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A BRITISH RIFLE MAN
The Journals and Correspondence of Major George Simmons,
Rifle Brigade, During the Peninsular War and the Campaign of
Waterloo
Edited, with Introduction, by
Lieut.-Colonel Willoughby Verner
Late Rifle Brigade
Author of 'Sketches in the Soudan,' etc.
With Three Maps
London
A. & C. Black, Soho Square
1899
All rights reserved
To
GENERAL HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS
THE DUKE OF CONNAUGHT AND STRATHEARN,
COLONEL-IN-CHIEF OF THE RIFLE BRIGADE,
FORMERLY (1803-1816) STYLED THE 95TH RIFLES AND
(1800-1802) THE RIFLE CORPS,
THIS VOLUME
IN WHICH A BRITISH RIFLE MAN RECOUNTS HIS PERSONAL
KNOWLEDGE OF MANY OF THE DEEDS THAT HAVE
MADE THE NAME OF THE REGIMENT
SO FAMOUS
IS (BY PERMISSION) DEDICATED
BY HIS MOST HUMBLE AND OBEDIENT SERVANT
WILLOUGHBY VERNER,
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL, LATE OF THE RIFLE BRIGADE.
SKETCH MAPS
Illustrating the operations on the Coa and Agueda _Facing page_ 198
Illustrating movements during the Campaigns of 1809-12 " " 272
Illustrating movements during the Campaigns of 1813-14 " " 350
CONTENTS
Introduction Page xi
Commencement of the Peninsular War. Campaign of 1808 1
Campaign of 1809 2
CHAPTER I
Letter No. I., To his Parents, from Hythe and Dover, dated 21st May
1809—Journal, May-July 1809—Letter No. II., To his Parents, from
Castello Branco, dated 18th July 1809 4
CHAPTER II
Journal, July-December 1809—Letter No. III., To his Parents, from Campo
Mayor, dated September 1809—Letter No. IV., To his Parents, from Campo
Mayor, dated 29th October 1809—Journal, December 1809 19
Campaign of 1810 43
CHAPTER III
Journal, 1st January-27th February 1810—Letter No. V., To his Parents,
from Villar Torpin, dated 28th February 1810—Journal, 4th March-30th
April 1810—Letter No. VI., To his Father, from Villar de Ciérvos, dated
30th April 1810 44
CHAPTER IV
Journal, 7th May-8th August 1810—Letter No. VII., To his Parents, from
Lisbon, dated 10th August 1810 66
CHAPTER V
Journal, August-September 1810—Letter No. VIII., To his Parents, from
Pedroso, Lisbon, dated 30th September 1810—Journal, October-December
1810—Letter No. IX., To his Parents, from Lisbon, dated 16th December
1810 98
Campaign of 1811 127
CHAPTER VI
Letter No. X., To his Parents, from Lisbon, dated 11th January
1811—Journal, January-25th March 1811—Letter No. XI., To his Parents,
from Mello, dated 26th March 1811 129
CHAPTER VII
Journal, 26th March-26th May 1811—Letter No. XII., To his Parents, from
Espeja, dated 18th May 1811 158
CHAPTER VIII
Journal, 26th May-21st August 1811—Letter No. XIII., To his Parents,
from Martiago, dated 26th August 1811—Journal, 29th August-30th
September 1811—Letter No. XIV., To Lieutenant Maud Simmons, 34th
Regiment, 2nd Division, Portugal, from Aldea Velha, Portugal, dated 1st
October 1811—Journal, 1st October-20th December 1811—Letter No. XV., To
his Parents, from Atalaya, Spain, dated 8th December 1811 185
Campaign of 1812 213
CHAPTER IX
Journal, 4th January-30th July 1812 216
CHAPTER X
Journal, 1st-31st August 1812—Letter No. XVI., To his Parents, from
Madrid, dated 8th September 1812—Journal, 1st September-31st December
1812—Letter No. XVII., To his Parents, from Alameda, Spain, dated 12th
December 1812—Letter No. XVIII., To his Father, from Alameda, Spain,
dated 29th December 1812 245
Campaign of 1813 273
CHAPTER XI
Letter No. XIX., To his Father, from Alameda, dated 30th April
1813—Letter No. XX., From Lieutenant Joseph Simmons to his
Parents, from Alameda, dated 5th May 1813 (Postscript by George
Simmons)—Journal, 1st May-30th August 1813 275
CHAPTER XII
Letter No. XXI., To his Parents, from Vera, Pyrenees, dated 30th August
1813—Postscript, dated 4th September 1813—Journal, 31st August-31st
December 1813—Letter No. XXII., To his Parents, from St. Jean-de-Luz,
France, dated 7th December 1813, and Postscript 302
Campaign of 1814 331
CHAPTER XIII
Journal, 12th January-21st March 1814—Battle of Orthez—The Action of
Tarbes—Letter No. XXIII., To his Parents, from Tarbes, France, dated
27th March 1814 (finished by Maud Simmons)—Journal, 13th April-23rd
July 1814 333
Campaign of 1815 354
CHAPTER XIV
Journal, 25th April-June 1815—Letter No. XXIV., To his Parents, from
Brussels, dated 19th May 1815—Journal, 15th-18th June 1815—Letter No.
XXV., To his Parents, from Brussels, undated, but bearing a postmark of
1st July 1815—Letter No. XXVI., To his Parents, from Brussels, dated
21st July 1815—Letter No. XXVII., To his Parents, from Brussels, dated
18th September 1815 355
Conclusion 378
Appendix I., Letter from General Sir Harry Smith, 1846, after
Aliwal 381
Appendix II., Medical Certificates 384
INTRODUCTION
George Simmons, the writer of the following letters and journals, was
born on 2nd May 1785. His parents resided at Beverley, in Yorkshire.
The family consisted of nine sons and three daughters.
Since some of their names constantly recur in Simmons's letters, a
brief account of them will be useful. Maud, the second son, obtained a
commission in the 34th Foot in 1809. The third, Joseph, after beginning
life as an attorney's clerk, joined his eldest brother's corps, the
95th Rifles, as a Volunteer in 1812, and shortly afterwards was granted
a commission in it. All three brothers served in the Peninsular War.
