Thayendanegea in civil life--His activity--His efforts to accelerate the
civilization of his people--Difficulties respecting the title to his
lands--Successive Councils and Speeches--Governor Simcoe leaves the
province--Captain Claus appointed to the Indian Agency--President
Russell--Brant's Speeches asserting the absolute Independence and
Nationality of his people--Letter to Sir John Johnson--Correspondence
with Lord Dorchester--The Count de Puisy--Letter of Brant to Thomas
Morris--Sharp correspondence with Sir John Johnson--The St. Regis and
Caughnawaga Indians, and the State of New-York involved in the land
controversy--Brant's difficulties with the Caughnawagas--Letter to
Thomas Morris--Brant's visit to the Caughnawagas--Council--Satisfactory
explanations--Fresh difficulties at home--Norton's Mission to
England--Plots against the character of Brant--Alienation of some of his
friends--Conspiracy to depose him--Red Jacket and Farmer's Brother
active in the plot--Character of Red Jacket--Brant deposed by an illegal
Council--Letter to the Duke of Northumberland--A legal Council
convoked--Brant meets his accusers, and defends himself--Another
Council--Speech of Brant--Acquitted of all charges against him--Council
after the return of Norton from England--Proceedings of Red Jacket's
Council nullified--Brant re-instated--Letter to the Duke of
Northumberland--Letter of the Duke in reply--Last letter of Brant to the
Duke.
The termination of Brant's military life brought not therewith a state of
inactivity. The proverbial indolence of his race in regard to all matters
excepting the war-path and the chase, was not a characteristic of him. On
the contrary, the history of man scarcely supplies a parallel instance of
such active, unremitting, and unwearied public service, as well in the
council as in the field, as was performed by this celebrated man, from the
day when he first fleshed his youthful tomahawk at Lake George, until his
death more than half a century afterward. The war of the American
Revolution being ended, it has already been seen that he early thereafter
directed his attention to the improvement of the moral and social
condition of his nation. Nor did he lose sight of this object during the
years of his active interposition in the complicated affairs of the
western nations with the United States.
Mention has been made in a former chapter of the difficulties in which,
subsequent to the Revolution, the Six Nations were involved, respecting
their lands in the State of New-York, the adjustment of which repeatedly
demanded the attention of Captain Brant. There were, likewise, similar
difficulties to be adjusted with the purchasers of the Connecticut
reservation in Ohio, respecting which formal negotiations were held. Nor
did these constitute all his troubles. But a few years had elapsed after
the grant of the Grand River country had been obtained, before
difficulties sprang up between the Indians and the Provincial Government,
in regard to the nature of the title by which the former were to hold
their new possessions. The Chief and his people supposed that the
territory allotted to them had been conveyed in fee by a perfect title.
But in this supposition they were disappointed. There is scarcely a finer
or more inviting section of country in North America than the peninsula
formed by Lake Ontario on the east, Lake Erie on the south, and Lake Huron
on the west--through the heart of which flows the Grand River. The
Indians, therefore, had not long been in the occupancy of their new
country, before the white settlers began to plant themselves down in their
neighborhood. To a man of Brant's sagacity, it was at once obvious that
in such an attractive region of country the approach of the white man
would soon circumscribe the hunting-grounds of his people, within the
narrow boundaries of their own designated territory. He also saw, and
without regret, that the effect would be to drive his people from the
hunter to the agricultural state; in which case, while his territory was
too small for the former, it would be far larger than would be necessary
for the latter condition of life. As a compensation for the loss of his
game, therefore, he conceived the idea of making sales of portions of his
lands, for the creation of an immediate fund for the benefit of the
nation, and of leasing other portions in such manner as to ensure a
perpetual revenue. There was no selfish design in this project, farther
than may be found in the fact, that his own fortunes were identified with
those of his people. However covetous Captain Brant may have been of honor
and power, he was neither covetous nor mercenary in regard to property.
