CHAPTER II

_Journal—18th July-10th December 1809_

Advance of the Light Division—The forced march on Talavera—Arrival

on the field of Talavera—Marshal Cuesta abandons his position at

Talavera, and at same time Marshal Soult threatens the British line

of retreat—Sir Arthur Wellesley is forced to retire—The retreat to

Portugal—Simmons loses General Craufurd's private canteen cart—Wrath

of General Craufurd—Cantoned at Campo Mayor—Simmons gets typhus

fever—Great sickness amongst British troops.

Letter No. III

_To his Parents, from Campo Mayor, dated September 1809_

The forced march on Talavera—Scene on the battlefield—French dead and

French prisoners—Kindness of French to English prisoners—Return to

Portugal—Meeting with brother Maud—Forecasts as to his future military

career—Messages to his family.

Letter No. IV

_To his Parents, from Campo Mayor, dated 29th October 1809_

Life in cantonments—Movements of the French—Vanity and incapacity of

the Spanish officers—Opinion of the army of Lord Wellington—A letter

from brother Maud—Advice to his parents and messages to his sister.

_Journal—11th-31st December 1809_

The Light Division ordered to form a Corps of Observation on the

Coa—March from Campo Mayor to Coimbra _en route_ for the Coa.

_Journal—18th July-10th December 1809_

[Sidenote: 1809 July 18th]

Marched to Ladocir.

[Sidenote: 19th]

Marched to Zibreira, a tolerable village close to the Spanish frontier.

Country hilly.

[Sidenote: 20th]

Entered Spain by crossing the river Herjas, which takes its name from

the Castle of Herjas; it runs close to the walls, and is the boundary

between Spain and Portugal for some considerable distance. Halted at

Zarza la Mayor.

[Sidenote: 21st]

Moraleja.

[Sidenote: 22nd]

Marched to Coria, which is a nice little city surrounded by a wall, and

stands upon a plain. The river Alagon runs close to it. The cathedral

is a fine building. I went into it and heard some sacred music played

upon the organ by a blind man. The people since we entered Spain are

much cleaner in their persons and houses than the Portuguese, but the

Portuguese are more hospitable and attentive to our wants.

[Sidenote: 24th]

Marched to Galisteo, a town strongly situated and walled all round,

upon the Alagon.

[Sidenote: 25th]

Marched to Malpartida and saw at a distance the Gata mountains with

their summits covered with snow.

[Sidenote: 26th]

Marched to the river Tietar and crossed by a bridge of boats; the day

exceedingly hot and the column much fatigued. Arrived at Venta de

Bazagona.

[Sidenote: 27th]

Marched to Navalmoral. Heat very oppressive.

[Sidenote: 28th]

[Sidenote: 29th]

Marched very early to the town of Calzada, where an express arrived

from Sir Arthur Wellesley directing the Brigade to make the least

possible delay in joining the army. The Brigade, after a short rest,

marched to Oropesa, where it halted four hours to cook, having marched

under a scorching sun. We again commenced the march all night in very

deep and sandy roads, and arrived early upon the field of battle at

Talavera de la Reyna this morning, completing thirty miles during the

night, having marched sixty-two English miles in twenty-six hours.[6]

The Brigade was aware that the British army was engaged with the

enemy. Every one amongst us was anxious to participate if possible

in the glorious cause, but we only arrived in time enough to see the

dead and the wounded, which was a novel sight to me, and affected

me exceedingly. I almost wished myself well out of the scrape I had

voluntarily entered into, but we had little time to reflect, as the

Brigade was ordered to take up the chain of advance posts on the

Alberche, which runs into the Tagus above Talavera. On the 27th the

British and Spanish armies in position were attacked partially, but

the French were obliged to retire back to their position. The Duke de

Belluno, Marshal Victor, made a general attack with all his forces this

morning (28th) upon the British, but Sir Arthur Wellesley repulsed the

enemy at all points. King Joseph was with the French. The Spaniards

under General Cuesta occupied the right of the position and the

enclosures, but _Johnny_ knew very well if he could dislodge John Bull,

the Spaniards would soon leave him in possession of the field. During

this sanguinary action numbers of the soldiers fell wounded amongst the

long grass and fields of standing corn, which was set on fire from the

bursting of shells. Many of these men were frightfully burnt, not being

able to move away, and others literally burnt to death.

