being sometimes ruined
at one time. Perpetual exposure to such a destructive agency naturally
exercised an injurious effect upon the methods of house construction.
The citizens contented themselves with flimsy dwellings, in many cases
thatched, not tiled, and the decoration of the nobles' mansions began to
be materially reduced. On the other hand, the prosperity of the city
increased so greatly that its area extended over twenty-five square
miles and its population aggregated two millions. Conflagrations,
however, continued as frequent as ever. Yoshimune, therefore, encouraged
the people to build houses of stone or other fireproof materials, and in
streets of prime importance, like those in the Kanda and Nihonbashi
districts, the shōgun did not hesitate to have the houses pulled down
in order to widen the thoroughfares. At the same time, Ōoka Tadasuke,
municipal governor, established the fire-brigade system. All these
improvements had some effect in reducing the number of fires, but to the
end of the Tokugawa dynasty their ravages continued to be the curse of
the capital.
Yoshimune, who in addition to military, financial, and administrative
aptitudes had a strong scientific bias, devoted much of his spare time
to astronomy, and caused instruments to be constructed for the purpose
of taking observations. He also ordered surveys to be undertaken for the
purpose of making a map. The encouragement of medicine and the building
of hospitals were also within the range of his reforms, and even the
promulgation of a law of copyright was not neglected, while we find him
turning to such a matter as the planting of cherry, willow, and peach
trees at Asukayama, along the banks of the Sumida River, in Kanda, in
Koganei, in Nakano, and other parts of the capital, with the result that
the citizens are to-day in possession of beautiful pleasure resorts both
in the suburbs and in the business districts of Tōkyō.
Under the influence of these wise and comprehensive reforms, it is not
strange that throughout the period of the rule of Yoshimune (1716-1745)
and his son Iyeshige (1745-1761) the country enjoyed comparative peace
and order. But the gradual decline of the Tokugawa power which had
previously set in could not be checked even by Yoshimune. Under the
tenth shōgun, Iyeharu (1761-1787), the influence of his unworthy
favorites, the Tanuma family, introduced evils of bribery and
sycophancy, while the country at large was visited by droughts and
inundations, such discontent being engendered among the poorer classes
that mobs assembled and attacked the residences of wealthy merchants.
Fortunately the next shōgun, Iyenari (1787-1837), and his great
councilor, Matsudaira Sadanobu, reverted to the strict policy of
Yoshimune and the illustrious founders of the Tokugawa shōgunate. Many
an able official was appointed for service in the Edo castle, and
several barons in the country vied with the central administration in
wisdom and efficiency of government. Iyenari's shōgunate also coincided
with the reign of the noble Emperor Kōkaku (1780-1817). Iyenari was
promoted to the second grade of the first rank and to the post of chief
minister of state, thus enjoying the distinction of reaching the highest
position ever attained by a shōgun of the Tokugawa line while in office.
His long rule of fifty years may be said to have effectually stemmed
the tide of the decline of the Edo government which otherwise would have
swept over everything long before it did in the next period.
We shall conclude this chapter by describing various phases of the
society and the life of the people of this period, beginning with the
upper classes. Nothing was deemed of greater importance, politically and
socially, than to preserve distinctions of birth. Throughout the Edo
period the lines of demarcation were clearly and sharply maintained
between the _samurai_, farmers, artisans, and merchants, the four
classes ranking in the order here given. Kyōto was the place of
residence of the imperial princes, among whom Fushimi, Arisugawa,
Katsura, and Kan-in were most closely connected with the imperial house.
