Campaign of 1810
_Journal—1st January-27th February 1810_
March from Coimbra to the Coa—The Light Division placed in cantonments
in advance of the Coa—A company of Rifle Men, sent out to reconnoitre,
find the French advanced posts in possession of Barba del Puerco.
Letter No. V
_To his Parents, from Villar Torpin, dated 28th February 1810_
Suffers from fever and ague—Description of Coimbra, its museum,
monasteries, and nunneries—Reflections on the superstition and
bigotry of the Portuguese—Miserable condition and poverty of the
inhabitants—Description of cantonments occupied—Conduct of the
French—Rumours as to the impending campaign and confidence in Lord
Wellington—Severe lecture to his father and good advice to the family
all round.
_Journal—4th March-30th April_
Advance from Reygada to the Agueda—The Rifles on outpost duty on
the Agueda, with one company on piquet at the Bridge of Barba
del Puerco—The French, who occupy the opposite bank, make a night
attack in force and endeavour to seize the bridge—Desperate
fight, in which the French are repulsed—Complimentary order
issued by Brigadier-General Craufurd to the Rifles by order of
Lord Wellington in consequence of their gallant behaviour on this
occasion—Dispositions of the Light Brigade on the river Azava—Captain
Ross's troop of Horse Artillery attached—The Rifles on piquet and
1st King's German Hussars on vedette duty on the Azava—Formation of
the celebrated "Light Division"—The 1st and 3rd Portuguese Caçadores
attached to it.
Letter No. VI
_To his Father, from Villar de Ciérvos, dated 30th April 1810_
Describes the events of the preceding two months—The mountainous
country and defile of the Agueda—Position held at Barba del
Puerco—Disposition of the Rifle Men on piquet at the bridge on
19th March—The French attack—Death of Lieutenant Mercer—Captain
O'Hare brings up the support—Sharp hand-to-hand fighting at the
bridge—Colonel Beckwith arrives with three companies of the
Reserve—The Rifle Men fix swords and charge—Retreat of the French—The
losses on both sides—Strength of the French column of attack—Captain
O'Hare's commendation of Simmons' behaviour.
Campaign of 1810
_Journal—1st January-27th February 1810_
[Sidenote: 1810 Jan. 1st]
Began the year rather roughly by a long day's march over bad and
mountainous roads to the wretched village of Ponte de Murcella. The
Alva runs near it, and falls into the Mondego some distance from the
village.
[Sidenote: 2nd]
Marched to Galizes and adjacent villages; the country mountainous and
poor.
[Sidenote: 3rd]
Marched to Pinhancos and San Marinha, near the foot of the extensive
ridge of mountains named the Mountains of the Stars (Sierra da
Estrella). This chain is the highest in Portugal, and continues to the
southern part of Estremadura.
[Sidenote: 4th]
Marched to Celorico.
[Sidenote: 5th]
Pinhel. On our arrival here were informed that the French had a body of
men in San Felices, and that their piquets were upon the river Agueda,
and that strong parties of Frenchmen occasionally passed the river and
entered Portugal to plunder or levy contributions. The headquarters of
the Brigade remained here.
[Sidenote: 7th]
The Rifle Men were ordered to proceed across the Coa to the villages
of Cinco Villas, Villar Torpin, and Reygada, two leagues in advance of
Pinhel. Cinco Villas is half a league nearer Pinhel, and stands close
to the Coa, with a strong stone bridge over it.
[Sidenote: 17th]
Marched and occupied the villages of Figueira, Mata de Lobas, and
Escallion, close to the river Douro. The rest of the Brigade marched
from Pinhel, taking up a line on our right. The banks of the Douro are
extremely rocky, wild, and romantic—in short, the country all round,
with few exceptions, is wild and stony. We have had a heavy fall of
snow, in which I observed innumerable prints of wolves. I endeavoured
to track them, but without success.
[Sidenote: 1810 Feb. 14th]
Retired to Valverde Pereiro, in consequence of some information our
Brigade received about the enemy.