[Sidenote: 30th]

We were employed all this day in collecting the dead bodies and putting

them into large heaps mixed with faggots and burning them. The stench

from so many dead bodies was volatile and offensive beyond conception,

as the heat of the weather was very great. Some little firing took

place between the outposts.

[Sidenote: 31st]

Continued burning the dead as before. Talavera is a good-sized town

upon the right bank of the Tagus, over which there is a well-built

stone bridge. It is about fourteen leagues from Madrid.

In consequence of the Light Brigade having arrived, the enemy have not

shown a disposition to repeat their attack.

[Sidenote: 1809 August 1st]

At daybreak the enemy's piquets were gone, leaving a number of fires to

deceive us. Patrols crossed the Alberche.

[Sidenote: 3rd]

The British army fell back to Oropesa, as the Spanish general, Cuesta,

had undertaken to keep the French in check at Talavera whilst Sir

Arthur Wellesley made this movement to bring Marshal Soult to action,

who had passed the Sierra de Gata, and had arrived at Plasencia with an

army under his command.

[Sidenote: 4th]

The Spanish general was menaced with an attack by Marshal Victor; the

Spaniard, _butt_ uppermost—that is, his musket carried in the opposite

way from other folk's—making the best of his way in the most irregular

and unsoldier-like manner out of the reach of the French army. Our

astonishment and vexation were beyond conception, knowing that the

sick and wounded Englishmen had fallen (through the cowardice of the

Spaniards) into the hands of the enemy, and also that our army was now

placed in a most critical situation between the two French armies. The

only retreat open was by the bridge at Puente del Arzobispo; we passed

it; the advanced guard of Soult's army, consisting of cavalry, was

close to it.

The bridge was secured by a body of infantry, and we had now the river

between us. The British army at the battle of Talavera numbered about

20,000, and lost 6000 killed, wounded, and prisoners. The French, who

were 45,000 strong, had 10,000 killed, wounded, and prisoners, and lost

twenty pieces of cannon. The Spanish army of about 30,000 lost nothing

of consequence sufficient to comment upon.

The French army was supplied by the villagers with a number of

articles, while our army was nearly starving, although there was no

want of money in our camp, but our Spanish friends infested every

road for miles and robbed the peasantry who were bringing bread and

vegetables to us for sale, so that they were completely prevented

from rendering us any assistance. I rode several miles from our camp

in search of bread, and luckily bought some from a peasant who had

plenty hidden in his house, and would have gladly brought to our camp

but durst not, from the dread of being robbed by the Spanish soldiers.

Colonel Donkin's Brigade, consisting of the 45th, 87th, 88th, and five

companies of the 60th (5th Battalion) and our Brigade, formed the 3rd

Division under Brig.-General Craufurd.

[Sidenote: 5th]

Marched in the middle of the night, and continued marching for fourteen

hours, the weather very hot and no water to be obtained, as the

rivulets in our course were all dried up. The soldiers were very much

fatigued. Bivouacked on a barren hill near no human habitation.

[Sidenote: 6th]

A very tiresome march over a wild country to the village of Casas del

Puerto and Romangordo. Colonel Donkin's Brigade in bivouac at the

former, and ours at or near the latter village, posting piquets on the

bank of the Tagus and at the broken bridge of Almaraz. Marshal Soult's

advanced posts were on the opposite bank of the river. Our Brigade

moved every evening after sunset near the river, and there remained all

night with our arms ready in case the enemy should attempt to ford the

river.

This was a nasty damp place, and the exhalations from the vegetable

matter which was corrupting from the heat of the sun, and the

half-dried swamps that were swarming with vermin, laid the foundation

of disease amongst our men. We called the place we occupied by day

_Dough boy Hill_; a more appropriate name for it would have been

_Starvation Hill_, as a small quantity of goat's flesh and a little

coarse pea-flour was all we obtained here daily. The flour was made up

into little cakes by each individual and put upon a thin stone over a

fire until sufficiently done.