The civil nobles aggregated over 130 families, including the five called
_Sekka_ from which the prime ministers were appointed and empresses
chosen, and the seven _Seika_ from which the ministers of the right and
left were selected. The real administration of all the civil and
military affairs of the state rested, however, under the authority of
the sovereign, on the shōgun, who controlled the feudal barons numbering
over 360. At the outset large tracts of territory were given to the
direct descendants of Iyeyasu, on whose support the shōgun chiefly
relied, but subsequently special treatment was extended to the feudal
barons of Owari, Kii, and Mito, who under the name _Sanke_--Three
Families--were authorized to act in the capacity of advisers to the
shōgun with reference to the principal political affairs of the realm,
and they were invested with the right to succeed to the shōgunate in the
event of a failure in the direct line of male descent. Besides these,
the two shōguns Yoshimune and Iyeshige founded three new families at the
head of which they placed their own sons, namely, the houses of Tayasu,
Hitotsubashi, and Shimizu, collectively known as the _Sankyō_--Three
Barons--enjoying the same special privileges and distinctions as the
_Sanke_. Many other feudal chiefs were also the recipients of
exceptional, though smaller, favor at the hands of the shōgun.
As to the various barons in the land, their classification into the
_tozama_ and _fudai_ classes has already been explained. If classified
according to the extent of their holdings, they fall into the three
divisions of _kokushi_, _jōshi_, and _ryōshi_. Lands of varying extent
were granted in perpetuity, such estates being classed into four kinds,
namely, those yielding 10,000 _koku_ annually and upward; those of
50,000 _koku_ and upward; those of 100,000 _koku_ and upward, and those
of 300,000 _koku_ and upward. According to these property qualifications
the relative ranks of the feudal nobles were determined, as well as
their ceremonial robes, their treatment at the Edo castle, and the
places assigned to them there. It was prescribed that, whenever the
feudal barons repaired to Edo or visited the shōgun's palace, they had
to be attended by a fixed retinue of retainers, the number varying with
their rank. On these occasions bows, muskets, spears, and halberds were
borne by the retinue, several of whom were mounted on horseback. The
baggage was carried in handsome cases, called _hasami-bako_, and the
utensils used _en route_ were also enclosed in ornamented coverings, so
that the whole procession formed an imposing and picturesque spectacle,
which was frequently met with on the main roads converging in Edo. As
for the _samurai_ at large, they derived their means of support from
lands granted them for life or in perpetuity by the shōgun's government
or the feudal nobles. Their duties were to master all branches of
military exercises and to devote themselves faithfully to the service of
their lords, and literature was also studied with assiduity. Speaking
broadly, they were divided into two classes. Those belonging to the
higher class, called _bajō-kaku_, or knightly rank, took the field on
horseback and held comparatively high social positions. The second
class, _keihai_, or light men, went on foot, and were subdivided into
various grades, as _kachi_, _kobito_, _ashigaru_. The _samurai_ who
directly served the shōgun's government were called _jikisan_, and
occupied the most respected position among their class, the highest
among them being _hatamoto_ (bannerets) and the lowest _kenin_.
In order to maintain the demarcation between classes and to preserve
social order, strict attention was paid by the government to etiquette
and conventional observances, and the study of literature by men of
position was encouraged. Nevertheless, instances of rude and disorderly
conduct on the part of the people were not infrequent. During the early
years of the Tokugawa period, the memory of the nation being still
freshly imbued with incidents of battle and bloodshed, both the
government and the people regarded the military spirit with the utmost
reverence and considered its development essential to the well-being of
the state. _Samurai_ of the lowest rank wore two swords whenever they
walked abroad, and, one and all, these men of war were disciples of a
cult which placed honor and justice at the head of a soldier's
characteristics and relegated selfishness to the lowest place. It was a
common practice with the _samurai_ of the time to take their own lives
for the purpose of expiating some event which they considered injurious
to the prestige of their feudal lord.
