_Journal—7th May-8th August 1810_
The Light Division are posted as a Corps of Observation on the
Portuguese frontier with General Picton's Division (3rd) in
support—The French invest Ciudad Rodrigo and open fire on the
fortress—The Light Division constantly on the alert owing to rumoured
movements of French—Don Julian Sanchez, the Spanish guerrilla
chieftain—French cavalry reconnaissances on the Azava—The Light
Division occupy the high ground at Gallegos—Advance of the French
in force—Combat between a 14th Light Dragoon and a _Grénadier à
Cheval_—The _Grénadiers à Cheval_ act as "mounted infantry" and
occupy Alameda—"A body of men of this description at the end of a
day's march would be unpleasant neighbours"—Two companies of Rifles
occupy Fort Concepçion—The French capture Ciudad Rodrigo after a forty
days' siege—The Rifles march to Barquilla—Skirmish near Barquilla—A
squadron of the 14th Light Dragoons charges the French cavalry and
takes many prisoners—Colonel Talbot charges the French infantry,
but is slain and his Dragoons driven off—The French make good their
retreat—The Light Division retire on Almeida—Massena advances against
it—Results of the fall of Ciudad Rodrigo—Boastful utterances of
the French, who announce their intention of driving the "Leopard"
into the sea at Lisbon—Blowing up of Fort Concepçion—The Light
Division retire from Almeida, leaving it garrisoned—The Combat of
the Coa—Position occupied by the Light Division—The French advance
to the attack—Conduct of their officers in leading on their men—The
Rifles fall back on the bridge—Charged by French Hussars—The 43rd
Light Infantry check the advance of the latter—General Craufurd
orders the Rifles to retire from a hill covering the passage—The
retreat of the 52nd is thereby imperilled—Colonel Beckwith, with the
Rifles, recaptures the hill "in style," but with heavy loss—Simmons
severely wounded—Napier assists him until wounded himself—Simmons
is carried off by the Rifle Men—Stratagem of the French to effect a
crossing—The Rifle Men tricked—The French attempt to storm the bridge,
but are defeated—A flag of truce—Compliments by French officers on
the stand made by the Light Division—Losses of the Division—Simmons
conveyed in a bullock cart to Pinhel—Severe nature of his wound—Moved
to Celorico with Lieutenants Reilly, Pratt, and Harry Smith—Death
of Lieutenant Reilly—Shocking condition of wounded owing to sun and
flies—The Portuguese bullock-drivers desert—Adventures on the road to
the Mondego—Embark in boats on the Mondego—Sad death of Lieutenant
Pratt—Arrival at Coimbra—Sails for Lisbon—Arrival at Lisbon—Simmons is
billeted comfortably and nursed by his servant, Rifleman Short.
Letter No. VII
_To his Parents, from Lisbon, dated 10th August 1810_
Describes advance of Massena in July and many incidents of the
Combat of the Coa and of his journey to Lisbon—His arrangements in
case of death—General good advice to his parents, brothers, and
sisters—Expectation of speedy recovery—Unabated confidence in Lord
Wellington.
_Journal—7th May-8th August 1810_
[Sidenote: 1810 May 7th]
The Light Division assembled for the inspection of General Craufurd.
The Division occupied the following villages, Gallegos, Espeja, Nava de
Avel (a Portuguese village), and Fuentes de Oñoro on the Duas Casas;
Headquarters of the British army, Celorico. The 3rd Division, under the
command of General Picton, being in support to the Light at Pinhel,
and the rest of the army at Vizeu, Trancoso, and adjacent towns and
villages considerably in the rear of us.
The enemy has remained very quiet in consequence of the weather being
rainy. Several Germans, Swiss, and Italians have deserted from the
French, and occasionally Frenchmen, who all speak with horror of
prolonging the war in Spain, as they dare not individually leave their
camp. The Spanish guerrillas lay in wait to destroy them, and have
become so impudent of late, that they have even attacked convoys of
considerable force.
[Sidenote: 1810 June 1st]
The French have begun throwing up works before Ciudad Rodrigo, and have
completely invested it.
[Sidenote: 6th]
The French made an attack on the suburbs, but the Spaniards drove the
assailants back. Heavy cannonading from the town.
[Sidenote: 15th]
The French opened a battery upon the town, and kept up a heavy fire
during the day.
[Sidenote: 16th]
The enemy's cavalry made a reconnaissance and skirmished with some
German Hussars stationed at Carpio, and retired.
[Sidenote: 17th]
A heavy fire kept up against the enemy's battery from the town.
[Sidenote: 19th]
The Light Division assembled at Gallegos, being the nearest point
toward Rodrigo, and as the enemy's fire is increasing daily before
the besieged town, our General has concentrated his Division so that
we may be ready to fight or retire according to circumstances. From
the frequent alarms we receive, as one body or other of Frenchmen are
continually falling in and moving, we are becoming very active, and
can move off with all our baggage in a quarter of an hour at any time.