The fourth brother, John, appears to have been a source of some trouble
to his parents, and eventually ran away from home and entered the
Mercantile Marine. His career at sea was a brief one. His ship was very
soon attacked and captured by a French privateer, and he was killed
in the engagement. The daughters, especially the second, Ann, "My
dear Ann" of many a letter, were the object of constant solicitude to
George, and of much good advice and many anxious forebodings. These
details of the family are rendered necessary by the fact that for some
cause or other the eldest brother appears to have constituted himself
as the adviser and protector, and to some extent the supporter, of
his parents. His father seems to have been in extremely straitened
circumstances, and to have lacked the capability of looking after his
family. George was evidently a very steady young fellow, and, realising
that his father was unable to fight the battle of life, he set to work
and studied medicine with a view to being able to support his parents.
In 1805, when Napoleon's threatened invasion had caused all the
manhood of England to enrol themselves for the defence of the country,
George was given a commission as Assistant-Surgeon in the Royal South
Lincolnshire Militia, commanded by Colonel Waldo-Sibthorp, M.P. In this
corps he served for nearly four years, and during that time gained the
friendship of his Colonel, who subsequently assisted him in various
ways.
The Lincoln Militia were quartered in Hythe Barracks in the spring of
1809, as were both Battalions of the 95th Rifles. The latter were in
a very shattered condition, having only recently returned from the
disastrous campaign of Coruña. In order to fill up their depleted
ranks, volunteers were called for from the Militia, and every Militia
officer who could induce a hundred men to join the service was granted
a commission. No difficulty, however, was experienced in obtaining
recruits for "The Rifles," as they were styled. Although a very
"young" regiment, having been raised only nine years previously, the
peculiar nature of their arm—the rifle—and their exceptionally active
employment, coupled with the fact that they had already made their
name at Copenhagen under Lord Nelson, at Monte Video, and only recently
at Roliça, Vimeiro, and Coruña, caused many more to volunteer for
service in their ranks than could be taken.
In the words of Sir William Cope, the historian of the Rifle Brigade:—
The regiment had already became so famous and popular, that not only
were the deficiencies filled up in a very short time, but more than a
thousand volunteers presented themselves beyond the numbers required.
It was therefore resolved by the Authorities to add a 3rd Battalion to
the regiment.
George Simmons, partly for reasons already given, but no doubt also
owing to strong military instincts and a true British desire to "fight
the French," easily induced a number of his Militiamen to volunteer
for the Rifles, and thereby became entitled to a second-lieutenant's
commission himself—there were no "ensigns" in the Rifles in those days.
It was at this juncture that his friend and benefactor, Colonel
Sibthorp, unwilling to lose his Assistant-Surgeon, and doubting the
wisdom of his going out to Portugal amid the circumstances, made use of
influence at the Horse Guards to cause the issue of the commission to
be delayed, trusting that, with time for reflection, George might be
induced to abandon his project.
Our history opens with a letter from George in May 1809 to his parents
at Beverley, announcing that he is about to embark at Dover for
Portugal with the 1st Battalion 95th Rifles, and recounting Colonel
Sibthorp's well-meant but inopportune efforts to retain his services
in the Militia.
It will be seen that one of his chief reasons for quitting the Militia
and joining the Army was "the interests of his family," to whom he
hoped to be of use; he wished "to assist the boys to go to school."
There is something very touching, albeit at the same time painfully
incongruous, in worthy George Simmons's unceasing efforts thus to
assist his family with small remittances from his hardly-won pay as
a subaltern. To us soldiers of the end of the century the idea of a
young man seeking a commission with a view to supporting his parents
and assisting in the education of his brothers and sisters is so
supremely absurd that at first one is inclined to look upon George as a
well-meaning visionary. Facts, however, disprove the suspicion. Readers
of these letters will learn how throughout the six campaigns in the
Peninsula between 1809 and 1814, and also during and after the Waterloo
campaign, Lieutenant Simmons, although thrice very severely wounded and
put to much expense, managed constantly to remit a portion of his pay,
and no inconsiderable portion of good advice as well, to his parents,
who were sadly in need of both.
The letters in this volume are truthful accounts, written from many a
bivouac and battlefield in Portugal, Spain, France, and Belgium, of
the daily experiences of a young British officer taking his part in
the great wars which were the main cause of Napoleon's downfall. Only
now and then, where George Simmons has alluded to family matters of an
entirely private nature, has it been considered desirable to excise
the latter. But his views, correct or the reverse, of the military
situation of the moment, his opinions of his chiefs and contemporaries,
his anxieties about the welfare of his parents, brothers, and sisters,
and his unceasing efforts to aid them, all forming as they do an
integral part of his daily work, thoughts, and aspirations, have been
left absolutely untouched.
To readers unacquainted with military matters it may be explained that
these letters and journals claim to possess additional interest, since
they are written by an officer who happened to belong to a regiment
which saw more fighting in the Peninsula than any other in the British
Army.
The Rifles formed part of the famous Light Division which was
perpetually in the forefront of the battle, and they were the only
regiment of British soldiers armed with the then newly introduced
weapon—the rifle—in contradistinction to Brown Bess, the smooth-bore
musket carried by the remainder of the Infantry. It is true that
certain corps, notably the 5th Battalion of the 60th Royal American
Regiment[1] and the Duke of Brunswick Oels' Corps, also were armed with
rifles; but, as these were composed of Germans and other foreigners,
and their companies at times distributed among various Brigades, the
same interest did not attach to them, nor were they able to take such
a leading part in the fighting as the three Battalions of the 95th
Rifles, who were present in whole or in part at every great battle in
the long and bloody struggle in the Peninsula, save Albuera only.
But although the regiment was composed of three battalions, it never
mustered more than seventeen companies in the Peninsula, and at
Waterloo only fourteen were present. It took its share not only in
the general actions, sieges, and stormings in common with the other
regiments, but also was constantly engaged in innumerable "affairs,"
as they are styled, which caused an unceasing drain on its strength—a
drain from which regiments belonging to other Divisions were usually
exempt. The reason for this was that the Light Brigade, or, as it was
subsequently styled, the Light Division, was used during the campaigns
in the Peninsula as a permanent covering or outpost force. Thus in 1810
it acted as a Corps of Observation on the Coa, far in advance of the
rest of the army, and took part in the affairs of Barba del Puerco,
Gallegos, etc., as well as in the severe fighting at the Combat of the
Coa, at which no other troops were engaged. Again, in 1811, Craufurd's
Brigade formed the advanced guard in the pursuit of Massena, and hence
was constantly in collision with the enemy.