[Sidenote: 15th]
[Sidenote: 27th]
Returned to our cantonments and continued very quiet until this day,
when a company of Rifle Men were ordered to the Spanish village of
Bouza. A party was sent forward to feel the enemy. It crossed the river
Duas Casas, and proceeded to Barba del Puerco, which was found in
the enemy's possession. The party fell back upon Bouza and the enemy
followed and fired a few long shots, but did not cross the river. Two
companies of Rifle Men now occupied Bouza, and two companies as a
support at Escarigo, on the Turon. The Duas Casas rises near Castello
Bom, on the Portuguese frontier; it passes between Bouza and Barba del
Puerco, after which it falls into the Agueda.
Letter No. V
Villar Torpin, _28th February 1810_.
Dear Parents—Your epistle came to hand a few days back, which gave me
infinite pleasure and gratification.
I have for some time been in expectation of receiving a letter from
Maud. I suppose he is not well informed where I am stationed. He had a
severe illness in the neighbourhood of Badajoz, and wrote for advice,
which he since informs me was of service, and before he marched he
had quite recovered. At the same time I was expected hourly to bid a
final adieu to this world. Judge what a situation to give advice to a
bed-ridden brother. However, I hinted nothing relative to myself, and
endeavoured to write in good spirits, which at that period had good
effect.
From fatigues my ague again revisited me, and continued daily for some
time, and at last terminated in a fever very prevalent through the army
at that period, and which confined me entirely to bed for three weeks.
But from the kind attention of my good landlady, who was continually
watching over me, I surprised numbers and deceived the grim King of
Terrors. As soon as I was able to move I went to a very healthy spot in
Spain, and improving daily (in a wonderful manner) speedily recovered.
Since that time I have traversed nearly the whole of Portugal, and seen
most of the best towns through the country, marching four, five, and
six leagues per diem, sometimes sleeping and living in the grandest
houses in the country, and at others in the most wretched hovels not
as good as an English pig-sty. Our present situation is about 300
miles march from Campo Mayor, and half of our way was over stupendous
mountains—in short, it was beyond anything I could have conceived, and
has highly compensated me for my labour. I spared no pains in visiting
all the churches and monasteries and castles in my way, which were
curious and frequently very interesting. At Coimbra, an exceeding good
town, and possessed of several rich convents, with a beautiful church
and museum of curiosities, two stuffed crocodiles attracted my notice
much, being 30 feet long, also tigers and a variety of different beasts
of prey in a high state of preservation. At the convent of Santa Clara
the nuns presented several of the British officers with sweetmeats,
which were very nice.
The friars and nuns at all the convents I have visited behaved with
the greatest politeness. It often excited my pity for so many poor
unfortunate women, who might have lived in the world and proved
an ornament to Society, but, alas! doomed by their parents from
superstitious bigotry to be secluded from the world and live entombed
in a vile prison, like common felons or miscreants, not fit to be
at large. The monks and priests of different orders live and prey
upon the vitals (if I may use the expression) of the people; they
endeavour to keep up that superstitious bigotry, which enables them to
exercise their extortions to the greatest degree upon the deluded and
infatuated multitude. The most miserable hovels in the country must
have six or eight painted images, dressed out in the most whimsical
and fantastic manner, imitating Jesus Christ, etc., a variety of
saints more calculated to excite laughter than convey any idea of the
Deity. It is through these wooden dolls they worship the Almighty, but
it is my opinion one half of them worship the images or saints they
stick up. At a certain hour in the day, sometimes twice or thrice, a
bell rings, the people off with their hats and chatter over a little
prayer, which, if their conscience pricks them, or they have committed
a slight irregularity, they repeat ten or a dozen times and feel
perfectly satisfied. Our present quarters are truly miserable; on all
sides stupendous mountains; the people wretched in the extreme, clothes
hardly sufficient to cover themselves, and positively not a degree
above savages—I mean as to their method of living. Of a morning they
will turn out of their wretched cabins and are to be seen sitting in
rows upon the ground in the sun picking lice off themselves and out of
each other's heads; they do not mind, or endeavour to hide themselves
from your view. At first it disgusted me, but from habit I stand by and
joke them about the number they have killed, which they take in great
good-humour, and tell you, so many that they could not keep account!