The Spaniards are astonished at us remaining idle, as they term it,
and allowing the French to invest their town, consequently they have
no high opinion of our valour. The young women, with whom we joke and
talk, make no scruple in calling us cowards, and say if we fought as
well as we eat and drink wine, we should be fine fellows indeed. These
observations are very galling, and people who are not conversant with
military movements might easily imagine we do not attack the enemy
from fear. We know that it would be impossible to give the least
assistance to the besieged, only being in advance of our army as a
Corps of Observation. I often feel distressed that we cannot do the
place any service. From our piquets we can see the enemy's cannon
playing upon the town and the garrison returning it. Although the place
is so closely invested, a guerrilla chief named Julian Sanchez and his
orderly man, a South American, frequently dash through their outposts
and go to the Governor with communications from our General, and return
in the same way to us. They possess determined bravery and know every
pathway about the place. Don Julian Sanchez has put to death many
Frenchmen in personal conflicts on different occasions, and from his
appearance, I have no doubt his bottle-holder could also play his part
handsomely if put to such an extremity.
[Sidenote: 24th]
The French cavalry came on this morning in force, waited a while,
retired, then returned and drove in our cavalry piquets from Carpio
and Marialba over the Azava. Our Division formed close column in front
of Gallegos. This appeared to be merely a reconnaissance, as the
enemy retired and our cavalry reoccupied their posts as before. Some
alteration had taken place, by bringing up a few companies from the
rear, which probably induced the French to suppose that our army was
moving to the front to raise the siege of Rodrigo.
For three or four days the firing on both sides has been very slack.
The French have been working hard and approach the town much closer.
[Sidenote: 25th]
At daybreak the French unmasked a battery and commenced a heavy fire
upon the town, which was returned with much spirit. About 10 A.M. a
tremendous explosion took place in the enemy's lines, caused by a shell
falling into a field magazine. Some time after this the enemy moved a
strong force of cavalry and some infantry towards us. We were compelled
to retire our cavalry piquet from Carpio; our advanced posts are now
at the ford over the Azava (called the Carpio ford) and at the bridge
of Marialba, and the ford of Molino dos Flores over the Agueda, which
is at the junction with the Azava. Two squadrons of the 16th Dragoons
joined us.
[Sidenote: 26th]
The enemy threw a great number of shells into the town. During this day
an oil magazine was consumed by fire. Our Commander-in-Chief visited
the outposts.
[Sidenote: 27th]
The enemy have two pontoon bridges over the Agueda, one above and
the other below Rodrigo, and have now a large force of cavalry and
infantry on its left bank in order to, if possible, cut off all
communication between us and the garrison. The Governor contrived to
send a letter by an old man to Lord Wellington. The firing of cannon on
both sides very briskly kept up, and there was occasionally during the
night some musketry; we found that the French had attempted, under the
cover of night, to take the town by storm, but were repulsed.
[Sidenote: 28th]
The cannonade continued during this day in the most lively way, much to
our annoyance that we could not drive the rascals from before the town.
[Sidenote: 29th]
The cannonade continued last night and this day.
[Sidenote: 30th]
The Division marched into camp into a wood near Alameda. In the evening
before dark we formed sections, and opening out very considerably so
as to make it appear at a distance that a very large body of men were
upon the march, we returned to Gallegos. A barricade of carts had
been placed upon the bridge of Marialba to prevent the enemy crossing
suddenly. We brought up a gun and fired at them to clear the way.
[Sidenote: 1810 July 3rd]
Our Brigadier drew up the Division in rank entire upon the high ground
in the rear of Gallegos to watch the enemy and make him fancy we were
much stronger in force. The 14th Dragoons joined us.
[Sidenote: 4th]
At daylight the enemy, in considerable force, advanced; our piquets
retired. The Division formed line between Gallegos and Alameda upon the
high ground. Our Horse Artillery fired shrapnel and round shot at the
enemy's columns of cavalry as they approached us, and the 3rd Caçadores
fired a volley as soon as they perceived the French, without doing any
mischief. This sort of thing was excusable, being young soldiers. We
are in hope that time may accustom them to judge their distance better.
I saw a Light Dragoon attack a French Horse Grenadier and trounce him
handsomely. The man's helmet was nearly all brass, with large bars
across in various ways; he had literally cut through this and also the
man's head most severely and brought him in a prisoner. Our General
sent the cap home as a present to some of his friends to show with what
strength the Englishman had dealt his blows upon the Frenchman's head.
The French infantry and artillery were now advancing in great force, so
it was deemed prudent to retire, which we did in good order over the
Duas Casas by the bridge in rear of Alameda. The prisoners informed
us that Marshal Junot's corps was all employed to make us fight or
retreat. I was much amused by the dexterity displayed by a body of
French Dragoons (Grénadiers à Cheval) who passed through Alameda and
dismounted, leaving their horses in line under the charge of some of
their men. They then trotted off in their big jack boots and large
hairy caps as Light Infantry to skirmish with us. As we had got the
high ground across the river, and they could neither check nor impede
our progress, they returned to their horses and became Dragoons again.
A body of men of this description at the end of a hard day's march
would be unpleasant neighbours. The enemy did not attempt to cross the
Duas Casas; the Division moved into Val de la Mula. Two companies of
Rifle Men were put into Fort Concepçion for the purpose of assisting
the Engineers in guarding the different communications with mines, as
the angles were to be destroyed when the French advanced. The company
which I was in, was on this duty, and curiosity led me to explore some
places underground. I found in a corner of a large place that had on
some occasion been made a depôt for provisions a cask of brandy and
three casks of fine biscuit. This was quite a God-send to us all. The
cavalry remained at Castillejo and Aldea del Obispo on the Duas Casas.