These events are well described by Simmons, and it will be seen that a
similar condition of affairs prevailed in the subsequent campaigns of
1812-14. The normal strength of an infantry battalion in the Peninsula
was ten companies, and whilst noting that the 95th Rifles had the great
advantage of having three battalions in the field, which naturally gave
them a greater chance than others of seeing fighting, it is only fair
to remember that there were usually only from fifteen to seventeen
companies, and _not_ thirty, as is commonly supposed.
Several regiments had two battalions serving in the Peninsula, and
hence were as strong numerically as the Rifles.
The "Baker" rifle, with which the regiment was armed, was in every
sense an arm of precision up to 300 yards, and at ranges of 400 and
500 yards it was possible to hit a mark with it. This alone gave
the Riflemen an immense advantage over their comrades armed with
smooth-bore muskets, and, as proved by the experiments at Woolwich,
it was greatly superior to the rifles of Continental and American
manufacture in use at the time.
This rifle was invented by Ezekiel Baker, a London gunmaker, towards
the close of the last century, and was the first rifle regularly
adopted into the British service. It was tried at Woolwich in February
1800 by order of the Board of Ordnance, and was selected as the arm
of the Rifle Corps, then in process of being raised. On this occasion
eleven shots out of twelve were placed in a six-foot circular target at
300 yards' distance. The following is a description of the Baker rifle:
Weight 9½ lbs., barrel seven-grooved and 30 inches in length, rifling
one quarter turn in barrel, bullet spherical, 20 to the pound, charge
of powder 84 grains, flint-lock. The ball was placed in the centre
of a greased leather patch and rammed home, considerable force being
necessary to effect this. At first, wooden mallets were issued to the
Riflemen to facilitate the process of ramming home, but these were very
shortly discontinued (_circa_ 1803). A supply of greased patches was
carried in a small box with spring brass lid in the side of the butt of
the rifle.
As regards rapidity of fire, the maximum rate at which perfectly steady
shots could be taken was reckoned to be one per minute.
This weapon was the one used by the Rifle Corps in their maiden
action at Ferrol in 1800, and at the battle of Copenhagen in 1801,
where the Riflemen fought under Lord Nelson and were distributed as
sharp-shooters among various British ships of the line. It was further
used in South America in 1807-8 and throughout the Peninsula campaigns
of 1808-14, and also at Waterloo. In 1838 it was supplanted by the
percussion-lock Brunswick rifle, having thus been in use in the service
for a longer period than has any rifled firearm.
The smooth-bore musket, commonly known as "Brown Bess," was a much
heavier and longer weapon, throwing a spherical ball of 14 to the
pound, and the uncertainty of its fire is well evidenced by the
expression "as random as a common musket," which is to be met with
in treatises on rifle-shooting at the beginning of the century. This
weapon was in use up to the year 1853. It would not carry straight for
100 yards, and its effective range was barely double that distance.
Such was "the musket, that queen of weapons," as it has been styled,
with which the British infantry won all its great victories from the
time of Marlborough until the conquest of the Punjaub in 1849.
That even greater results were not obtained from the rifle during the
Peninsular War is due to the fact that the 95th Riflemen were naturally
often compelled to conform to the general movements of large bodies
of troops armed with smooth-bores. Their utility was in consequence
frequently unduly circumscribed by the exigencies of the moment.
It was, however, in the affairs of outposts and advanced guards, and on
occasions when individual action was both permissible and practicable,
that the value of the rifle became most apparent. Thus at the action of
Tarbes on March 14, 1814, the three Battalions of the 95th attacked and
ousted from an exceptionally strong position a French Division. George
Simmons was severely wounded in this fight. An eye-witness belonging
to another corps thus describes the attack, and in words which convey
a good idea of the methods of Riflemen under such circumstances: "Our
Rifles were immediately sent to dislodge the French from the hills on
our left, and our Battalion was ordered to support them. Nothing could
exceed the manner in which the 95th set about this business. Certainly
I never saw such skirmishers as the 95th, now the Rifle Brigade. They
could do the work much better and with infinitely _less loss_ than any
other of our best Light troops. They possessed an individual boldness,
a mutual understanding, and a quickness of eye in taking advantage of
the ground, which, taken altogether, I never saw equalled. They were,
in fact, as much superior to the French Voltigeurs as the latter were
to our skirmishers in general. As our regiment was often employed
in supporting them, I think I am fairly qualified to speak of their
merits."[2]
Unquestionably the most pressing military problem of the present day
is how to conduct an attack on troops armed (as all infantry are now)
with magazine rifles, which, owing to their flat trajectory and
extraordinary rapidity and precision of fire, are overwhelming in their
effects against favourable targets up to 2000 yards.
The object-lesson most recently before us is that of the fight at
Khartoum, where the absolute impossibility of masses of men advancing
under modern artillery and rifle fire, although known to students
of war, was practically demonstrated again to the whole world. The
unusually heavy losses experienced by our troops in the fighting on the
Indian Frontier in 1897 were mostly due to the able manner in which the
Afridis and other tribesmen took advantage of the ground and worked in
unison (as did the Riflemen at Tarbes and on many another battlefield)
to assist and support one another, and thus develop their fire so as
to obtain the maximum value from it with the minimum exposure and loss
to themselves. The accounts by officers who served in that campaign
bear a striking resemblance to some of the instances narrated by
George Simmons of the methods of fighting of the Riflemen during the
Peninsular War. Thus the French captain's description in Chapter V. of
the attack of the British Riflemen at Vimeiro, and the heavy losses he
sustained, especially in officers, is almost an exact repetition of
some of the accounts of the fights in the Tirah Campaign of 1897.
Sir John Kincaid, who served throughout the Peninsular War, and was
adjutant of the 1st Battalion 95th Rifles at Waterloo, says truly
that his corps, as "the Light regiment of the Light Division, fired
the first and last shot in almost every battle, siege, or skirmish,
in which the army was engaged during the war." But he hastens to add
that he considered the 43rd and 52nd Light Infantry _as a part of the
Rifles_, "for they bore a share in everything, and although the nature
of our arm generally gave us more employment in the way of skirmishing,
yet, whenever it came to a pinch, independent of a suitable mixture
of them among us, we had only to look behind to see a line in which
we might place _a degree of confidence almost equal to our hopes in
heaven_; nor were we ever disappointed. There never was a corps of
Riflemen in the hands of such supporters."