In one of his speeches he declared, with all solemnity, that he had never
appropriated a dollar of money, or its value in other property, belonging
to his nation, to his own use. Nor had he ever charged his nation a dollar
for his services, or even for his personal expenses, in all the journeys
he had performed upon their business. All his personal wants, under all
circumstances, had been supplied from his own private funds.
There was another consideration connected with his desire to make sales
and leases of lands to white settlers. He was anxious to promote the
civilization of his people; and in his first negotiations with General
Haldimand, after the close of the war, he made provision for the erection
of a church and school-house; and it is an interesting fact, that the
first temple erected for the worship of the true God in Upper Canada, was
built by the Chief of a people recently pagan; and the first bell which
summoned the people to the house of prayer in that province on the
Christian Sabbath, was carried thither by him. In the furtherance of his
plans of civilization, the Chief knew very well that an increasing
contiguous white population would be the means of introducing such of the
common arts and employments of life, as would materially contribute to the
comfort and happiness of his people, while at the same time their
progress in civilization would be greatly accelerated.
But he had no sooner commenced disposing of some small portions of land,
than the colonial government raised objections. It was alleged that his
title was imperfect--that a preemptive right to the soil had been retained
by the government; and, as a consequence, that the Indians had no right to
sell a rood of ground, since it was their's no longer than they themselves
should occupy it. The question proved a fruitful source of disagreement
between the parties, and of perpetual vexation to the old Chief until the
day of his death. Council after council was holden upon the subject, and
conference after conference; while quires of manuscript speeches and
arguments, in Brant's own hand, yet remain to attest the sleepless
vigilance with which he watched over the interests of his people, and the
zeal and ability with which he asserted and vindicated their rights.
Even his friend Governor Simcoe was among the most strenuous opponents of
the claim of the Indians to the fee of the soil, and in one instance
attempted to curtail their grant by directing the land board to run a line
due west from the head of Lake Ontario, which would have stripped the
Mohawks of the fairest half of their possessions. On examining the grant
from General Haldimand, however, the Governor desisted from this purpose;
but still was determined that the Indians should neither lease nor sell
any portion of their grant, nor make any manner of use of it, excepting
such portions as they should cultivate with their own hands. By these
proceedings, the situation of the Indians was rendered truly
uncomfortable. Reduced to a narrow strip of land of only twelve miles in
breadth, their hunting was of course seriously affected; while their skill
in agriculture was so imperfect, that some other resources were
indispensable to their sustenance.
In order to define more clearly and explicitly the rights of the Indians,
two other deeds were successively framed and presented for their
acceptance--both of which were promptly rejected, as being less favorable
than their original grant. Finally, in 1795, Governor Simcoe visited Grand
River with his councilors, for the purpose of ascertaining, as he said,
the real wishes and condition of the Indians. A Council was holden, and
the Chief delivered an elaborate speech, containing the whole history of
the grant, the circumstances under which it had been made, and the
difficulties they had been called to encounter. Among other objections, it
seems to have been alleged by the Provincial authorities, as a pretext for
dealing hardly by the Indians, that the government had been deceived in
regard to the location and value of the territory. General Haldimand had
supposed that the territory in question lay a long distance from Niagara,
and would not be approached by a white population for an age to come.
These assertions were sternly denied by Brant, who declared that the
Commander-in-chief, at the time of making the grant, was thoroughly
acquainted with the situation, its peculiar advantages, and its value.