[Sidenote: 10th]
Ciudad Rodrigo fell into the hands of the French at seven o'clock P.M.
Its Governor made a noble defence indeed; the enemy's trenches were
open before the place for forty days.
[Sidenote: 11th]
Seven companies of Rifle Men marched at midnight, with two companies
of the 52nd, to near Barquilla and lay down. The enemy had a piquet of
cavalry and infantry in advance of Villar de Ciérvos, but withdrew them
after dark and reoccupied the post at daylight. The Dragoons came on
very cautiously, placed a vedette, and formed up upon a steep hill; the
infantry, amounting to sixty or seventy men, were in the flat below.
Major Butler, with a squadron of the 14th Dragoons, attacked the French
cavalry and brought in one captain, one subaltern, and thirty-four
privates prisoners, many of whom were a good deal hacked and cut about
the head. The French infantry were attacked by Colonel Talbot, though
it was pretty evident that they would have had to surrender without
firing a shot had he waited. He charged with a squadron of the 14th
and fell dead amongst them, as also his Quartermaster; thirty men
were killed and wounded and twenty horses. During this sad affair we
were not allowed to show ourselves, although a few infantry would have
compelled them to lay down their arms. Our _wise_ General had the 14th,
16th, and German Hussars all to assist, also Horse Artillery and seven
companies of infantry, but let this small party of Frenchmen slip
through our fingers so shamefully. The French officer who commanded
the party deserved great credit for the bravery he displayed, and most
extraordinary good luck attended him.
[Sidenote: 12th]
The enemy entered Fuentes de Oñoro.
[Sidenote: 15th]
The Division assembled at its alarm post in consequence of the
enemy being in motion near Villar de Ciérvos. I forgot to observe
that yesterday we fell back upon the village of Junça, a little way
from Almeida, and placed in a very rugged and rocky ground near the
banks of the Coa. Almeida is the frontier fortification of Portugal,
and is commanded by Colonel Cox, a British officer. The garrison
consists of 3000 men, well appointed, and possessing every requisite
to sustain a siege. In consequence of Ciudad Rodrigo having fallen,
the enemy began to concentrate an immense force of every arm for
the invasion of Portugal under the command of one of Napoleon's
favourite Generals, Marshal Massena, Prince of Essling and Duke of
Rivoli. Almeida now was the only impediment which could for a moment
prevent the French army from bringing their whole force against the
British, the latter consisting of not more than 25,000 men altogether.
As these Gasconaders, under their different Generals, had carried
their victorious arms through the greater part of the Continent, too
frequently through intrigue and treachery, such vaunting soldiers had
great contempt for us for presuming to enter the lists with them. Their
Generals published bills, telling the Portuguese that they would not
stop until they had driven the frightened _Leopards_ at the point of
the bayonet into the sea at Lisbon. This "nation of shopkeepers and
general disturbers of all nations" should be made a most awful example
of to deter others from opposing them!
[Sidenote: 20th]
Our infantry piquets were upon the high road to Val de la Mula, upon a
plain, the cavalry piquets upon the Duas Casas, and a few men with the
Engineer officer left in Fort Concepçion, ready to blow it up at any
moment when required.
[Sidenote: 21st]
At daylight Fort Concepçion exploded and made a tremendous noise. I was
lying under a tree in a sound sleep. I sprang up, thinking the French
army had got into the camp, and seized my sword, which hung upon a
bough of the tree, and proceeded to our alarm post. I found the same
effect produced by the noise upon the whole of us, and the only feeling
we had was to sell our lives at as dear a rate as possible. When the
cause was known, and that the enemy had not driven in our outposts, we
fell out and took our breakfast.
[Sidenote: 22nd]
I was on outlying piquet. I fully expected to be attacked this
morning, as several peasantry told us that large bodies of men were
concentrating close to us, and all the villages were filled with what
was now called the Army of Portugal, amounting at least to 100,000 men,
many of whom had been in a number of Napoleon's great battles.
[Sidenote: 23rd]
Lieutenant Uniacke and Lieutenant M'Cullock relieved us this morning.
Spent a jovial evening with Lieutenants Pratt and Beckwith in Almeida.
About eight o'clock an officer told us that he had orders to clear the
town of every person that was not to be employed in the siege, and
regretted that we could not be allowed to remain longer within its
walls. We drank success to their defence of the fortress, and that many
Frenchmen might bite the dust before the place, shook him by the hand,
and departed. We had scarcely left the town when the rain began to
fall in torrents; the thunder and lightning of that night was the most
tremendously grand I ever beheld either before or since. The Division,
officers and men, had no shelter from this inclement night; as to
lying down, it was nearly impossible, for the water ran in gutters
amongst the rocks. I sat upon a stone like a drowned rat, looking
at the heavens and amusing myself with their brilliancy and longing
for the morning, which came at last, and the rain ceased. Our next
consideration was to set the men to work to clean their arms and look
after their ammunition. Our cavalry outposts since the fall of Fort
Concepçion had been on the Turon.