It is notoriously dangerous to prophesy, but I am presumptuous enough
to believe that the difficult problem of the conduct of attacks in
the future will in all probability be solved by adopting some system
based on the methods originated and carried out so successfully by the
first regiment of Riflemen in the British service during the Peninsular
War, of which the account of their attack on the French position at
Tarbes, given by the author of _Twelve Years' Military Adventure_, is
a good example. It is, of course, an integral part of the system that
the firing line should be intelligently and effectively supported, so
as to give those committed to the forefront of the battle that superb
_confidence_, both in themselves and in their comrades behind, so
admirably described by Kincaid.
Such confidence can only come from careful training and fellowship in
peace time, followed by experience on active service under fire, and
this is precisely what the celebrated Light Division was fortunate
enough to obtain. For it was largely due to the marvellous training of
the Light Brigade, consisting of these _same three regiments_, under
Sir John Moore at Shorncliffe during the years 1803 to 1805 that the
gallant Craufurd was able to achieve the splendid results he did, first
with the "Light Brigade," and later with his famous "Light Division."
But there was another element which should on no account be ignored,
and which unquestionably had much to do with the successful training
under Moore. On the Rifle Corps being first raised in 1800, the
Colonel, Coote Manningham, set to work to train the officers and men
thoroughly in the duties of Riflemen in the field. In that year he
issued a small book entitled _Regulations for the Rifle Corps_. The
most noticeable point in this is the great importance he attached to
what is known as the "Company system." Starting with the axiom that "In
a regiment of Riflemen, each company must be formed upon the principle
of being separate from, and totally independent of, another," the whole
of the book is permeated with the same ideas. Thus it is laid down that
transfers of officers or men from one company to another are not to be
made unless absolutely necessary, since "Riflemen, being liable to act
very independently of each other, and in numerous small detachments
in the field, will feel the comfort and utility of their own officer,
non-commissioned officers, and comrades with them, and the service will
be benefited by the tie of friendship."
Captains were held responsible for the whole training of their men,
and were directed "to offer premiums" for those who became good rifle
shots. These were to be styled "marksmen" and to wear "a green cockade!"
The _Regulations_ are of especial interest nowadays, since they show
that as early as the first year of this century there were soldiers,
such as Coote Manningham and his second-in-command, Lieutenant-Colonel
the Hon. William Stewart (to whom no small share of their compilation
is most justly ascribed), who realised the importance of educating the
soldier of that day and also in treating him with consideration.
Thus a regimental school was founded and a library provided, periodical
examinations were held of the scholars, and lectures on military
subjects were given to officers and men. An excellent series of
lectures given by Coote Manningham to the 95th Rifles at Shorncliffe in
1803 is still extant.[3]
From the foregoing it will be gathered that the men of the 95th had a
thoroughly sound training, based on the soundest of principles—that
of the COMPANY in peace and war. This company system was introduced
into the 43rd Light Infantry and into the 52nd Light Infantry about
1803. Added to this came the excellent Brigade training under Moore at
Shorncliffe. It is amusing to think that the system of "Company" and
"Brigade" training has only of recent years been adopted at our chief
military school—Aldershot.
It was the outcome of Moore's untiring efforts, on which was engrafted
the fiery spirit of Craufurd's remarkable personality, that caused
the troops of the Light Division, after the death of their leader at
the storming of Ciudad Rodrigo, to maintain their high character as
skilful and intrepid warriors. So long as the English language is
spoken will Napier's heart-stirring description of the storming of
Badajoz by the Light Division endure: "How deadly the strife was at
this point may be gathered from this; the 43rd and 52nd Regiments of
the Light Division lost more men than the seven regiments of the Third
Division engaged at the castle!... Who shall do justice to the bravery
of the British soldiers? to the noble emulation of the officers? Who
shall measure out the glory of ... O'Hare of the Rifles, who perished
on the breach at the head of the stormers, and with him nearly all
the volunteers for that desperate service? Who shall describe ... the
martial fury of that desperate Rifleman who, in his resolution to win,
thrust himself beneath the chained sword-blades, and there suffered the
enemy to dash his head to pieces with the ends of their muskets? Who
can sufficiently honour ... the resolution of Ferguson of the 43rd,
who, having at Rodrigo received two deep wounds, was here, with his
hurts still open, leading the stormers of his regiment, the third time
a volunteer, and the third time wounded?"
It is a significant fact, and not very complimentary to the
intelligence of the military authorities of the period, that the 95th
were not granted several so-called "Honours" (or names of battles)
to wear on their appointments, albeit they were present and took an
active share in them. Notable among these is "Pyrenees," in which
region the Rifles lost 15 officers and 264 non-commissioned officers
and men, killed and wounded. A full account of the heavy fighting at
this time will be found in George Simmons's letters. In 1849, when the
long-deferred medal for the great war was at last issued, no fewer than
294 men of the Rifle Brigade were granted the clasp for "Pyrenees,"
although to this day the regiment does not carry the "Honour" on its
appointments.
The vast difference between a corps, for technical reasons (such,
for example, as the Colonel having been granted the gold medal for
having commanded his regiment in a fight), being given an "Honour,"
and its having been present and performed gallant service at the same
engagement, is best illustrated by the remarkable fact that in 1849
no fewer than _three thousand four hundred and sixty-nine clasps_ for
Peninsula battles and sieges were issued to survivors of the 95th—a
far greater number than were granted to any other regiment, and over
_twenty-four times as many_ as were issued to some which to this day
carry more Peninsula Honours.
As regards the compilation of this volume, the original journals are
contained in three small pocket-books, in paper covers, measuring only
a few inches square and weighing ¾ oz., 1 oz., and 2 oz. respectively.
These were carried by George Simmons in his head-dress throughout the
wars, and hence he was always able to make notes from day to day of
events as they occurred. These small books form the framework, so to
speak, of the more voluminous journals, which were evidently written
subsequently, when more time was available for such a purpose.
The journal which is now published is chiefly taken from the latter,
but all dates, etc., have been verified from the smaller books.
Concurrently with the journal, a series of letters to his parents
from the seat of war, covering the whole period between May 1809 and
September 1815, are here reproduced without alteration, save and except
in the orthography of proper names and of Spanish and French towns, etc.