[Sidenote: 20th]

We marched from this abominable place of starvation and misery at

midnight, passed through Deleitosa, and, some distance farther,

bivouacked in a large forest of cork trees and on the banks of the Rio

del Monte. The men in making fires, set fire to the long grass, which

grows luxuriantly, and, from the dryness of the season, is a thing

almost impossible to prevent. We fell in, in a great hurry. Some part

of the forest trees took fire also, but the ground was cleared of the

grass near us, and the danger ceased.

[Sidenote: 21st]

At sunset we moved a short distance and bivouacked.

[Sidenote: 22nd]

Marched over a plain country to near La Matilla. Bivouacked on the

banks of the river Almonte. At a short distance passed Truxillo,

celebrated as the birthplace of Pizarro.

[Sidenote: 23rd]

Marched to Caceres. Halted in an olive grove until the evening,

and then moved a short distance for the night. This place has the

appearance of being wealthy. The inhabitants were more kind to the

soldiers as we passed than I had witnessed since my arrival in Spain,

the women offering bread and milk to them. We observed several large

convents. One in particular attracted our notice, being perched on the

top of a high rock.

[Sidenote: 24th]

Marched to Arroyo del Puerco, the day being very hot indeed and the men

exceedingly fatigued. Rested in the shade under the trees during the

meridian heat; moved two leagues in the evening and bivouacked.

[Sidenote: 25th]

Marched to Salorino, a very hot and harassing day's toil.

[Sidenote: 26th]

Marched to Valencia de Alcantara, which is a frontier town (fortified

as far as the citadel goes) and walled round.

[Sidenote: 27th]

Halted.

[Sidenote: 28th]

The Division moved to the banks of a river named Sever, and bivouacked.

[Sidenote: 29th]

Passed the frontier between Spain and Portugal. General Craufurd

put the provost-marshal under arrest and ordered him to be marched

a prisoner with the provost guard. It was my duty on this occasion

to be put in charge of this guard. I had several delinquents also in

charge. I was ordered to pick up all stragglers and to take care that

no baggage was left by me upon the road. The only baggage I found was

the General's light cart filled with wine and eatables. I tried every

means to make the mules draw this load, but without effect. A soldier

of my party volunteered to mount the first mule, and with the slings of

the rifles we laid on handsomely on both sides of the stubborn animals.

We at last started them, but they set off with the greatest fury, away

went my rifleman, and luckily he was not hurt. The road happened to be

very steep, so that the animals could not avoid increasing their pace

every moment. The cart was dashed to pieces, and the mules were also

sadly injured. We passed a curious town situated on a very high rocky

hill, called Marvão. It is the Portuguese barrier, and lies opposite

Valencia de Alcantara. On entering Castello de Vide I proceeded first

to lodge the prisoners in a secure place, and then to inform the

General how well I had endeavoured to perform his orders. He had a

party at dinner, and was expecting his light cart every moment with its

contents in the best possible order. When I related the sad catastrophe

he became nearly furious, and directed me to march up the prisoners to

their respective regiments, to obtain drummers, and in the front of

each regiment to flog the culprits—in fact, to become a provost-marshal

for the occasion. I was highly indignant at such usage for having

exerted myself zealously to serve him. I went with my party to Colonel

Beckwith, and made him acquainted with the instructions I had received

from the General. He admonished the stragglers for having left the

line of march, and told them to go and join their regiments and not

transgress again. He took the responsibility off my shoulders, and I

went to my corps. I heard no more of this business, but this General

Officer never forgave me.

We were bivouacked among large chestnut trees for three days, the

weather extremely sultry; we then were indulged with quarters in the

town for five days.

[Sidenote: 1809 Sept. 7th]

The Division marched to Portalegre, in Alentejo. The town is large and

populous. It has several convents in it. I visited them, but did not

find the nuns either beautiful or great devotees; they seemed to like

a good joke and nonsense as well as most folks. The regiments under

General Lightburn passed us to join the army, viz. 2nd Battalion 5th

Foot, 1st Battalion 11th, 2nd Battalion 34th, 39th, 42nd and 57th. My

brother visited me here. I gave him my watch. He slept at my quarters.

[Sidenote: 10th]

Marched to Arronches, a walled town near the rivers Alegrete and Caya.