Combat of the Coa
[Sidenote: 24th]
A little after daybreak the enemy advanced against our piquets and
drove them in. The Division was put into position, the left upon
Almeida and the right in rugged ground upon the Coa, which river was
running furiously in its course; several companies of Rifle Men and
the 43rd Light Infantry were placed behind stone walls. The enemy now
advanced in vast bodies. The whole plain in our front was covered
with horse and foot advancing towards us. The enemy's infantry formed
line and, with an innumerable multitude of skirmishers, attacked us
fiercely; we repulsed them; they came on again, yelling, with drums
beating, frequently the drummers leading, often in front of the line,
French officers like mountebanks running forward and placing their
hats upon their swords, and capering about like madmen, saying, as
they turned to their men, "Come on, children of our country. The first
that advances, Napoleon will recompense him." Numbers returned to the
attack. We kept up a very brisk fire. Several guns began to play upon
us, and as the force kept increasing every moment in our front, and
columns of infantry were also moving upon our right flank, we were
ordered to retire half the company. Captain O'Hare's retired, and the
remainder, under Lieutenant Johnston, still remained fighting for a
few moments longer. I was with this party. We moved from the field
into the road, our men falling all round us, when a body of Hussars in
bearskin caps and light-coloured pelisses got amongst the few remaining
Rifle Men and began to sabre them. Several attempted to cut me down,
but I avoided their kind intentions by stepping on one side. I had a
large cloak rolled up and strapped across my body; my haversack was
filled with little necessary articles for immediate use; thus I got
clear off. A volley was now fired by a party of the 43rd under Captain
Wells, which brought several of the Hussars to the ground. In the
scuffle I took to my heels and ran to the 43rd, Wells calling out,
"Mind the Rifle Man! Do not hit him, for heaven's sake." As I was
compelled to run into their fire to escape, he seized me by the hand
and was delighted beyond measure at my escape. The road to a small
bridge across the Coa, which the Division would have to retire over,
was very bad and rocky. Our gallant fellows disputed manfully every
inch of ground and retired towards the river. Every place we left was
covered with the enemy's Light Infantry in ten times our number. As
we got near the river the enemy made several attempts to cut us off.
General Craufurd ordered a number of Rifle Men who had occupied a place
that prevented the French from stopping our retreat over the bridge
to evacuate it before half the 52nd, who were on the right, had filed
over. The enemy directly brought up their infantry to this hill, which
commanded the bridge, and kept up a terrible fire. Colonel Beckwith, a
most gallant and clever soldier, saw this frightful mistake and ordered
us to retake the wall and hill instantly, which we did in good style,
but suffered severely in men and officers. Lieutenant Harry Smith,
Lieutenant Thomas Smith, and Lieutenant Pratt were wounded, and I was
shot through the thigh close to the wall, which caused me to fall
with great force. Being wounded in this way was quite a new thing to
me. For a few moments I could not collect my ideas, and was feeling
about my arms and body for a wound, until my eye caught the stream of
blood rushing through the hole in my trousers, and my leg and thigh
appeared so heavy that I could not move it. Captain Napier took off his
neckerchief and gave it to a sergeant, who put it round my thigh and
twisted it tight with a ramrod, to stop the bleeding. The firing was
so severe that the sergeant, on finishing the job for me, fell with a
shot through the head. Captain Napier[8] was also about the same time
wounded in the side. The Division had now nearly got over the bridge;
some men put me into a blanket and carried me off. Our General had
placed himself some distance from the fight to observe the enemy's
movements. I passed him in the blanket. The General had still in his
remembrance the loss of his light cart. He told the men this was no
time to be taking away wounded officers, and ordered them back. They
observed, "This is an officer of ours, and we must see him in safety
before we leave him." The last party of our men retired over the
bridge and occupied it. The ground was very rugged and rocky close to
the bridge, so that Rifle Men were placed behind every stone, and two
companies of the 43rd hid themselves and were ready to support our men.
Several Frenchmen held up calabashes as much as to say, "Let us get
some water to drink." Our men allowed some of the enemy to get water,
and did not fire upon them, but the cunning rogues made lodgments
between the stones, and when their party was ready to storm the bridge,
they commenced firing upon our men.
A number of French officers and some drummers headed the storming
party. Our fellows allowed them to come close to the bridge. Some
officers got over before they fell, but few went back to tell the tale,
either men or officers. They attempted to force the bridge several
times before the evening, and finding it impossible to effect their
purpose, they made a signal to cease firing. An officer came forward
waving a white handkerchief and requested to be allowed to remove their
wounded, as the bridge and its vicinity were covered with their killed
and wounded. This request was granted. The officer said he had heard
of the English fighting well, but he could not have supposed men would
have fought against such fearful odds. He complimented our men much
upon their gallantry, and observed what a pity it was we were enemies.
During this day it rained occasionally, and towards evening more so,
which made the arms frequently miss fire. After dark the Light Division
marched to Carvalha.
A party of the 1st Hussars, under Colonel Arentschildt,[9] was upon
the road. He paid me the most kind attention and ordered an Hussar
to dismount. I was placed upon the horse, and was taken on it to the
church of Alverca, where I found a number of poor fellows as bad, and
some worse wounded, laid in every direction upon the stone floors.