When possible, the signature of officers concerned, as given in the
"Pay Lists and Muster Rolls" at the Record Office, has been adopted in
rendering their names. Certain Spanish names, the spelling of which,
although notoriously wrong, has been consecrated by usage, have been
retained in the form most familiar to Englishmen.
No little difficulty was experienced in locating many of the places
mentioned by Simmons, whose rendering of Spanish names was at times
very erratic. This, however, is excusable when it is remembered that
the whole British army, from the Duke downwards, habitually ignored
the most elementary rules of orthography in the Spanish language.
Sir William Napier himself was one of the greatest offenders in this
way. To this day about half a dozen of the names of great battles in
Spain and Portugal worn as "Honours" by regiments on their Colours are
incorrectly spelt!
No two atlases agree as to Spanish spelling, but I was fortunate in
obtaining a very fair Spanish map, entitled "Mapa Civil y Militar de
España y Portugal," by Dauty and Malo, published in 1857, which I have
taken as the basis of the rough sketch maps which illustrate these
pages.
Even this, however, is at places difficult to follow nowadays, owing
to changes in names of places. Thus the town at the junction of the
rivers Tagus and Zezere known as "Punhete" in 1809, and shown as such
in 1857, is marked as "Constançia" in more modern atlases.
A very clear map of the Peninsula, published in 1810 in London (which
no doubt was largely used during the subsequent campaigns), is so
utterly at variance with this Spanish map, not only in the spelling of
names, but also in the position of towns and the course of rivers, that
it is practically useless.
A word of explanation as to the title. When the Corps was first raised,
Riflemen—being at the time a novelty—were styled Rifle Men. In one of
the earliest "Clothing Warrants" of the regiment they are described as
"the Regiment of Rifle Men."
George Simmons in his journals and letters adopted this form of
spelling, and hence it has been retained as characteristic of the
fashion of that period.
Willoughby Verner,
Lieut.-Colonel.
Royal Military College,
Sandhurst, _March 1899_.
A British Rifle Man
COMMENCEMENT OF THE PENINSULAR WAR
CAMPAIGN OF 1808
The Peninsular War commenced in the year 1808, on 1st August of which
year Major-General Sir Arthur Wellesley disembarked at Mondego Bay
and marched on Lisbon, at that time occupied by a French army under
Marshal Junot. The latter sent General Laborde with a Division to
oppose Wellesley's advance, and on 15th August the first skirmish
took place at Obidos. On this occasion the 95th Rifles had an officer
killed (Lieut. Bunbury), the first British officer who fell in the
Peninsular War. On 17th August, Wellesley defeated Laborde at the
battle of Roliça, and four days later he met and defeated Junot at the
battle of Vimeiro. Then followed the Convention of Cintra, under the
terms of which Junot was permitted to embark his army of 25,000 men at
Lisbon and the French evacuated Portugal.
The British Government now sent out strong reinforcements to the
Peninsula, and appointed Sir John Moore to the chief command. Moore's
forces concentrated in the vicinity of Salamanca, and then advanced to
engage Soult, who was holding the line of the Carrion river. Meanwhile
the Spanish armies had been defeated at all points, and the French
army, commanded by Napoleon in person and numbering over 100,000
men, was set at liberty to attack Moore, whose forces only amounted
to 25,000 men. In spite of these appalling odds, Moore conducted an
admirable retreat, and at Rueda, Sahagun, Benavente, and Mayorga his
cavalry obtained brilliant successes over the French.
On 1st January 1809 Napoleon entered Astorga, only to find that he
was too late to destroy the English army, which had evaded his blow
and was in retreat on Vigo and Coruña. Leaving Soult to continue the
pursuit, the Emperor now returned to France.
Moore carried out his retirement in a masterly manner; at Caçabelos,
Constantin, and Lugo he checked his pursuers and inflicted heavy
losses on their advancing columns. The retreat terminated with the
battle of Coruña, fought on 16th January 1809, when the gallant Moore
was killed, but not before he had heavily defeated the French and thus
secured the embarkation of his forces.
CAMPAIGN OF 1809
The French army in Spain was ordered by Napoleon to reoccupy Portugal,
and Marshal Soult was directed to march, _via_ Oporto, on Lisbon,
Marshal Ney to hold Galicia, and Marshal Victor to invade Portugal
south of the Tagus.
The British Government sent out Sir Arthur Wellesley to Portugal with
strong reinforcements. Wellesley marched on Oporto and seized the
passage of the Douro on 12th May, and drove Soult back into Galicia.
Victor meanwhile had reached Talavera de la Reyna on the Tagus, and
was supported by King Joseph and Marshal Jourdan.
Wellesley now advanced and joined the Spanish General Cuesta near
Talavera. Victor thereupon fell back, and, Cuesta following him up
alone, was severely handled by King Joseph and driven back behind the
Alberche river.
The French army, under King Joseph with Jourdan and Victor, now
advanced and crossed the Alberche, and, after several sharp combats,
the battle of Talavera was fought on 28th July. After a desperate
struggle, the French were finally driven back at all points, and early
on the following morning retired across the Alberche.
On the same day, the Light Division under General Craufurd, consisting
of the 43rd and 52nd Light Infantry and the 1st Battalion 95th
Rifles, reached the field and immediately took up the outposts. This
Division, after a march of 20 miles, was in bivouac at Malpartida,
when Craufurd received a report that the British were hard pressed at
Talavera. He at once started "with a resolution not to halt until he
reached the field of battle.... The troops pressed on with impetuous
speed, and, leaving only seventeen stragglers behind, in twenty-six
hours crossed the field of battle, a strong compact body, having
during that time marched 62 English miles in the hottest season of the
year, each man carrying from fifty to sixty pounds weight."[4]
Soult being joined by Ney, Mortier, and Kellermann, now moved against
Wellesley's line of communications, and the latter, leaving Cuesta
to watch King Joseph on the Alberche, marched to oppose him. Cuesta,
however, abandoned his post and fell back on Wellesley, closely
pursued by Victor. At the same time the English General learned that
Soult, having received reinforcements, had now a force of over 53,000
as against his 17,000 British troops; and he was in consequence forced
to recross the Tagus at Puente del Arzobispo and retire on Portugal.
Thus ended the campaign of 1809, during which the British losses
amounted to over 3500; and, owing to the hopeless conduct of both the
Spanish Government and the Spanish generals, all the advantages which
should have accrued to the British, from the successful operations on
the Douro in May and the victory of Talavera in July, were rendered
nugatory, and the French, in the words of Napier, were left with "all
the credit of the campaign."