This conference with Governor Simcoe resulted in nothing more than a
promise that the speech of Thayendanegea should be forwarded to Lord
Dorchester. Governor Simcoe left the province soon afterward, and a change
was made in the administration of the Indian department, by the
appointment of Captain Claus to the Indian agency at Niagara. It appears
that before his departure, the Governor had confirmed such sales as had
been previously made by the Indians; but difficulties arose on making the
surveys, which once more placed everything afloat. The consequence was,
that another hearing took place before Mr. Claus at Niagara, in October,
1796, at which, in another written speech, the Chief gave a historical
argument of his case. From portions of this speech, it appears that Upper
Canada had already become infested with unprincipled land-jobbers, who
were the especial dislike of the Chief. "I cannot help remarking," said
he, "that it appears to me that certain characters here, who stood behind
the counter during the last war, and whom we knew nothing about, are now
dictating to your great men concerning our lands. I should wish to know
what property these officious persons left behind them in their own
country, or whether, through their loyalty, they ever lost any! I doubt it
much. But 'tis well known that scarcely a man amongst us but what
sacrificed more or less property by leaving our homes. I again repeat,
that if these officious persons have made the smallest sacrifice of
property then I think they may in some measure be allowed to interfere,
although it may be well known that personal interest prompts them to it,
not the public good."
This speech, the Chief declared, should be his final effort to obtain
justice from the "great men below"--the provincial government meaning. If
not successful there, he declared his purpose of proceeding to England,
and bringing his case in person before the King. But this resolution was
contingent, and was not kept. On the departure of Governor Simcoe, the
Executive government of the colony devolved upon the Hon. Peter Russell,
President of the Executive Council of the province. For the more
convenient administration of the Indian affairs of the province, Mr.
Russell was clothed with all the powers upon that subject previously
exercised by the General-in-chief at Quebec, acting under the advice of
the Superintendent-General of Indian Affairs, Sir John Johnson. Captain
Brant lost no time in bringing the subject of his land title before Mr.
Russell, and he speedily succeeded in part. The sales already made were
confirmed, and the old Chief wrote to his friend and correspondent,
Thomas Morris, Esq., then a resident of Canandaigua, that their
difficulties respecting lands were nearly removed, and he had reason to
believe that henceforth their affairs would go on to their satisfaction.
[FN] The basis of the arrangement sanctioned by the acting Governor, was,
that the lands then sold, or intended to be sold, by the Indians, should
be surrendered to the government, which, upon the good faith of the
agreement, was to issue grants to the persons nominated as purchasers by
the agent transacting the land business of the nation. Captain Brant was
acting in that capacity. The lands were of course to be mortgaged as
security for the payment of the principal and interest of the purchase
money. It was, moreover, the duty of the Agent to appoint three trustees,
to receive the payments in trust for the Indians, and to foreclose the
mortgages in cases of default--the lands to revert to the Indians. Captain
Brant fulfilled his part of the agreement to the letter; but the
government failed altogether to comply with its own corresponding duty.
Some of the purchasers had paid their interest for several years, but
could not obtain their titles; others died, and the heirs were in the like
predicament, and the whole business became involved more than ever in
difficulty. Added to all which, as the Indians themselves improved in
their agricultural labors, the system of possessing all things in common
operated unequally, and interposed great embarrassments to individual
industry. But so long as the government refused to the Indians the
privilege of disposing of the fee of the soil, the nation could not convey
any portion of its own domain to its own people. [FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Letter to Thomas Morris, Esq, July 30, 1797. [Mr. Morris has
furnished the author with a package of letters from Capt. Brant, written
between the years 1796 and 1801, which, though chiefly upon private
business, have nevertheless been found of use in the present work.]
[FN-2] Memorial of John Norton to the Marquis of Caurden.