A poor fellow, who died some time after I entered, begged of me to
lie upon a paillasse beside him, as I was upon the bare stones; he
divided it with me.[10] In the evening I was put upon a car drawn
by bullocks—the most clumsy machine possible. Here now commenced my
misfortunes. The car proceeded, with me upon it, to Pinhel, suffering
the most severe torture from the jolting motion to my poor limb,
sustained at almost every movement. I was lodged in the Bishop's house,
and Colonel Pakenham behaved very kindly to me. I now became anxious
to know the nature of my wounds. My trousers and drawers were cut up
the side; the latter article of dress was literally glued to my thigh;
in fact, I had bled so profusely that it had steeped my shirt, which
stuck to my skin most unpleasantly. I found the ball had passed through
the sartorius muscle and close to the main artery, directly through my
thigh, partially injuring the bone. The surgeon who visited me shook
his head and looked serious, recommending a tourniquet to be put round
my thigh, and in case of a sudden effusion of blood to stop it by
tightening the ligature until assistance was procured. A spent ball had
also hit the calf of my leg, but the skin was not broken.
[Sidenote: 25th]
Put into an English spring waggon with Lieutenants Reilly, Pratt, and
Smith. The springs of this machine were very strong, and the rough
ground we passed over made them dance us up and down in an awful
manner. Bad as the movement of the bullock car was, this was ten times
worse, if possible. I felt happy when I was put under cover for the
night upon the ground floor of a dilapidated house at Baraca with a
little straw and my blanket.[11] My thigh and leg were frightfully
swollen, and also the lower part of my body. My ration bread I
directed my faithful servant, Henry Short, to make into a large
poultice, which was soon done. I then dressed the wound of Lieutenant
Coane, who was shot in the side; he was in the same company as myself.
[Sidenote: 26th]
Poor Reilly this morning told me it was useless tormenting himself by
taking another day's journey, as he felt he could not live many hours
(the ball had gone directly through the lower part of his body); he
shook me by the hand and regretted our parting. As the wounded were
obliged to proceed daily to the rear or fall into the hands of the
enemy, I was obliged to leave him in this unfortunate manner.
At daylight we proceeded to Celorico, which place we reached, after
suffering indescribable torture, in the evening. Here I learned our
loss more particularly, a sergeant having come to take charge of us.
Captain Creagh, shot through the lower part of his body, died the night
of the action; Lieutenant M'Leod shot through the heart, eight officers
wounded, and Lieutenant M'Cullock taken prisoner.[12]
[Sidenote: 27th]
This morning we found the Portuguese muleteers had disappeared and left
the spring waggon without the mules, so we were all put upon bullock
cars once again. These were easier to ride upon, so I was pleased
with the change. I had the intelligence that Reilly breathed his last
towards evening yesterday. Several of our poor fellows died from the
rough usage they suffered, and several soldiers who had neglected to
cover their wounds now became one frightful mass of maggots all over
the surface, which really made me tremble to see them dressed. The
flies and mosquitoes followed us in myriads. We had no means of keeping
off the swarms of insects, and the slow pace that the bullocks went,
made us feel the vertical rays of the sun with redoubled force. We
had some salt meat as rations, which, in the feverish state of our
existence, we turned from with disgust; we very seldom got bread,
generally biscuit, and that full of worms or mouldy; we were hurried
away daily to the rear as fast as possible in order that our army, if
pressed by the enemy, should not have us on the line of its march to
impede its progress to the rear. Halted for the night at Villa Cortez.
[Sidenote: 28th]
Villa Cortez to Pinhancos.
[Sidenote: 29th]
On this day's journey to Galizes I had very nearly finished my military
career. As the bullocks were dragging me along through a pass between
two steep hills, a Portuguese who had three loaded mules behind each
other and tied together, was also travelling along a sort of sheep
path several yards above me. The last mule, when just over my car,
stumbled and down he came, dragging the rest with him; he fell very
heavily upon the car close to me; how he did not injure me I cannot
account for, but so it was. It alarmed me, and consequently increased
my circulation, which gave me more pain than usual in my wounded thigh
for the rest of the way.
[Sidenote: 30th]
Arrived at San Payo, where the bullock-driver took my food and my
servant's, and departed with his bullocks also.
I sent to the _juiz de fore_ to request him to procure me two bullocks.
He told me the people would not obey him now, but directed me to send
my servant armed and to take the first two bullocks he could find.
Short soon brought two and yoked them. I could not get a driver, so my
servant marched in front of them with a _rivo_ (that is, a long pole
with a sharp piece of iron at the end), for the purpose of goading
the bullocks (to make them move on), over his shoulder. I had by
accident got a paillasse under me filled with straw, which made me
more comfortable. My servant, not knowing how to manage these animals
properly, and the flies teasing them exceedingly, they became quite
unmanageable. He attempted to stop the car, but was knocked over, and
the car passed over him. The animals became furious. In this perilous
situation I was carried along most violently, when the animals started
on one side of the road, which gave the car a considerable jerk and
landed me and the paillasse upon the only soft piece of ground for a
distance round. All the rest was rough and rugged ground mixed with
granite rock. I was in great alarm, but thankful to the Almighty for
having preserved me so miraculously. The bullocks soon stopped among
the thick underwood, from the resistance it made to their further
progress. I now had another danger to encounter. Two men with guns
had been observed occasionally by myself and servant skulking among
the trees and keeping at some distance. It struck me that these
fellows were following us with the intention of attempting to take the
bullocks, and, waiting a favourable opportunity, I made my servant
load his rifle, and though I could not stir, I had my sword drawn by
my side, but being bundled out of the car had bothered all my previous
arrangements for defence, and these men went directly towards the
bullocks. Short soon made his appearance, and was glad to see I had
not suffered much. He picked up his rifle upon the road, which, with
every other article, had been thrown out of the car. At this moment
two British Artillerymen who had lost their way came up. I told my
situation in a few words to them, and now desired them to assist my
servant in taking prisoner one of the Portuguese, in order that I might
proceed under the management of a proper driver. This was soon done,
but the fellow had not calculated upon being embargoed into my service
in so rough a manner, and became very sulky. The bullocks were again
put to rights and I was replaced upon the car. The driver did not pay
attention to the road, so that I was jolted over large stones, which
made me suffer extremely. My man Short observed his carelessness and
gave him a good drubbing, which had a very good effect, and we jogged
on afterwards quietly. My thigh was very painful from the shock I
received when thrown out, when I arrived in the evening.