Their houses are built of rough stone, generally 7 or 8 feet high (some
exceptions to this rule), with no outlet for smoke; the fire is made
by the wall side, and consists generally of mountain heather or broom,
which produces a most intolerable smoke, and gives a person who is not
well seasoned, a copious flow of tears. The family sit on the ground
round it; the house is entirely enveloped in smoke, and every side
of the wall is like a chimney, which they never take pains to sweep
clean. The people never wash themselves, and seldom comb their heads.
The women have an immense quantity of long black hair, and never wear
bonnets, and seldom shoes and stockings. Garlic, oil, and dark brown
bread of Indian corn and rye is principally their food; they certainly
stared to see us eat beef, pork, etc., in such quantities, and drink
wine so freely.
These are the people we have the honour of living with at present in
the mountains on the north frontier of Portugal. Our regiment occupies
this position to preserve the left flank of the army from a sudden
attack. The other day the French menaced us, but retired. They are at
present in great force in the vicinity of San Felices, three leagues
from us; they make sad havoc among the cattle in the vicinity, killing
and wasting all they cannot carry away, and breaking everything in the
houses of the unfortunate inhabitants, and what is worse than all, they
knock down all idols in the churches; this shocked the people more
than all the rest put together. Things are daily drawing to a crisis.
Spain is lost, I firmly believe. Whenever the French show themselves
the Spaniards are panic-struck. The French are, it is supposed, forming
two grand armies to attack us, and we daily expect to retire in order
to concentrate our little army. It is rumoured that the Portuguese have
refused to march to attack the French near Badajoz, who are besieging
that town. If this is the case we shall soon retire upon Lisbon, but
let it be as it may, I have great confidence in Lord Wellington, who is
able to extricate us if difficulties have to be surmounted, and highly
competent to command Britons in the field and lead them off with glory.
In a few weeks you will have great news on this head, depend upon it.
The only thing I at present want is a supply of clothes. The lying out
at night in the fields for months together soon puts your raiment in
disorder. I am nearly in rags.
We have been in the habit of procuring excellent wine latterly at 6d.
per quart. We live well now and then. John Bull likes good feeding, and
none better than myself.
I think that if we should soon leave Portugal and not have a battle, in
all probability we may go up the Mediterranean, as the regiment is not
at present very strong.
The newspapers will direct you as to everything. I think the move
must certainly take place. If so, you will hear from me possibly
next in England. My love to my aunt, uncle, etc.—I remain your ever
affectionate son,
G. Simmons.
_Journal—4th March-30th April 1810_
[Sidenote: 1810 March 4th]
Marched from Reygada to Escarigo. Halted. The enemy finding us so near,
did not like to continue at Barba del Puerco, and withdrew across the
river. We occupied it immediately. The rain fell violently, and as the
Duas Casas had no bridge and was in our rear, and was frequently so
swollen as to be rendered impassable, our Brigadier ordered the post to
be evacuated.
Affair of Barba del Puerco
[Sidenote: 11th]
On the 11th, with four companies of Rifle Men, we again occupied this
post, having our company posted on piquet near the most formidable
passes I ever beheld. The French were also posted opposite us. The
river Agueda, which rises in the great Spanish mountains named Sierra
de Gata, and runs furiously in the bottom of this deep chasm over
rugged rocks, causing a continued noise, separated us. At the bottom
of the zig-zag pass is the bridge over the river, 100 yards long and 5
yards wide. San Felices, in which the advance of the French army were
lodged under the command of General Baron de Férey, is about half a
league from the pass. We remained quietly here until the night of the
19th inst., being upon outlying piquet with Captain O'Hare's Company.
Early in the evening I crossed the bridge to find a paper left there
(in the piquet house) for me to fetch from the French side, and had
just returned from visiting the advanced double sentry and made my
report to Lieutenant Mercer, when a tremendous firing commenced. Mercer
immediately ordered the men to fall in and move forward to our alarm
post, which was on the edge of the rocky chasm. The night being dark
and stormy, with rain occasionally, caused the river to make more
noise in its passage over the rocky bed than usual, and completely
prevented our advanced sentinels hearing the approach of the enemy.