[Sidenote: 11th]

Marched into Campo Mayor, and remained there three months. Our General

treated us occasionally with a field day. Numbers of the finest men in

the Division were carried off by disease, typhus fever being alarmingly

prevalent through the greater part of the British army. Headquarters at

Badajoz. The cavalry in advance at Merida and Albuquerque. Estremoz and

adjacent towns and villages were filled with our troops.

[Sidenote: Sept.-Dec. 10th]

The river Guadiana passes for a great way through a flat country, whose

banks in the rainy season are overflowed; consequently when the river

diminishes from dryness and the heat of the weather, its banks become

impregnated with myriads of vermin and also with vegetable matter in a

state of putrefaction. In every stagnant pool these exhalations poison

the surrounding atmosphere with pestilential vapours. The people of

the country leave it for some months at this season, and a common

observation among them is that strangers who come here at this season

seldom leave it again, _i.e._ they die. The town of Campo Mayor is

fortified, and has also a citadel. It stands on a plain abounding with

corn. At about the distance of a league a small river named the Caya

flows. This river forms the boundary line between the two countries.

Campo Mayor was besieged by the Spaniards in 1801, and fell in nineteen

days. I got a bad typhus fever here, and the priest wanted to confess

me and save me from everlasting perdition! I recovered very slowly

until the order for leaving this part of the country arrived. In a few

days, even on the line of march, I became well. My brother, in the 34th

Regiment, also suffered from the effects of this contagion.

Badajoz is the frontier Spanish fortification, and is of much more

importance, being very strong and upon the left bank of the Guadiana,

over which is a fine strong Roman bridge in good preservation, 700

paces long and 14 wide. This place is the capital of Estremadura,

and a Bishop's See. Fort San Christoval is an outwork upon the right

bank of the river, and commands the town. Elvas is a fortified town

of Portugal, of considerable importance, and about four leagues from

Badajoz. It is placed upon a rising piece of ground about a league

from the Guadiana, and has two outworks to support the town. Fort de

Lippe is placed upon a high hill and justly called a masterpiece in

fortification. The other fort, Santa Lucia, stands upon a smaller

hill, and communicates with the town by a covered way. Elvas is

supplied with water by an aqueduct. The water is brought a considerable

distance. If the place was invested regularly the aqueduct might easily

be destroyed, which would be a most serious inconvenience to the

inhabitants. The general hospital was at this place. Above 4000 British

soldiers were buried here during our stay in cantonments.

Albuquerque is a walled town of Spain, about three leagues from Campo

Mayor. It has a fort situated upon a hill close to the town. This

place gives the title to a Duke, who possesses many privileges and

an extensive range of forests, in which are plenty of wild boars and

wolves, hunted frequently by those who are fond of such amusement.

Letter No. III

Campo Mayor, Portugal,

_September 1809_.

Dear Parents—My last letter was written at Castello Branco, which I

hope you received. I must now enter into a long detail of proceedings,

the result of which has not proved of any service to England or Spain

as yet, and I am afraid there is no likelihood our services in this

quarter ever will, unless we have a sufficient disposable force to

cope with the French, who are much more numerous than we expected. I

will now bid adieu to the land of plenty, a land well according with

the Scripture phrase—flowing with milk and honey.

We very soon passed the frontiers of Portugal and entered Spain by

forced marches, generally of twenty English miles by day and sometimes

much more, the weather extremely hot and sultry and the roads very

bad. Sometimes we met with stupendous mountains, whose summits were

enveloped in the clouds; the villages in general were deserted by the

unfortunate inhabitants, and houses, churches, and everything they

possessed were one entire scene of ruin; some towns were completely

burnt to the ground, even the corn-fields (of this year's produce)