[Sidenote: 31st]
My thigh felt very painful, and I commenced my journey with great
reluctance. My friend Pratt came and endeavoured to cheer up my
spirits, telling me our miseries would end with this day's march, as
we should then embark and go much easier in boats, and when we got to
Lisbon we should be able to make up for all our miseries. The road
on our approach to the Mondego was very narrow and down a very steep
mountain; the least deviation on the part of the bullocks would have
precipitated me some hundred feet. I was convinced that the driver had
no good-will towards me; I was perfectly helpless, but not quite at
his mercy. My servant drew his sword and told him that if any accident
happened to me he would bury it up to the hilt in his bosom, and from
what I know of his character he would have fulfilled his promise. I
must say I breathed much more freely when we arrived on the banks of
the Mondego near Lofrece. Tents were supplied, and we encamped for the
night. Here now my miseries and suffering from travelling ceased.
Several of the poor soldiers died upon the road. Each individual could
not be supplied with a car, consequently the poor fellows suffered
more. On two occasions I took one of them on the same car with me, and
I found sad inconvenience long before the day's journey was finished.
Soldiers in general are like children, and must be directed as such;
although they were frequently told if they exposed their wounds, the
flies would deposit their eggs upon them, still they took no notice,
and there was no officer present to enforce this command, so their
wounds became completely alive with myriads of large maggots, the
sight of which made me really shudder again. Oil was found the best
thing to take them away, as when applied it killed them, obstructing
their breathing. We now got everything to eat we could have wished
for: fruits, vegetables, bread, milk, and eggs. We had been generally
living upon salt rations and bad biscuit. The people were afraid of the
advance of the French army on our line of march, and most of them had
retired to fastnesses in the mountains, taking away every article they
could collect for their future support.
[Sidenote: 1810 Aug. 1st]
My poor friend Pratt was brought into the boat a corpse! We had
embarked in boats upon the Mondego River and were proceeding to
Coimbra. Pratt went ashore to get some milk for our breakfast, as we
rested, to give the rowers breathing time. I suppose the exertion he
used, the day being very hot, had assisted to remove the slough in
the wound in his throat, the carotid artery being injured; he died
instantly from one gush of blood. The ball had entered his jaw, taken
a transverse direction, and gone out near the base of the neck. When
he drank a quantity of anything, the fluid ran down his bosom, so that
the gullet was also partially divided. It was a sad sight to see him
brought back to us in this way. He was wrapped up in a blanket and laid
in the boat beside us. Thus finished the life of as a noble a fellow
and as worthy a man as I ever met with. In the afternoon we arrived at
Coimbra. Crowds of people came to the wharf from curiosity. One young
gentleman entered the boat and began to remove the blankets to show
my wound to some ladies that were close to the wharf. It vexed me so
that I doubled my fist, and as he leaned over me I gave him a blow
which sent him on his back; he made the best possible use of his legs
to get out. An order from the Commandant came to direct us to proceed
immediately to Figueira. We begged and entreated to go on shore, as we
were literally naked. We did not wait for any reply, but requested some
soldiers to take us into houses. Four men of the company I belonged to,
who had gone to the rear sick, took me upon a door to a silversmith.
He received me very reluctantly into his house, but we soon became
good friends. Afterwards I sent out and purchased some shirts, tea and
sugar, got plenty of bread to poultice my thigh, and in comparison was
in paradise. Pratt was decently interred.
[Sidenote: 2nd]
Embarked in a boat and rowed down the river to Figueira. I was laid
down upon the shore, for some time sadly annoyed by the Portuguese
wanting to uncover my wound. They came close, then began to pity me,
and at the same time tried cautiously to get the blanket off little
by little. I was heartily glad when a boat came for me to remove me
from these tormentors, who, I have no doubt, thought their noisy way
of showing me how they appreciated my misfortunes was the greatest
display of kindness, and that such patriotism was due to their allies,
the English. I was carefully handled by the sailors, and taken into the
ship much more easily than I expected—the _Nestor_ transport. She lay
outside the bar. I found Capt. Mitchell, Lieuts. Smith and Thos. Smith,
also Lieuts. Cowan and M'Diarmid of the 43rd Regiment, and all the
wounded men on board.
[Sidenote: 7th]
The wind and weather proved favourable. We arrived safe in the Tagus.
I was put upon a board and taken to the Golden Lion. We had beds upon
the floor. Those who were wounded so as not to be able to sit up,
remained in them. I ordered a good dinner, but the landlord began to
remonstrate with us upon the danger of taking much food in our present
condition. All my friends were of the same opinion as myself, namely,
that we had been starved long enough and ought now to enjoy ourselves.