Also from the obscurity of the night, it was not possible to see any
object, so that the enemy passed the bridge so rapidly that only one
sentinel fired before they were both knocked down. Two men, Maher and
M'Can, were taken at the bridge. However, this gave the alarm, and a
small party stationed amongst the rocks kept up a fire. The sergeant
being shot through the mouth and the enemy being so numerous, they
could not impede their progress. In a moment, after the arrival of the
main body of the piquet, the French were literally scrambling up the
rocky ground within ten yards of us. We commenced firing at each other
very spiritedly. Their drums beat a charge, and the French attempted
to dislodge us without effect. My friend, Lieutenant Mercer, who was
putting on his spectacles, received a musket ball through his head,
and fell dead close to my feet. Several were now falling, and the
moon for a few minutes shone brightly, then disappeared, and again at
intervals let us see each other. We profited by this circumstance, as
their belts were white and over their greatcoats, so that where they
crossed upon the breast, combined with the glare of the breast-plate,
gave a grand mark for our rifles. Our men being in dark dresses, and,
from their small number, obliged to keep close together, the ground
also being exceedingly rugged, were all favourable circumstances. We
fought in this way for at least half an hour against fearful odds, when
Lieutenant-Colonel Beckwith brought up the three reserve companies from
the village, who soon decided the affair. The enemy was driven in the
greatest confusion back over frightful precipices, leaving two officers
killed and a number of men wounded.
About 9 o'clock in the evening, Captain O'Hare had been taken unwell,
and as there was no idea of an attack, he went home to bed. Lieutenant
Cowan was sent for him when the firing commenced. They arrived after
poor Mercer was killed, so the command of the piquet devolved upon me
for a quarter of an hour. Thus I had the honour to command for some
time after poor Mercer was killed and until O'Hare returned. I merely
mention this circumstance as it was the first time I had been in a
fight, but the gallantry displayed by the _varmint_ fellows that were
with me left no doubt on my mind that we should have resisted all these
attempts to dislodge us until the reserves came up. A young Frenchman
that was taken, fired into Colonel Beckwith's face. A Rifle Man was
just going to blow his brains out, when the Colonel stopped him,
saying, "Let him alone; I daresay the boy has a mother. Knock the thing
out of his hand, that he may do no more mischief with it, and give
him a kick on the bottom and send him to the rear." The next morning
the boy was given a hearty breakfast at the Colonel's house. On being
questioned about firing so wantonly, he said he was in such agitation
that he was not aware his finger was upon the trigger of his gun. The
ball went through the Colonel's cap peak, which, being turned up, made
it take a slanting direction; it passed through and grazed the top of
his head. Six hundred volunteers were chosen by the French general
to attempt the annihilation of our party, and fifteen hundred more
were formed to support the attack in case of success. A number of men
kept up a fire from the enemy's side of the river during the time the
soldiers were passing the ravine.
A body of Spaniards under a captain was stationed on our right. We
had a corporal and file with them, merely to give us intelligence
if necessary. When the firing commenced the Spaniards became very
uneasy; the officer wished our corporal to leave his post; he said he
was determined to wait until the enemy overpowered him, so the noble
Castilian and his forces started off. Two French officers, a Light
Infantry captain and a subaltern, and seventeen men lay stretched
upon the rough ground. We afterwards heard from a deserter that the
colonel who led the attack was shot through the mouth and his jaw
broken. He was making a great noise before, but this circumstance made
him so quiet that a child might have played with him. Several other
officers were wounded and a number of men who were carried off during
the affray, Lieutenant Mercer killed, seventeen of our men killed and
wounded. Fairfoot was of the party taken; Betts, the sergeant, wounded
in the jaw; O'Gallagher wounded and died; William David, his skull
blown off and his _dura mater_ exposed. A French sergeant was wounded
through the knee, and afterwards I assisted Surgeon Burke to remove
his leg. This being the first affair of the outposts, and it having
resulted in the total discomfiture of the enemy in his midnight attack,
the following Complimentary Order was issued on the occasion:—
Division Orders
Brigadier-General Craufurd has it in command from the
Commander-in-Chief to assure Lieutenant-Colonel Beckwith and the
officers of the 95th Regiment who were engaged at Barba del Puerco
that their conduct in this affair has augmented the confidence
he has in the troops when opposed to the enemy in any situation.