were generally laid waste by fire wherever the French had been. We

daily experienced great hardships from want of a proper supply of

bread and food of every kind. Sometimes with difficulty we got a

little, when every man endeavoured to get as much as possible for

himself, and I generally was not backward in contriving to satisfy

the cravings of a hungry stomach, as well as the oldest soldier among

them. From such fatiguing marches, and often bad food and water, by

day exposed to burning sun, and by night to the heavy dews, sleeping

generally upon the ground, you will not wonder at the men becoming

unhealthy, which daily obliged men to fall out on the march. Even the

strongest in outward appearance would lie down, or rather fall down,

and say positively they could not go any farther. The officers of our

regiment—most of them rode on horses or mules—did not experience the

fatigues so materially. As I had no money to spare, I was obliged to

walk, and, God knows, if illness had intervened or I had not been able

to march, my case would have been dismal; but, thank the Almighty, He

has blessed me with an excellent constitution, and all the hardships

I have met with have not made the least impression upon me. A little

John Bull-like, when hunger stared me in the face I put on a sorrowful

countenance, but by some means or other a sheep or pig came in my way

and I soon turned butcher. No sooner dead than roasted or grilled. I

assure you I have dined thus many times and felt much more real content

and pleasure than at a sumptuous feast. We now and then met with fields

of corn, and if the men were allowed to halt, they soon filled their

haversacks with ears, and boiled it when they arrived at the end of the

march.

An express arrived from Sir Arthur Wellesley desiring the Brigade

would lose no time in making a speedy junction with the Grand Army,

and the last twenty-four hours' march is almost unparalleled by any

soldiers after the fatigues we had already experienced. I had only

six ounces of mouldy bread and some bad water, which I got by the

road occasionally in passing, to support me for twenty-four hours,

in which time we marched fifty-two miles, resting three hours on the

ground. We certainly should have found a much greater difficulty in

accomplishing it had we not met several wounded British officers

riding from the field of action, who told us what was passing when

they left. Every man seemed anxious to push on, and all were in high

spirits, hoping soon to be on the field of battle and to assist their

brave countrymen. The cannons distinctly sounding on our ears as we

came near. I forgot to say that the dastardly Spaniards were running

in all directions, the field being covered with the panic-struck. They

received many a hearty curse as they passed us. After all our efforts,

we arrived on the field of battle just soon enough to be too late. The

horrid sights were beyond anything I could have imagined. Thousands

dead and dying in every direction, horses, men, French and English, in

whole lines who had cut each other down, and, I am sorry to say, the

Spaniards butchering the wounded Frenchmen at every opportunity, and

stripping them naked, which gave admission to the attacks of myriads

of pernicious flies and the heat of a burning sun. You may be sure

everything was done on our part and the commanding officer's to put a

stop to such horrid brutality and give assistance, but the ground being

covered for at least five miles with dead and dying, and we expecting

another attack, the army was drawn up in a line ready to receive the

enemy. Our regiment was posted in front of the army, but the French

thought proper to have no more of it at the present, and retreated

about three miles and beyond a river, which secured their front.

The French are very fine tall men, well dressed and accoutred. I saw a

colonel surrounded by his Grenadiers who had fallen by coming to the

charge with an English regiment, whose desperate courage and strength

of arm no troops in the world can cope with in that sort of warfare.

I have not time or room to dwell longer upon this subject; some other

time it possibly may be in my power to give a clearer account. The

papers, I have no doubt, will explain the business, and also inform

you how, from superior force, we were obliged to waive all advantage

gained by the gallant action at Talavera. The French followed us, the

wounded were all taken prisoners, and, I am happy to say, used very

well. The French are a brave and generous enemy, and their humanity to

the English prisoners is generous to the extreme.

We have once more arrived in Portugal, after a tedious march and under

the continual expectation of having a battle with the French army,

sometimes being only two miles distant from them, and frequently on

piquet within gunshot of each other, though as yet I have never had the

honour of being fired at.

I must not boast, we shall have enough of it before long, I daresay, as

it is believed the French are concentrating their forces, and will come

to see us shortly in a friendly way. The Spanish officers in general

are traitors or cowards, and of course the men will not fight when

their leaders set off. The Portuguese fight better.

I saw my brother some days back; he has not been out of Portugal.