CHAPTER I
Letter No. I
_To his Parents, from Hythe and Dover, dated 21st May 1809_
Announces the embarkation of the 1st Battalion 95th Rifles—Colonel
Sibthorp endeavours to dissuade him from going out, but fails.
_Journal—25th May-17th July 1809_
Embarkation at Dover, the voyage out, landing at Lisbon—The Rifles
are posted to Major-General Craufurd's Brigade, and march to join Sir
Arthur Wellesley, who is moving against Marshal Victor on the line of
the Tagus—Halt at Castello Branco.
Letter No. II
_To his Parents, from Castello Branco, dated 18th July 1809_
Describes landing at Lisbon—His opinion of Portuguese manners
and morals—Account of the advance and nature of the country
traversed—Conduct of the French to the Portuguese.
Letter No. I
Hythe, _21st May 1809_.
My dear Parents—The long-wished-for day has come at last. I am this
morning marching, with as fine a body of men as ever left England, for
Dover, where we embark. I believe a very great army will accompany us.
Our destination is a profound secret, and as I am not inquisitive,
it gives me little concern; I daresay I shall soon enough see some
diversion. The rumour goes, Austria or Portugal. Our men are in very
high spirits, and we have a most excellent band of music and thirty
bugle-horns, which through every country village strikes up the old
tune, "Over the hills and far away." This, my dear parents, is the
happiest moment of my life; and I hope, if I come where there is an
opportunity of showing courage, your son will not disgrace the name of
a British soldier.
Col. Sibthorp arrived here the other day, and directly sent to speak to
me. I waited upon him, and told him it was impossible for me to recall
what I had stated to the men who had done me the honour of preferring
to be with me and the regiment I was pleased to sanction, to any
others. When he found me inflexible, he then felt extremely hurt at
frustrating my views; and, to make up for putting a stop to me being
gazetted, he immediately wrote to the Commander-in-Chief and begged
to recommend me as a very deserving young man, and stated exactly the
reasons which induced him to endeavour to stop me entering the Line;
he also hoped he would take into consideration the manner I had acted
in procuring, entirely through my own exertions, the number of men
for His Majesty's service, and have my commission antedated. He said
I deserved great credit for my resolution in not being dissuaded from
my project, as I had determined to follow the profession of a soldier;
and my conduct in his regiment hurt him exceedingly to lose me, but he
hoped I should meet with friends wherever I went, and his friendship
he should always be proud of showing me at all times. He sent for
me to breakfast with him, and before I came away presented me with
twenty-five guineas, which just came at a time when I should have been
obliged to borrow to equip myself for service. The Colonel recommended
me very strongly to the notice of Colonel Beckwith, whom I now have
the honour to serve under, and from whom I have received every mark of
esteem, with a promise to do me every kindness in his power. I felt
some anxiety at leaving my brother officers, who vied with each other
in showing their friendship and kindness on all occasions. My Captain
gave me an elegant sabre, and another gave me a large cloak—Rifle Men
being generally obliged to sleep in the fields (on service), and their
cloaks are their beds upon all occasions. I never shall experience more
friendship from any set of men. Some will say, pray why do you leave
them when you can be so happy (this was my late Colonel's observation),
but my reasons I cannot explain to every one. I am confident there
would have been little chance of promoting the interests of my family
as I was situated; and as a soldier, with perseverance, I must in time
have promotion, which will soon enable me to be of use to my family;
and at all times it will be my greatest pleasure and pride to take care
that the boys go regularly to a good school, and I have no doubt of
seeing them one day men of some experience through my interposition.
I have left two large boxes in the stores of the 1st Battalion 95th
Regiment at Hythe Barracks. One, which I brought out of Yorkshire
with me, is filled with clothes and linen; the other with my bed and
bedstead. If I should not return to England again, I think it would be
worth your while to have them home, as they would pay the carriage and
they could come by sea.
You would see by the newspapers, if you did not hear from me, you may
always know where the Regiment was stationed. I deem it necessary to
give this notice for fear of mistakes, as, if I happened to be popped
off, in my last moments it would be a comfort to me to think I had left
you all I was in possession of. Should you not procure my boxes by
that means, write to Captain Platt of the Royal South Lincoln Regiment
of Militia, there stationed, and you will at all times be enabled to
find out; he will soon forward them to you. Do not laugh at my giving
such strict injunctions, as I like to do everything concerning myself
methodically, and then I have nothing to fear.
Maud,[5] I daresay, will be in this Expedition; if not it may be some
time before we meet. As most likely you will have his address, write
and tell him I am gone. As soon as I arrive at our destination I shall
take the earliest opportunity of letting you have the particular
occurrences which may befall me. Until then, farewell.
I have in the Navy a friend who, I expect, will soon be made Captain;
and have, if that takes place, a chance to procure a berth for my
brothers. Make them good scholars, I have not the least doubt of soon
taking them off your hands. I hope you will obey this command, and read
this part to Joseph and John, which, if they wish one day to shine in
the world, they will now strive to pay every attention.
I have left in my box some letters from Colonel Sibthorp, which I
shall feel pleasure another day to read to you, as it is impossible
to express the fatherly and friendly manner he has at all times
condescended to address me with. Being in such a hurry to embark, it
is with some difficulty I have time to address you at all, and I had
almost forgotten to mention my dear Ann, who, I hope, will forgive me,
and not attribute it to my neglect. My blessing to the children; and,
if it pleases God to spare my life, I hope on my return to see you all.
My best wishes to uncle, aunt, and friends.—I am affectionately yours,
George Simmons.
[Sidenote: Dover, May 25th]
Do not mention my letters, I beg of you. It was a most beautiful sight
to see us embark, and the lovely creatures cheering the men as they
passed.
_Journal—25th May-15th July 1809_
[Sidenote: 1809 May 25th]
The 1st Battalion 95th Regiment had been under orders to embark at
a moment's notice for some days. The order arrived last night, and
at two o'clock this morning the Battalion was formed in the Barrack
Square, consisting of 1000 as fine young fellows as were ever collected
to fight their country's battles. For my part, my heart was as light as
a feather when we marched off; and, if I may judge from appearances,
every person had the same feelings. We entered Dover about six o'clock
and marched through it. The windows were crowded with inhabitants; some
greeted us, but in general the women seemed sorry to see us depart,
knowing well that numbers must never return to their native land again.