Brigadier-General Craufurd feels peculiar pleasure in noticing the
first affair in which any part of the Light Brigade were engaged
during the present campaign. That British troops should defeat a
superior number of the enemy is nothing new, but the action reflects
honour on Lieutenant-Colonel Beckwith and the Regiment, inasmuch that
it was of a sort that Rifle Men of other Armies would shun. In other
Armies the Rifle is considered ill calculated for close action with an
enemy armed with Musket and Bayonet, but the 95th Regiment has proved
that the Rifle in the hands of a British soldier is a fully efficient
weapon to enable him to defeat the French in the closest fight in
whatever manner they may be armed.
(Signed) T. Graham, D.A.G.
This night gave me a good opinion of myself. I fought alone for some
time with fearful odds, my friend dead at my feet. I had been often
joked and told, "Would you not like to be at home again?" After this
night I was considered a soldier fit to face the devil in any shape.
[Sidenote: 21st]
Another attack being expected from the enemy, two more companies of
Rifle Men marched in, also two of the 52nd and one of the 43rd Light
Infantry.
[Sidenote: 23rd]
This post being frequently cut off in rainy weather by a river which
ran in our rear becoming so swollen that it was impossible to ford it
for days together, our General withdrew us, and sent a piquet of the
1st German Hussars as a look-out post; we moved into Villar de Ciérvos.
A few days before we left the post of Barba del Puerco a deserter
wanted to come to us, but the river ran so furiously that he durst not
cross it. Some Spaniards who were hiding from the French observed him,
and did not know his wishes, but seeing this Frenchman without arms and
unsupported, deliberately stoned him to death, several of us looking on
without the power of doing the unfortunate man any service.
[Sidenote: 1810 April 6th]
A battalion of French Infantry and a squadron of Dragoons marched from
San Felices and proceeded to the ford of Valdespina. The infantry
formed up whilst the cavalry foraged and plundered the small villages,
after which the whole returned to San Felices, followed by a party of
1st German Hussars.
[Sidenote: 8th]
Our battalion marched from Villar de Ciérvos to Val de la Mula, Val
de la Cuellar, and Malpartida. The former villages stand on the Turon
below the hill of Fort Concepçion; San Pedro and Valermosa were
occupied by the 43rd Regiment.
[Sidenote: 11th]
This day two of our companies were divided and the Battalion formed
into eight companies instead of ten. The staff of the two companies
were ordered to proceed to the depôt in England. Captain Ross's troop
of Horse Artillery was also attached to the Light Brigade.
[Sidenote: 21st]
General Craufurd reviewed the Brigade on the heights of Fort
Concepçion, after which the following change of quarters took place:
43rd relieved the 52nd at the outposts, 95th occupied the villages
vacated by the 43rd, 52nd marched into the cantonments vacated by the
95th. The enemy are making their appearance in the vicinity of Ciudad
Rodrigo in considerable force; it is a strongly fortified Spanish town
upon the Agueda.
[Sidenote: 29th]
The enemy have invested the town in very large force. Four companies of
Rifle Men marched to Espeja and four into Gallegos; these villages are
about a league apart and three from Ciudad Rodrigo. The enemy sent a
reconnoitring party, which, after making its observations, returned by
the ford below.
[Sidenote: 30th]
Two companies of Rifle Men were now posted as piquets above, about two
miles in front, upon the river Azava, at the bridge of Marialba and
the forts. A vedette of the German Hussars was posted on the other
side of the river in our front upon a commanding height in the village
of Carpio; from his station he could overlook all between him and
Ciudad Rodrigo. Two companies of Rifle Men left Gallegos for Espeja,
to admit the 1st and 3rd Caçadores, who are to be attached to us, into
the village. The Division is now to be called _Light_ in future. These
Portuguese soldiers are dressed in brown and are Light Infantry.
Letter No. VI
Villar de Ciérvos, Spain,
_30th April 1810_.
Dear Father—You will wonder, I suppose, at my sending one letter
after another in this way, as I wrote you so recently from Reygada in
Portugal.