Of course the hardships experienced have been trivial. He is plump

and hearty. I walked over a mountainous country above twenty miles

to shake hands with him once again. Stayed two days. He marched one

way. I returned, and had on my arrival to commence instantly another

march. We again met at Portalegre on 17th September, and I gave him a

good dinner, wine, grapes, etc. (having once more got into the land

of plenty). He slept with me, and marched at three o'clock in the

morning. He would change sashes with me. He is a fine spirited boy,

enjoys good health and bears fatigue well. I gave him all the advice

in my power, and it will give me pleasure if it is of service. He is

now very economical. I believe his regiment will go to the East Indies

from here. If I escape from Portugal with a whole skin I think of going

to the West Indies for promotion. As I have commenced to soldier, I

must fight for promotion as a soldier, and everything I have yet seen

are trifles compared to what I have often experienced in England. Oh!

father, when the mind is at ease, a fig for the body! Danger is merely

ideal to a man of spirit.

I am sincerely the friend and well-wisher of your family. As this may

not arrive, I have not written the regiment. Do not let this letter be

seen or talked about as any of mine. Right or wrong, I have no time to

read this epistle, and as it is the scrawl of a few moments, you must

excuse the diction; we cannot write when we please. My love to my dear

Ann. It is a lucky thing I did not fold the letter up in my hurry. My

blessing for her.

Take care of the boys—I mean their learning. I had nearly bought my

mother a snuff-box, but the difference of six shillings in the bargain

occurs. I shall be able to bring or send one possibly, should things

stand square with me, in a little time. God bless her. I never lie down

on the ground to take my night's repose without praying for the welfare

of my dear parents and family. Something strikes me in my reveries that

I am yet to comfort and cherish them when age shall put it out of their

power.

Letter No. IV

Campo Mayor, _29th October 1809_.

My dear Parents—I hope by this time you will have received my letters.

If so, the present state of affairs is not altogether foreign to you.

The Brigade has been stationed here about six weeks, which has made my

lank and sunburnt countenance return nearly to its pristine appearance.

In my last letters I observed that from the commencement of campaigning

I had not felt ill except from starvation. My good landlady and I being

upon excellent terms, she indulges me to excess in dainty dishes and a

good bed. I had forgotten that there was a great difference in being

always exposed to the weather (I mean the sun) and now seldom. One day,

being intolerably hot, I exposed myself as usual, and have had a very

severe attack of ague, which has returned three times, and obliged me

to put my medical skill to the test after the above severe battles.

I drove my enemy from his intrenched position, and he has never

since dared to resume the attack, so have proved the best general.

I regularly rise with the sun, and go to exercise every morning. I

pay that attention to my present profession which another day (if

not suddenly stopped in my course) may be attended with success. I

thought I merited it in the profession which necessity and great

disappointments obliged me to relinquish. Col. Sibthorp's last words

were, "Simmons, you give me much uneasiness at leaving my regiment, and

I feel for your future welfare, and you may have greater hardships

than it is possible to conceive." I instantly said, as I had pledged my

honour to his men, I hope he could not for a moment entertain so mean

an opinion of me or think me a weathercock. He then could say no more,

but parted with me with as much affection as a near relation—I mean a

parent. I hope you will not for a moment conceive I mean to feel regret

at relinquishing the medical profession; far otherwise. I am as happy

as my present situation will admit of, and, thank the Almighty, have no

reason as yet to be to the contrary. A soldier thinks of nothing that

has passed by; it is only the present time that concerns him; he is a

careless and thoughtless being. I wish I could say he was a little more

prepared for a speedy exit into a future state.

I will now endeavour to give you a slight sketch of the present state

of affairs. Our men are exceedingly unhealthy, and the hospitals are

crowded. Several officers of other regiments have died suddenly, and

numbers of men also have died from the effects of fatigue in our march

from Talavera.

The French, from the best reports I can learn, have 30,000 men at and

near Almaraz and Puente del Arzobispo. Another French force of 100,000

men are concentrating and collecting near Madrid. The whole of our army

is not more than 25,000 men, so some day shortly we shall have hard

fighting and hard running. We laugh heartily at the bombast which you

are gagged with, and seem to swallow, relating to the brave Spaniards.

John Bull will soon be in another way of thinking. The Spaniards are as

much afraid of the French as a child is of the rod. If you refer back

to a paper giving an account of our unforeseen retreat over (using the

words expressed in a French bulletin) an impassable mountain, you will

see in how dastardly a manner the grand and illustrious Spaniards set

off and left us no other resource than the above retreat. Otherwise

we were in the highest spirits in expectation of breakfasting in a

day or two with Marshal Soult at Plasencia. You can well conceive

the consternation at the sight of General Cuesta's army. Our gallant

commander, Lord Wellington, I am sorry to perceive, has already enemies

at home; they are illiberal rascals that can think only of puffing

forth such falsities. The old adage, "Great men have many enemies."