The Battalion embarked in three transports, _Fortune_, _Malabar_,
and _Laurel_, and sailed immediately for the Downs, where we came
to anchor. The 1st Battalion 43rd and 52nd Light Infantry joined us
here, which with ourselves formed a Light Brigade, under the command
of Major-General Robert Craufurd, who took post on board the _Nymph_
frigate, 44 guns, commanded by the Honourable Captain Percy, and also
the _Kangaroo_ sloop of war under his command. Foul winds and sometimes
very stormy until 3rd June.
The Commodore hoisted the signal for sailing at daylight. The fleet got
under weigh towards evening and stood down the Channel.
[Sidenote: 1809 June 4th]
Saw the Isle of Wight at daylight; we neared it and anchored at St.
Helens.
[Sidenote: 5th]
The weather very squally. The fleet weighed and moved close to Cowes,
where we were detained by contrary winds for six days.
[Sidenote: 11th]
The wind seeming to become favourable, the fleet was put once more into
motion, but proving a false alarm, we brought up opposite Yarmouth,
and were again detained with foul winds until the 18th.
[Sidenote: 18th]
Yesterday a boat upset coming to our ship, the _Fortune_, from the
Commodore's, and a young midshipman and one sailor met with a watery
grave. The midshipman was coming to invite Captain Pakenham to dinner.
Our fleet sailed now in good earnest with a fair wind, passed the
Needles, and bid adieu to the shores of Old England.
[Sidenote: 24th]
Saw land ahead at daybreak, which was found to be Cabo Prior, near
Coruña in Spain; weathered Cape Finisterre. At noon the Commodore
chased a strange sail; it proved to be a Spanish brig, and being a
friend she was allowed to proceed.
[Sidenote: 25th]
Sailed along the coast of Portugal, passed the mouth of the Douro at 4
P.M.
[Sidenote: 26th]
The _Kangaroo_ took her departure for England.
[Sidenote: 27th]
Passed through the inner passage of the Berlengas, having previously
taken on board a Portuguese pilot. The Berlengas are a cluster of small
rocky islands; on the largest of them the Portuguese have established a
battery.
[Sidenote: 28th]
Saw the Rock of Lisbon at daybreak. It is a bold mountain, whose sombre
front overhangs the sea. About noon we entered the Tagus, and our fleet
came to anchor close to Lisbon, which from the sea appeared a most
magnificent place indeed. On landing the charm ceased, as the streets
are exceedingly filthy. The quays are built of stone, and very good
along the river.
The Citadel is on a commanding eminence in the town, from whence in
every direction you may observe churches, monasteries, convents, etc.
The most magnificent church is that of S. Roche. The French, under
Junot, robbed this church of many valuables, but the priests were
fortunate enough to save some things by hiding them from the grasp of
these rapacious plunderers. We remained on board for four days waiting
for orders.
A number of Portuguese and transport boats came alongside each ship for
the purpose of conveying us up the Tagus. The tide began to flow about
midnight; we entered the boats and proceeded up the river. The boats
were crowded with men and we rowed on slowly up the river, anxious for
the approach of day, which at last arrived. The men were tugging at the
oars all day, and occasionally the boats ran upon banks of sand.
[Sidenote: 1809 July 3rd]
At dusk we arrived at the village of Vallada, where we halted, and for
the first time in my life I was treated with a bivouac. Hungry, wet,
and cold, and without any covering, we lay down by the side of the
river. I put one hand in my pocket and the other in my bosom, and lay
shivering and thinking of the glorious life of a soldier until I fell
fast asleep.
[Sidenote: 4th]
We fell in at daylight. I found the dew had wet me through, but the sun
soon made his appearance and dried me.
Marched into the town of Santarem, and halted two days until the whole
of the Brigade and the baggage animals purchased in Lisbon arrived.
The town is surrounded with hills that are covered with innumerable
olive-trees, a great source of wealth to the inhabitants. The place
has a most respectable appearance, the ground very fertile, and plenty
of wine, grapes, oranges, and vegetables of every description in the
greatest abundance. I made my way immediately with many hungry fellows
to a _bodéga_. Breakfast was instantly produced, but the quantity of
each article did not at all agree with our ideas of a breakfast, so
that we were continually calling out for more of this thing and the
other in broken Portuguese, which bothered the landlord so much that
he took to his heels and we saw no more of him. I got a billet upon
a blacksmith, and found his family very kind. They brought me fruit,
wine, and cakes, but, as I do not understand one word of the language
properly, everything was done by signs.
[Sidenote: 5th]
I went on guard as supernumerary with Lieutenant Macleod at a convent.
At night I had lain down on a marble slab near the men, when a monk
requested me to rise and follow him. He led me upstairs and into a
large apartment, where a number of his brotherhood were assembled, and
soon had the table filled with rich food, plenty of fruits, and good
wines in abundance. I passed a few hours very agreeably with these
hospitable monks, who all appeared, from their roundity of body, to pay
more attention to feeding than praying.
[Sidenote: 7th]
This morning at daylight I left the hospitable blacksmith, who filled
my calabash with wine and my haversack with food. I slung these across
my shoulder and marched to Golegão, which is a small town on the banks
of the Tagus.
[Sidenote: 8th]
Marched to Punhete and Tancos. The former town stands on the junction
of the Zezere and Tagus, and the latter on the Tagus. In the river is
an island with an old castle in ruins named Almorel; I paid it a visit.
A bridge of boats enabled us to pass the Zezere near Punhete.
[Sidenote: 9th]
A short sultry march brought us to Abrantes, which being an hospital
station, there was no room for us in the town. We crossed the river
over a bridge of boats, and took up our bivouac.
Abrantes is a town of some importance, with a citadel and
fortifications round it. Marshal Junot took his title as Duke of
Abrantes from it.
[Sidenote: 11th]
Marched to Gavião; weather exceedingly hot.
[Sidenote: 12th]
Marched over an uninteresting and hilly country to Niza, which has a
wall all round it in ruins, and the remains of an old Moorish castle in
tolerable preservation. One observes on entering the town that several
storks have built their nests near the gateway, which the inhabitants
seem to be very careful of preserving, as they say that good luck
attends those who are fortunate enough to be honoured by these birds
building their nests in their grounds or upon their houses.
