PARIS, October, 1805.
My LORD:--Should Bonaparte again return here victorious, and a
pacificator, great changes in our internal Government and constitution
are expected, and will certainly occur. Since the legislative corps has
completed the Napoleon code of civil and criminal justice, it is
considered by the Emperor not only as useless, but troublesome and
superfluous. For the same reasons the tribunate will also be laid aside,
and His Majesty will rule the French Empire, with the assistance of his
Senate, and with the advice of his Council of State, exclusively. You
know that the Senators, as well as the Councillors of State, are
nominated by the Emperor; that he changes the latter according to his
whim, and that, though the former, according to the present constitution,
are to hold their offices for life, the alterations which remove entirely
the legislature and the tribunate may also make Senators movable. But as
all members of the Senate are favourites or relatives, he will probably
not think it necessary to resort to such a measure of policy.
In a former letter I have already mentioned the heterogeneous composition
of the Senate. The tribunate and legislative corps are worthy to figure
by its side; their members are also ci-devant mechanics of all
descriptions, debased attorneys or apostate priests, national spoilers or
rebellious regicides, degraded nobles or dishonoured officers. The nearly
unanimous vote of these corps for a consulate for life, and for an
hereditary Emperor, cannot, therefore, either be expressive of the
national will, or constitute the legality of Bonaparte’s sovereignty.
In the legislature no vote opposed, and no voice declaimed against,
Bonaparte’s Imperial dignity; but in the tribunate, Carnot--the
infamously notorious Carnot--‘pro forma’, and with the permission of the
Emperor ‘in petto’, spoke against the return of a monarchical form of
Government. This farce of deception and roguery did not impose even on
our good Parisians, otherwise, and so frequently, the dupes of all our
political and revolutionary mountebanks. Had Carnot expressed a
sentiment or used a word not previously approved by Bonaparte, instead of
reposing himself in the tribunate, he would have been wandering in
Cayenne.
Son of an obscure attorney at Nolay, in Burgundy, he was brought up, like
Bonaparte, in one of those military schools established by the
munificence of the French Monarchs; and had obtained, from the late King,
the commission of a captain of engineers when the Revolution broke out.
He was particularly indebted to the Prince of Conde for his support
during the earlier part of his life, and yet he joined the enemies of his
house, and voted for the death of Louis XVI. A member, with Robespierre
and Barrere, of the Committee of Public Safety, he partook of their
power, as well as of their crimes, though he has been audacious enough to
deny that he had anything to do with other transactions than those of the
armies. Were no other proofs to the contrary collected, a letter of his
own hand to the ferocious Lebon, at Arras, is a written evidence which he
is unable to refute. It is dated November 16th, 1793. “You must take,”
says he, “in your energy, all measures of terror commanded or required by
present circumstances. Continue your revolutionary attitude; never mind
the amnesty pronounced with the acceptance of the absurd constitution of
1791; it is a crime which cannot extenuate other crimes. Anti-republicans
can only expiate their folly under the age of the guillotine. The public
Treasury will always pay the journeys and expenses of informers, because
they have deserved well of their country. Let all suspected traitors
expire by the sword or by fire; continue to march upon that revolutionary
line so well delineated by you. The committee applauds all your
undertakings, all your measures of vigour; they are not only all
permitted, but commanded by your mission.” Most of the decrees
concerning the establishment of revolutionary tribunals, and particularly
that for the organization of the atrocious military commission at Orange,
were signed by him.
Carnot, as an officer of engineers, certainly is not without talents; but
his presumption in declaring himself the sole author of those plans of
campaign which, during the years 1794, 1795, and 1796, were so
triumphantly executed by Pichegru, Moreau, and Bonaparte, is impertinent,
as well as unfounded. At the risk of his own life, Pichegru entirely
altered the plan sent him by the Committee of Public Safety; and it was
Moreau’s masterly retreat, which no plan of campaign could prescribe,
that made this general so famous. The surprising successes of Bonaparte
in Italy were both unexpected and unforeseen by the Directory; and,
according to Berthier’s assertion, obliged the, commander-in-chief,
during the first four months, to change five times his plans of
proceedings and undertakings.
During his temporary sovereignty as a director, Carnot honestly has made
a fortune of twelve millions of livres; which has enabled him not only to
live in style with his wife, but also to keep in style two sisters, of
the name of Aublin, as his mistresses. He was the friend of the father
of these girls, and promised him, when condemned to the guillotine in
1793, to be their second father; but he debauched and ruined them both
before either was fourteen years of age; and young Aublin, who, in 1796,
reproached him with the infamy of his conduct, was delivered up by him to
a military commission, which condemned him to be shot as an emigrant. He
has two children by each of these unfortunate girls.
Bonaparte employs Carnot, but despises and mistrusts him; being well
aware that, should another National Convention be convoked, and the
Emperor of the French be arraigned, as the King of France was, he would,
with as great pleasure, vote for the execution of Napoleon the First as
he did for that of Louis XVI. He has waded too far in blood and crime to
retrograde.
To this sample of a modern tribune I will add a specimen of a modern
legislator. Baptiste Cavaignae was, before the Revolution, an excise
officer, turned out of his place for infidelity; but the department of
Lot electing him, in 1792, a representative of the people to the National
Convention, he there voted for the death of Louis XVI. and remained a
faithful associate of Marat and Robespierre. After the evacuation of
Verdun by the Prussians, in October, 1792, he made a report to the
Convention, according to which eighty-four citizens of that town were
arrested and executed. Among these were twenty-two young girls, under
twenty years of age, whose crime was the having presented nosegays to the
late King of Prussia on his entry after the surrender of Verdun. He was
afterwards a national commissary with the armies on the coast near Brest,
on the Rhine, and in Western Pyrenees, and everywhere he signalized
himself by unheard of ferocities and sanguinary deeds. The following
anecdote, printed and published by our revolutionary annalist, Prudhomme,
will give you some idea of the morality of this our regenerator and
Imperial Solon: “Cavaignac and another deputy, Pinet,” writes Prudhomme,
“had ordered a box to be kept for them at the play-house at Bayonne on
the evening they expected to arrive in that town. Entering very late,
they found two soldiers, who had seen the box empty, placed in its front.
These they ordered immediately to be arrested, and condemned them, for
having outraged the national representation, to be guillotined on the
next day, when they both were accordingly executed!” Labarrere, a
provost of the Marechaussee at Dax, was in prison as a suspected person.
His daughter, a very handsome girl of seventeen, lived with an aunt at
Severe. The two pro-consuls passing through that place, she threw
herself at their feet, imploring mercy for her parent. This they not
only promised, but offered her a place in their carriage to Dax, that she
might see him restored to liberty. On the road the monsters insisted on
a ransom for the blood of her father. Waiting, afflicted and ashamed, at
a friend’s house at Dag, the accomplishment of a promise so dearly
purchased, she heard the beating of the alarm drum, and looked, from
curiosity, through the window, when she saw her unfortunate parent
ascending the scaffold! After having remained lifeless for half an hour,
she recovered her senses an instant, when she exclaimed:
“Oh, the barbarians! they violated me while flattering me with the hope
of saving my father!” and then expired. In October, 1795, Cavaignac
assisted Barras and Bonaparte in the destruction of some thousands of
men, women, and children in the streets of this capital, and was,
therefore, in 1796, made by the Directory an inspector-general of the
customs; and, in 1803, nominated by Bonaparte a legislator. His
colleague, Citizen Pinet, is now one of our Emperor’s Counsellors of
State, and both are commanders of His Majesty’s Legion of Honour; rich,
respected, and frequented by our most fashionable ladies and gentlemen.