I had the other day a long letter from my friend Maud. I answered it
the following day. He is in high health. I gave him all my news, ending
the letter, as usual, with advice. He has been stationed for some time
at Portalegre in Portugal, an exceeding good town, while I have been
traversing the country for months, not staying more than a day or two
in a place, and sleeping in tents or churches. For the last two months
back we have been stationed so near the enemy we durst not take off our
shoes. The weather has all along been very bad, continually raining
or snowing. I am in hopes it will soon clear up. The other day I was
posted on a bleak rock from four o'clock in the morning till one after
noon before I was relieved, and got famously ducked; but I derived this
advantage—it gave me a keen appetite for my breakfast, which my servant
has provided for me in style—four eggs, roast fowl, and plenty of tea.
We have no certainty as to meals, sometimes we dine at two o'clock, and
other times at ten at night. In our company we have three mules and an
ass to carry our provisions and wine, which, when we move about, we
carry in deer skins.
This day I marched four leagues under a continuous torrent of rain. I
am now under tolerable shelter, sitting drying my trousers over a fire
of wood upon the ground, and am in a very ill-humour, having burnt the
leather which encircles the bottoms. I have my jacket off and a blanket
round me until my jacket and shirt are dried. I am so much accustomed
to get wet I think little about it. For some time the French had been
stationed about eight leagues from us, but lately they made a move and
menaced Ciudad Rodrigo, but not having sufficient cannon, they were
obliged to retire for the present. I saw a fine puff in the English
papers treating upon the bravery of the garrison (how John Bull is
gagged!) Depend upon it the French have much greater influence with the
Spaniards than the English. All the Spanish soldiers I have seen look
more like banditti than soldiers.
We always know when the French are near—they, the Spaniards, run away
in every direction. Our soldiery hate to see them.
The Portuguese are much superior in appearance. We shall soon try their
composition in the first battle. The enemy marched to San Felices,
which caused us to advance upon Bouza (our regiment only). The other
part of the Light Brigade continued in the rear, occupying villages,
waiting ready to advance in case we required their assistance.
The French the next day had the impudence to pass the bridge and come
to Barba del Puerco, about four English miles from us. A peasant
came in the same evening and gave information, stating they demanded
rations for 1000 men; 300 men were in the town. The next morning three
companies of us moved to attack them at daylight, but they thought it
prudent to retire and not wait till the bread was baked, so we had hot
bread for breakfast. Between Barba del Puerco and San Felices is an
immense chain of mountains, which divides in the middle and forms a
deep chasm, the bottom of which is the bed of the river Agueda, which,
in the rainy season, runs with incredible violence. It receives a great
quantity of water from the rocky and rugged sides of the mountains,
which are for above half a mile nearly perpendicular; here is also a
bridge about ninety yards across.
The way to this bridge is very bad, being a zig-zag pathway called the
pass of San Felices. The water dashing against the rugged sides of
this river and the great depth of the chasm make the appearance to a
stranger wonderfully terrific. These were the mountains we had to guard
and place our sentries in the different intricate pathways, and to post
them in the dark in order to deceive our enemy and take them off before
daylight. One night at twelve o'clock I went to visit the sentries,
when, missing my way, owing to the excessive darkness of the night, I
travelled until daylight. The French had a piquet of seventy men on
the opposite side of the mountain on a level with ours. On this side
we for some time were in the habit of looking at each other with only
about half a mile in a direct line between us. They now and then tried
to pick some of our men off, but their shots never took effect. On the
19th of March the company I belonged to had the post of honour for the
night, and about eight o'clock in the evening I went with my captain
(Captain O'Hare) to post the sentries. After placing a sergeant and
twelve men about fifty yards from the bridge, we posted a double sentry
behind a rock about fifteen yards from it, which, in case the French
passed it, were to fire and retire back to the twelve men and endeavour
to maintain their ground until the company came to their assistance. I
crawled over the bridge to the French side to see if I could see their
sentries or observe if any of them were coming near the bridge, but
saw nothing and returned up the mountain to the tent pitched for the
convenience of the officers for lying in between the hours of going
their rounds.