[Sidenote: 13th]
Marched to Villa Velha, and crossed the Tagus over a bridge of boats,
and bivouacked upon the opposite bank. The scenery at this place is
very bold and romantic indeed, particularly by the pass. The country
round has a barren appearance, except that portion covered with the gum
cistus. The village is poor and miserable enough.
[Sidenote: 14th]
Marched to Sarnadas, a miserable place.
[Sidenote: 15th]
Marched to Castello Branco; halted two days in this town, which has
many good houses in it. The Bishop's house and gardens are superior to
any other. The small river Ocreza runs close to the town.
Letter No. II
Castello Branco, _18th July 1809_.
My dear Parents—After experiencing a very favourable voyage, we came in
sight of Lisbon on the 27th of June, and cast anchor before the town on
the 28th. We received orders not to disembark the troops immediately. I
therefore went on shore with a party of our officers. I must confess I
felt much disappointed with the place, as a stranger seeing the town at
a distance would conceive it a beautiful city; but on a nearer view you
find out all its imperfections. Elegantly-built houses, without windows
or curtains for them, and as dirty as possible; some few exceptions to
this, I allow. The people in general are dirty in the extreme, their
houses never whitewashed, and, stink worse than an English pig-sty.
All the nastiness is thrown out of windows in the evening, and, having
no scavengers to sweep the streets, you may judge the state of them
in some measure; and in hot weather it is very offensive to the nose
of an Englishman. I went to see several churches, which afforded me
some amusement and excited my pity, to see a people, through ignorance
and gross superstition, duped by a set of worthless priests under the
plea of religion. I dined at an English hotel, and afterwards went to
the opera. The dancing was too indelicate to give pleasure; at least I
felt it so, and blessed my stars I was an Englishman. The Portuguese
ladies seemed to enjoy the performance with great rapture, which must
make a Briton turn from them with disgust, and awake in the soul those
refined sentiments for delicacy and virtue which characterise our
British dames; and at all public entertainments a man possessing any
degree of feeling for the honour of the sex, must be disgusted with
such immodest performances.
As I have very few moments to spare, I must endeavour to dedicate all
my leisure time to recruiting myself for the next day's march. On
the 30th of June our Regiment, the 43rd and 52nd, disembarked into
flat-bottomed boats about nine o'clock in the evening and sailed up
the Tagus. As the wind was not very favourable, we were obliged to be
continually rowing; I frequently took a spell with them. We landed
at Vallada, about 90 miles from Lisbon, on the evening of the 1st
of July, and directly formed in divisions. Marched about 10 miles
up the country; halted upon a common; each man took his greatcoat
and contentedly lay down; and for the first time in my life I slept
very comfortably upon the ground. After sleeping three hours, the
bugles sounded. We again commenced our march to Santarem, a large
town situated in the interior of Portugal. I was tired, but curiosity
led me all over the town, and, wandering from one place to another,
I found myself in a nunnery. The girls said I was a Portuguese, as
I was very much tanned by the sun (the officers joke me frequently
upon the same subject). After amusing myself at the gratings with the
nuns, and receiving some little presents, I left them and went to
a convent of friars. I supped with the grand priest; several monks
were also present. I then went to the play, came home to my lodgings
about half-past eleven o'clock, lay down till half-past one, and was
upon the road marching at two. We continue marching every day in this
manner, halting occasionally for half an hour, so that we manage to get
to our destined place about eleven o'clock in the forenoon, which is
generally upon a piece of ground shaded with trees. There we rest till
one or two the next morning and start as before. I never enjoyed better
health, and no difficulty appears a hardship; my feet never blister,
and I am always ready to commence the march with the first, and sleep
as well upon the ground with a stone for my pillow as upon a bed of
down. The weather is intolerably hot, and some men have died from the
heat of the sun when marching. Our men, generally speaking, are healthy.
This country in some parts which we have passed through abounds with
grapes, peaches, oranges, lemons, and fruits of every kind. The country
we are at present in yields very little, being a continued series of
immense mountains, which are difficult in ascending. We are often
troubled to procure water; I always make a practice of carrying a
supply for myself, also provisions in my haversack for two or three
days' support, so am very seldom at a loss. Wine is very cheap, but bad.
The French have carried away or eaten up all before them, and we often
pass through villages entirely deserted by the poor unfortunate people.
Sights of this kind will become habitual as we enter Spain; from the
rapid progress we make, in a few days we shall pass the frontiers of
Portugal.
The French in some towns in Spain have murdered numbers of the
inhabitants, and plundered the rest of every movable that was worth
their taking—in short, their conduct has been barbarous in the extreme.
Sir Arthur Wellesley, we hear, is rapidly advancing towards Madrid,
and we are endeavouring to join him as soon as possible. It will be a
little time before we have a general engagement unless the French make
an advance and meet us. At present their army occupies a very strong
position about forty miles from Madrid and in our line of march. It is
supposed we shall give them battle as soon as we come up with them. The
army has great confidence in Sir Arthur Wellesley, and are exceedingly
anxious for the day of battle. I am a young soldier, but hope I shall
do my duty when put to the trial. My Colonel has ever treated me
with every mark of respect, and has put me into a company under the
patronage of an old warrior, whose bravery has often been shown to
the regiment. I have not had an opportunity of writing to Maud. I
expect he will soon be here. I hope he has managed to surmount all the
difficulties he had to encounter. A few years will put us, I hope,
above a repetition of the same, as, if I live, we will be together.
Endeavour to give the boys at home a liberal education, and I can soon
provide for them as gentlemen.
My love to my dear mother. I hope she will not make herself unhappy on
my account. If I am fortunate in the service I have embarked in, my
greatest earthly pleasure will be to let my family reap the benefits.
I only pray my father will strain every nerve to educate them, and the
rest, leave to me. My love to my dear sisters Ann and Betsy. I hope Ann
is now a comfort to her mother. I do not forget her. Should I return,
I will endeavour to come and spend a few months with you. My respects
to Uncle and Aunt and friends.—I remain, with every good wish, your
dutiful son,
Geo. Simmons.
As I am continually on the move I cannot inform you where to direct for
me, but if you have nothing of moment to impart you need not write; or
should you write, direct as follows: Lt. Simmons, 1st Batt. 95th or
Rifle Regiment, Spain or elsewhere. I particularly charge my father not
to expose my letters to any one.