I do not think I ever was more happy. An occasional twitch in my leg
and thigh merely came at intervals to remind me that I must not expect
happiness without some alloy in this world.
In the General Orders of the 6th the Light Division is to be formed
into two Brigades: 1st Brigade under Colonel Beckwith, 43rd Regiment,
right wing of 95th (Rifle Men), and 3rd Portuguese Caçadores; 2nd
Brigade to consist of the 52nd, left wing of 95th, and 1st Caçadores,
under Lieut.-Col. Barclay.
[Sidenote: 8th]
I found this morning that my bill was a very large one, which induced
me immediately to take measures to live at a cheaper rate, so I got a
billet at No. 26 Rua de Buenos Ayres. My servant, and a most faithful
one he was, took great care of me and enabled me to live very well
under my income, which made me as easy and comfortable as a forlorn
bed-ridden person could be in a strange land, without a friend (except
my servant) to beguile my lonely hours; particularly after leading so
active a life made it much more irksome.
With the fall of Almeida, the enemy were in possession of the two
frontier fortifications, in which their stores could be deposited
in safety. Marshal Massena's whole attention was now turned to the
subjugation of Portugal, which could only be effected by first
expelling the English from the country.
The enemy, having concentrated his whole force and supplied his
magazines with every requisite for his advance, endeavoured to bring
Lord Wellington to action as speedily as possible, and pushed forward
more rapidly than the Commander-in-Chief would allow. The Battle of
Busaco[13] was fought on 27th September, and terminated gloriously for
the British and Portuguese arms.
Letter No. VII
Lisbon, _10th August 1810_.
My dear Parents—When this letter comes to hand, which I hope no
unforeseen accident may prevent, it will be a means of quieting your
troubles on my account. I am out of danger. I know my dear mother's
affection for her graceless son. An earlier opportunity did not present
itself, which you will be convinced of in the sequel.
For some time, as usual, the Light Brigade had been continually in
sight of the army under the command of General Massena, numbering about
80,000, frequently partially engaged in skirmishing, which we took
little notice of, being so much in the habit of it.
About the 14th of July the enemy advanced, feeling their way toward
Almeida. We retired, fighting, to the right of Almeida, and took up a
position, having the town on our left flank, or rather in front, and
here we waited the further advance of the enemy.
On the evening of the 23rd of July, on coming off piquet, and having
a mind to go once more into Almeida, a friend of mine accompanied
me. After taking coffee we returned to our encampment. It began to
rain most violently, attended with the most vivid lightning I ever
beheld, thundering also most terribly. This would have been of little
consequence, but having to sleep among the rocks without any covering
from the weather, we of course were soon wet through.
On the appearance of day (about 4 o'clock A.M.) the enemy began to
advance and fight with our piquets. Our Brigade immediately took up
their position in the grape gardens behind walls and rocks, ready to
receive them. After smoking two pipes I damned them to my Captain for
not coming on faster, who laughingly said, "Stop, my boy, do not let us
be in a hurry; there is time enough before night to get a broken head."
Soon after this observation the French appeared in great numbers, some
singing, others screaming and howling like wild beasts, their drums
also beating in every direction. Our company was ordered to advance
with three companies of the 43rd Light Infantry. We soon came very
near the enemy, who kept up a most desperate fire. We returned a steady
fire. They now advanced very near, then retired a little, and came on
again several times, until our ranks became much thinned, and in our
turn we retired, moving more to the left, our company being ordered
to protect the left of our line, as the enemy were now moving round
and menacing our flank in that quarter. Our Rifle Boys brought them
down like wild ducks. At this moment a shot passed through the side
of a brother officer in the same company with me. He exclaimed, "Oh!
Simmons, I am wounded." A horse being near, we luckily got him away;
he is likely to recover. In passing a road the fire was excessively
hot from their cannons, their shells bursting continually above our
heads in every direction. I was coming over with the rear section of
the company when suddenly 300 or more French Dragoons dashed in among
us, knocked down my sergeant, and cut down three or four men. A fellow
brandished his sword in the air, and was going to bring it down upon my
head. I dropped mine, seeing it was useless to make resistance. He saw
I was an officer, and did not cut me. I looked round me to see if I had
the least chance of escaping, and pulled my boat cloak off, which was
buckled round me, when fortune favoured me: some of the 43rd and our
own men gave them a volley. I took advantage of their confusion, rushed
through them, and got through the breach in a wall our men were firing
from, pleased enough at my good fortune. We were soon engaged in every
direction, retiring very slowly, until about five o'clock most of the
Brigade had passed the bridge. The French now endeavoured to cut off
the remainder; every place was lined with them. They now got possession
of a hill near the bridge in great numbers. We were ordered to advance
up the hill and drive them from the place. A party of the 43rd, with
Major M'Leod at their head and several of their officers, as well as
our men and officers, ran up the hill, exposed to a desperate fire, as
the enemy had a strong wall to fire over. They did us much mischief
before we got at them. It was a grand sight. Our brave boys would face
anything. They shouted. The French became panic-struck. At this moment
I had nearly come to the wall. A musket ball hit me in the middle of
my left thigh, and passed through a little upwards; being so near the
man that favoured me with the shot, it luckily went directly through,
and took a small piece of my cloth trousers with it, at the same time
I was also slightly hit in the leg. I staggered on a little, but fell;
the blood spouted out on both sides. I put my hand into my pocket for
my tourniquet, but fainted. Captain Napier of the 43rd, being near,
twitched his handkerchief round my thigh. A sergeant of the 43rd, with
three of their men, carried me off. By the time I got to the bridge I
came to myself; there was a desperate fire at it. A sergeant and three
of my company, came to my assistance and relieved the other men. They
dragged me up the hill, which was nearly a mile, up a very rocky and
steep place. The blood kept pouring from my wounds. I fainted several
times. The Colonel of the German Hussars gave me some wine and put me
on a horse, an Hussar also with me. I sent my men back. In this way I
was conveyed about a league, and put into a church, where I met with
numbers of men and officers in the same plight. I was anxious to see
my wound, and on examining it I thought directly I should soon want
a billet in another world, but fortune has since favoured me. The
large artery in my thigh is not injured. After being dressed I was put
upon a car drawn by bullocks, and got into Pinhel about 10 o'clock at
night, having had nothing to eat all day except some wine; it rained
frequently, which made me uncomfortable.