A remarkable example of the vendetta occurred in 1702, when forty-seven
_rōnin_ killed the enemy of their late lord. The affair had its origin
in an act of violence perpetrated by Asano Naganori, feudal chief of
Akō, who, being insulted by a rear-vassal Yoshinaka, drew his sword
within the precincts of the palace and wounded the offender, for which
breach of etiquette he was condemned to take his own life, and his
family estate was confiscated, an exceptionally severe sentence, due to
the fact that the government of the shōgun was just then exercising
every effort to check the rough-and-ready habits of time. Asano's
vassals, forty-seven in number, under the leadership of Ōishi
Kuranosuke, after a long period of patient watching and much hardship,
succeeded in forcing their way into Yoshinaka's residence in Edo and
decapitating him. Then they surrendered themselves to the authorities
and were sentenced to die by suicide. But their achievement excited the
nation's strong admiration, who bestowed upon them the name of _gishi_,
loyal retainers. Their act was later dramatized into one of the greatest
of Japanese plays called "_Chūshigura_," and through all succeeding
generations theatrical representations of their loyal conduct never
failed to attract deeply sympathetic audiences. Similar deeds were
already on record. Early in the Kamakura period, the Soga brothers,
Sukenari and Tokimune, killed their father's foe, Kudo Suketsune; and
under the Tokugawa rule, Araki Matayemon, the renowned swordsman,
together with Watanabe Kazuma, put to death Kawai, the hereditary enemy
of his family, at Ueno in Iga. These and other achievements, some
filial, some loyal, fired the imagination of the nation. It became a
popular creed that orphans, faithful vassals, and even widows should
devote their lives to vindicating the memory or avenging the death of
parents, chiefs, or husbands, and this conviction was constantly
translated into action during the early years of the Tokugawa rule. It
was undoubtedly a custom in some respects worthy only of a military
feudalism, but its effect in fostering a spirit of chivalry was beyond
question.
Even the inferior classes and the merchants of that day, living in or
near Kyōto, attached more importance to the dictates of integrity and
honor than to questions of pecuniary interest. An evidence of the spirit
that governed monetary transactions is furnished in the form of
promissory notes in vogue at the time, which contained such clauses as:
"In the event of my failure to repay the money, I shall have no
objection to being publicly ridiculed," or, "Should I fail to discharge
my obligation at the fixed time, I should be considered as no man." In
fact, displays of courage and resolution and heroic contempt of
difficulties were so highly prized that, from the latter part of the
seventeenth century such a habit of thought naturally degenerated in the
case of the unrefined or illiterate into mere truculence and roughness.
A peculiar class of men called _odokodate_, civilians attired half like
the _samurai_ and exercising deeds of chivalry, no less of mere
roughness, was a product of this period. They roamed about the streets
in bands, between whom bitter quarrels frequently occurred. The
proceedings of these affiliations exercised so injurious an effect on
the customs and morals of the people that they were strictly interdicted
by the fifth shōgun, and their leaders were put to death. The same ruler
forbade the wearing of swords by merchants and farmers, and by these
means succeeded in correcting the rough habits of the lower orders, but
it is questionable whether the evils removed were not replaced by others
still greater.
As years went by and the empire continued to enjoy profound
tranquillity, ostentation, luxury, and effeminate habits began to
prevail. Against these evil practices not a few of the statesmen and
nobles of the time earnestly counseled the people. Dissipation and vain
display reached their height in the time of Iyenari. With this
irresistible growth of superficial and licentious habits and the
corruption and the demoralization of the feudal classes, which arose
from the reign of an unbroken peace and prosperity, and which culminated
in the days of Iyenari, the definite decline of the Tokugawa shōgunate
may be said to have begun.
Turning to the common people, we find that the great majority of them
consisted of farmers, artisans, and merchants. Agriculture being
regarded as the staple national industry, farmers ranked above both
artisans and merchants, the low place assigned to the mercantile class
being due to the consideration that they worked in their own interests
only. Neither farmers, artisans, nor merchants were permitted to use
family names, so they called themselves simply "farmer this," or
"tradesman that," but it was possible to acquire the privilege of using
a family name on account of some meritorious public service, and many
farmers were so privileged. Lower still than any of the classes hitherto
mentioned were the _eta_ and _hinin_, who were not deemed worthy to be
included in any of the above categories.