I may confidently say that every soldier entertains the highest

opinion of his Lordship, and if we face the French, where there is any

possibility for a general to lead on his army with credit to himself,

he certainly is the man to perform it.

I am sorry to find our army in Flushing has not succeeded in the grand

attack intended upon Antwerp and carrying off the fleet. I some days

back wrote to Maud; the Brigade he is attached to is stationed about

five leagues from this place, Torre Mayor in Spain. He sings out

bitterly at the scarcity of provisions. He is in good spirits, I am

happy to say, much respected by his brother officers, and I am under no

apprehension of him ever forfeiting their good opinion. I have put him

upon an economical plan of paying for every article as he procures it,

or go without it. He informs me he owes the tailor of the regiment he

left £10. I have not the least doubt as soon as I return to England to

be able to settle that business. The young rogue took a fancy to my

watch (I forfeited to Joseph in town). I hope to purchase him a better

some other day. He must forgive me. He gave me my knapsack for shirts

and stockings. (I lost my own. I took it from the back of a Frenchman

at Talavera who had paid the debt of nature by the bayonet, and it

has proved very serviceable.) While writing this, I have this moment

received a letter from him. He writes in high spirits and enjoys good

health; he informs me of a shocking accident which happened to a poor

boy. Being on guard, the boy attracted his notice, and was playing and

amusing himself with his antic tricks when a man passed through the

guard-room leading a mule (a restive one). He was carrying a loaded

musket also, which, coming in contact with the horse's side, discharged

its contents. Maud had the luck to escape, but the poor boy was shot,

and expired instantly.

His words struck me rather forcibly on the occasion, which were to

this effect: "The Spaniards came in numbers to the spot, and from the

howling of the men and women, whose _concord_ and _discord_, will give

me the blue devils before the morning." I have written to-day and

begged in his next he will explain the latter sentence. I expect him

here soon to spend a day or two. I remain, with every good wish to

my dear friends—with me my brother also joins in duty and love—yours

sincerely,

G. & M. Simmons.

I beg you will answer this as soon as possible, as my brother is, as

well as myself, anxious to hear from you. _Do not show my letters._

My brother informs me Joseph is with an attorney at Hull. I hope, if he

likes his situation, in a few years I shall be enabled to assist him.

Pay great attention to all your children's learning; make them good

scholars, and they will have little to apprehend. I hope Joseph is a

good boy. My dear mother, I am sometimes afraid, thinks too much of her

graceless boy. I know I am not deserving any better name. I hope yet

at some future day to be a comfort to her. I assure you the welfare of

my family is always uppermost in my mind. I hope my sister is well and

happy. I beg she will ever be upon her guard in forming new friends

or acquaintances, as we see every day the misfortunes young women are

subject to by such connections. I have too high an opinion of my dear

sister to think she will do so. I am convinced her prudence and good

sense, with the advice of the best of mothers, will be her guard from

forming connections with imprudent people. Give her this advice. I

bought a shawl here for five dollars, rather a whimsical thing, which I

hope to send you, at least when I return to England; we have some idea

of coming back, you see.

Write soon. I am particularly anxious to hear from you, as is also my

brother. Direct to me, Lieut. Simmons, 1st Battalion, 95th or Rifle

Regiment, Grand Army, Portugal (or elsewhere).

_Journal—11th December-31st December 1809_

[Sidenote: 1809 Dec. 11th]

This day we have been stationed at Campo Mayor three months, and are

now ordered to prepare for a march. I am recovering from fever. The

convalescent and sick are ordered to be sent to Elvas, but I am allowed

to proceed, by my own wish, with my regiment.

[Sidenote: 12th]

Marched to Arronches and halted.

[Sidenote: 16th]

Marched to Portalegre, where the Brigade assembled, consisting of 1st

Battalions 43rd and 52nd, and ours, the 95th or Rifle Men. I was in

the same company I commenced my military career with, and being the

junior officer, I consequently got the last choice of quarters, which

too frequently was a dirty floor with my blanket only. Captain O'Hare

did not show me much kindness, but the change of air improved my health

daily.