The remainder of the company were in a little church lying round a
wood fire until their turn for duty at half-past eleven o'clock. The
other lieutenant returned and pronounced all quiet. At twelve o'clock
we heard several shots fired. We directly fell in the remainder of the
company and marched towards the bridge. We soon met a man coming with
information that the French were passing the bridge in great force. We
marched forward and found them forming in line, with drums beating and
yelling furiously. They fired to the amount of five hundred rounds, the
balls whistling over our heads. Our gallant Commander ordered us not
to let the men fire until we came within fifteen yards of them. The
French fired another volley. We still moved on as silent as possible,
fired, and gave them an English huzza. The men opposed to us were a
little staggered. We again loaded and came breast to breast. Lieutenant
Mercer called, "Simmons," and rushed on towards a stone several had got
behind, while he drove others in front. Our men were shooting them in
every direction, when an unlucky ball passed through poor Mercer's head
just as he was saying, "Our brave fellows fight like Britons."
At this moment three or four fell wounded near him. A French officer
I had the satisfaction to see fall also. A fine young fellow put his
rifle to the officer's throat and shot him dead, crying out, "Revenge
the death of Mr. Mercer." He instantly received seven shots in his
body. At this time the enemy were surrounding us in every direction.
Captain O'Hare called out, "We will never retire. Here we will stand.
They shall not pass but over my body." The shots flew round us as
thick as hailstones, and they were advancing upon us, but we kept up
a terrible fire. The moon showed sufficiently to let us see their
numbers. I saw French officers beating their men with their swords
to make them try to drive us from the rocks we occupied, and several
letting their muskets fall and clapping their hands upon their sides
or arms when they had received a wound and scampering. Just at this
serious crisis, I saw the three companies coming to our assistance—the
pleasantest sight I ever beheld. We set up a most furious shout. The
French soon knew the reason. Our companies fixed swords and came on
like lions, the Colonel at their head, the French scampering off in
the greatest dismay, throwing down their arms and running down the
precipices and carrying off their killed and wounded, as they generally
endeavour to do, in order that the number they lose should not be well
ascertained by their enemies. Our gallant Colonel received a musket
ball through his cap. The French, luckily for us, fired very high, or,
from their great superiority, they must have destroyed every man of our
company before the other three came to our assistance. We had only 43
men opposed to over 500 for half an hour. When we disembarked in this
country first we had 100 rank and file. In the morning we found our
loss to be one officer and five men killed, seven men badly wounded.
The other three companies lost two killed and eight wounded. We found
twelve Frenchmen and two officers killed. Some of them had six or seven
wounds. We also picked up five poor fellows most desperately wounded
and caught three prisoners.
The next day we learnt from a spy that the French colonel, who headed
the storming party, received a shot through his jaw, and that they
dragged away nearly 100 killed and wounded. The French that attacked us
were Grenadiers and Light Infantry, to the amount of 600, picked from
3000 men who had volunteered for the occasion. They also had among the
rocks on their side, 1500 men, who kept up a fire merely to deceive us,
and ready to pass the bridge as soon as the storming party had gained
their point. So confident was their General (Baron de Férey) of success
that he ordered them as soon as they got to the town to bring up all
the English wounded and take care of them, and not use the prisoners
ill. This man had all along been fighting with Spaniards, and thought
we should fight like them. It is not likely, I think, from the present
appearance of things in general, that we shall stay much longer. We
expect the French will soon bring ten to one against us, and of course
we must retire, after some hard fighting, for 250 miles before we get
to Lisbon and embark to come home. I consider myself very lucky in
not receiving a scratch, being exposed so long to the enemy's fire. I
now know what it is to meet the enemy in the field, and am confident
I shall always do my duty when opposed to the foes of my country.
My captain was pleased to say my conduct had given him the greatest
satisfaction. He is a very brave man, and has fought in twenty actions
in different parts of the world.[7] I hope shortly to give you an
account of something more decisive, should they come on by daylight. I
hope you will stick by the regiment I ordered for Charles. I send this
account of the battle only for your information, knowing it will please
you, but do not wish it to be made known; the man who passes himself
off to the world only shows his weakness. My love to the best of
mothers. I hope yet to meet and tell her personally of the hairbreadth
escapes and dangers I have passed. My love to my dear Ann and all the
family. My respects to my uncle and aunt. I wrote a long letter to
Colonel Sibthorp the other day. I remain your ever affectionate son,
Geo. Simmons.
You must pay the postage to Falmouth, I believe, or inquire at the post
office, or it is ten to one I ever receive your letters.
Direct when you write, Lieutenant Simmons, 1st Battalion, 95th or Rifle
Regiment, Lord Wellington's Army, Portugal.