In this way we travelled over rugged rocks and mountains until the
31st of July, about 100 English miles at the least; we encamped on
the river-side near a small village. The next morning we sailed down
the river Mondego about seven leagues to Coimbra. Moved to Figueira
next day, a seaport, and embarked on board the _Nestor_ transport for
Lisbon, at which place I arrived on the 7th of August. I have, after
some trouble, got into an empty house; there is a mattress and sheets,
things I have seldom of late been used to. My Colonel sent my servant
after me. He is a trusty and good fellow. I have him here. As I have
the house to myself, I have no one to disturb me. The people are not
worthy of notice. I met with great barbarity all the way. They would
let you die in the streets before they would assist you. Lisbon seems
like every other place. If any of them come near to pity, it is only to
rob you, if possible. I have several times on the road been robbed of
the bread I was going to make a poultice of, and not had an opportunity
of buying more. My thigh is much better; this day I have got a crutch
made. I think of exhibiting in my room in a day or two, and then I
must hop out. I cannot bear to be penned up in this way. I hope, if I
go on as well as I am doing now, in six weeks I shall be able to join
my regiment and have another fight with the rascals. We must have a
general engagement soon. I hope my dear Maud will not be so unlucky
as I; he is at present in very good health. The day after I was hit I
sent him an inventory of my little property should anything happen to
me. I expect a letter daily from him. As I always take care to provide
against accidents, I have money sufficient for my needs. When I found
there was little chance of recovering, I bought a silver snuff-box. I
leave you to guess who I meant it for. I also was going to purchase a
necklace for Ann, but I did not at that time meet with one to please
me. I directed Maud to do it out of my money, but as things have taken
such a wonderful change for the better, I hope I shall another day
present my little affairs personally. I look forward with pleasure to
that time. I must think of Betsy too. Yes, my dear parents, I think of
you all, and muse my fancy about you daily. John I hope is at school,
Charles, also Betsy. Do not disappoint me, for God's sake. Maud I have
made something of. He writes better language. He is afraid of doing
otherwise. If he writes wrong, I lecture him severely. I make every
inquiry after him. I am proud to say he is highly esteemed by his
brother officers. I have no doubt he will be a dashing, brave fellow
when tried. I beg you will not talk to people of my being wounded
or anything else about me; it is truly ridiculous to satisfy every
idle person's curiosity. I will give you an old proverb; put it into
practice: "Shun the talkative and curious man, for what he hears he
will relate again." God bless you all. Yours ever,
G. S.
Our Brigade had 18,000 French opposed to them; our strength 3,000;
they fought until 5 o'clock in the evening. The French sent a flag
of truce. Both agreed to bury the dead. Our Brigade is near our army
now. Lord Wellington is drawing the enemy on. We had two officers
killed; two have since died of their wounds; six more are wounded. The
papers will most likely enter more into particulars than I can. The
French in the afternoon stormed the bridge five times; their loss was
very considerable. A French colonel came on in front of his men. Our
Boys let him come upon the bridge and then shot him; few of his men
returned. The French certainly behaved very bravely. They are fine
fellows. The officer that came upon the bridge to beg a truce observed
to our officer that he was, as well as were all the French officers,
much astonished at the determined bravery of the British soldiers; it
surpassed everything.
My brother will soon have a lieutenancy. He is a lucky fellow indeed. I
regret much I did not receive my wound in a general action. I now live
in hopes of a speedy recovery and to be well in time enough for one. I
am confident of victory whenever Lord Wellington can bring them to a
general engagement. Our troops are in good health and seasoned soldiers.
I had an account of our loss. In our company, I am sorry to say,
thirty-nine were killed and wounded and missing, also another officer
and myself severely wounded. We sustained a greater loss than any other
company.
I hope my dear mother will not distress herself about me. At best this
life is very short, and should I fall, I shall die nobly in the cause
of my country, and if I may use the words of a great man, "The most
precious tears are those with which Heaven bedews the unburied head of
a soldier."
In all probability by the time your answer will arrive I shall have
recovered sufficiently from my wounds to enable me to join my regiment.
Should it be otherwise, I have left orders at the post office to stop
my letters till countermanded.
Direct Lieut. S., 95th or Rifle Regiment, Brig.-General Craufurd's
Light Division, Lord Wellington's Army, Portugal.