[Sidenote: 18th]

Marched to Crato, the officers of the company, viz. five, billeted

upon the house of a priest, who gave us all beds and sold us one of

the finest turkeys I ever saw, and also some excellent wine, which he

partook of. I enjoyed myself so much this day and slept so well that in

the morning I felt myself as well as ever, and from that moment shook

off the villainous effects of disease. The weather cool and refreshing.

[Sidenote: 19th]

Marched to Ponto do Souro, a village situated in a pleasant valley,

through which the river Souro runs its course. The neighbouring country

is well covered with wood.

[Sidenote: 20th]

Marched to the town of Abrantes.

[Sidenote: 22nd]

Marched to Punhete.

[Sidenote: 23rd]

Marched to Thomar, a large town which is observed at a considerable

distance, being built upon a most prominent hill, at the bottom of

which flows the river Nabão.

[Sidenote: 24th]

Marched and crossed a ridge of mountains to Ourem. Aldea da Cruz and

adjacent villages being very small and only calculated to lodge a few

companies in each of them.

[Sidenote: 25th]

Marched to Leyria, where the company's officers were billeted together

again; we got excellent white wine and good mattrasses. My Captain,

having enjoyed the wine very much, pulled off his boots, placed them

near the fire and a soldier took them away. Captain Mitchell of ours

was in the street just as the man left the house; something struck him

at the moment that the soldier was about no good, so he ordered him

to come into the room where we were. On opening his greatcoat, Peter

O'Hare's boots fell to the ground. This man was tried and flogged. My

Captain had the command of the detachment when the sentence of the

court-martial was put into execution. He gave the man every lash, and

recommended the buglers to lay it on lustily and save the fellow from

the gallows. This was the first punishment I had witnessed.

[Sidenote: 27th]

Marched to Pombal, on the Soure.

[Sidenote: 28th]

Marched to Condeixa, upon the same stream as yesterday.

[Sidenote: 29th]

To Coimbra, a large commercial city upon the north bank of the Mondego.

This city we entered by passing over a long bridge of many arches. The

gardens are supplied with the most delicious oranges in every stage of

growth upon the same tree, and plenty of grapes and other fruits, which

we were allowed to eat at pleasure. I visited several of the convents,

and met with great kindness from the nuns, who gave any British officer

who visited their convents sweetmeats and fruits in abundance, and to

particular favourites little purses to keep as tokens of regard.

CAMPAIGN OF 1810

Viscount Wellington arranged for the defence of Portugal by massing

the Anglo-Portuguese army at two points—the first, under his own

command, on the Mondego, and the second, under General Hill, on the

Tagus. He also issued orders for the construction of the Lines of

Torres Vedras. The Light Division under General Craufurd was pushed

forward to the Agueda as a Corps of Observation.

Massena, with a mobile force of 65,000 men, now threatened Portugal,

having captured the fortress of Ciudad Rodrigo, defended by the

Spaniards.

The first fight of the campaign was on 10th March, when General Férey

endeavoured to surprise the Light Division by a night attack on the

bridge of Barba del Puerco; this was held by the 95th Rifles, who

drove back the French with heavy loss.

Craufurd maintained his position on the Agueda for four months after

this, but in July, Ney with 30,000 troops advanced on Almeida, and

Craufurd elected to stand and fight him with the Coa River behind him,

and being vigorously attacked by overwhelming forces, withdrew with

great difficulty and with heavy loss. The fortress of Almeida shortly

afterwards fell into the hands of the French, and Massena advanced on

the line of the Mondego with the object of driving the British army

out of the country. Wellington, however, barred his advance at Busaco,

and a sanguinary battle was fought, in which the French were worsted.

Massena, finding he could not force the position at Busaco, manœuvred

to his right and threatened Wellington's line of retreat, and the

latter fell back to his prepared defences of Torres Vedras.

A British Rifle Man The Journals and Correspondence of Major George Simmons, Rifle Brigade, During the Peninsular War and the Campaign of Waterloo · 第 2 / 14 章