There were other difficulties in the business, which it would be tedious
to enumerate, the result of all which was, that the arrangement was in
fact a nullity. Not only so, but the Mohawks felt themselves to be an
independent nation, and they, or perhaps more correctly speaking, their
proud and indomitable Chief, could ill brook submission to such a species
of guardianship. The "satisfaction" arising from the arrangement under the
auspices of President Russell, was consequently of but short continuance,
and the Captain was compelled to fight his land battles over again. Many
were the councils and conferences which succeeded, in all of which Brant
was the principal speaker and defender of the rights of his people to the
fee of their lands. The design of the British government was to hold the
Indians in a state of pupilage, according to the practice of the United
States; and consequently to allow them merely the occupancy of lands of
which the government claimed the title. But neither the Mohawks nor their
indefatigable leader would listen to any such doctrine; always, on all
occasions asserting their own complete and entire independence as a
nation. They were an independent nation in the Valley of the Mohawk,
argued the Chief in one of his speeches, [FN] and were the undisputed
owners of the soil of their country. Their right in this respect had
never been questioned. On the breaking out of the war, they had
relinquished their country--their all--because of their friendship and
loyalty to the King. "In the year 1776," said the old Chief in the speech
now referred to, "Lord Dorchester, then Sir Guy Carleton, at a very
numerous council, gave us every encouragement, and requested us to assist
in defending their country, and to take an active part in defending his
Majesty's possessions; stating, that when the happy day of peace should
arrive, and should we not prove successful in the contest, that he would
put us on the same footing in which we stood previous to our joining him.
This flattering promise was pleasing to us, and gave us spirit to embark
heartily in his Majesty's cause. We took it for granted that the word of
so great a man, or any promises of a public nature, would ever be held
sacred." Again, in another part of the speech, the Captain remarked:--"We
were promised our lands for our services, and those lands we were to hold
on the same footing with those we fled from at the commencement of the
American war, when we joined, fought, and bled in your cause. Now is
published a proclamation, forbidding us leasing those very lands that were
positively given us in lieu of those of which we a were the sovereigns of
the soil. This, brothers, is surely a contradiction that the least
discerning person amongst you must perceive, and which we think wonderful.
Of those lands we have forsaken, we sold, we leased, and we gave away,
when and as often as we saw fit, without hindrance on the part of your
government; for your government well knew we were the lawful sovereigns of
the soil, and they had no right to interfere with us as independent
nations." In support of this assertion, the Chief proceeded to enumerate
various sales and gifts of their lands; among which he mentioned the
large and celebrated tract to Sir William Johnson, commonly called the
Royal Grant, and for signing the conveyance of which the Captain asserted
that he received a present of fifty pounds.
* * * * *
[FN] Speech delivered at a meeting of the Chiefs and warriors at Niagara
before Colonel Scheaffe, Colonel Claus, and others, in August, 1803, on
the occasion of a government proclamation forbidding the sale or leasing
of any of their lands by the Indians.
The history of the whole controversy was very clearly stated in the speech
just cited, and the argument throughout exceedingly well put. The Captain,
in some of his speeches, dwelt with emphasis upon another feature of his
case, affording a farther example of the magnanimity of the Mohawks in
their dealings with the government, and the want of that attribute as
evidenced in the manner of their requital. The Indians never asked of the
crown any compensation for the vast tracts of their hunting-grounds
relinquished by adhering to the cause of the crown. In a letter written to
Sir John Johnson at this stage of the controversy, the veteran Chief cut
with a two-edged blade:--"You know we demand nothing new. We have made no
demand for compensation for our hunting-grounds, which were very
extensive, nor for our wood-lands adjoining our improvements. All we ask
is a confirmation of our just right to this very land, which we receive
in lieu of those for which we received no compensation. I presume few
loyalists have omitted charging, and receiving pay for their woodlands,
as we did; many of whom received lands who had never possessed one foot
before." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] In a letter subsequently addressed to Lord Dorchester, after the
relinquishment by that officer of the Canadian Government, Captain Brant
estimated those hunting grounds relinquished by his tribe at more than
two millions of acres.
But the prospect of obtaining justice from the Provincial Government
becoming less and less favorable by the lapse of time, the Chief again
directed his attention to the parent government. Availing himself of the
return to Europe of the Count De Puisy, whom he describes "as a brother
soldier and fellow-sufferer in the cause of loyalty," [FN-1] the Captain
placed in his hands a succinct history of the troubles he was laboring to
remove, with an urgent request that he would lay the same before his
Majesty's ministers. By the same conveyance he likewise addressed a
vigorous appeal to Lord Dorchester, then in England, enclosing to his
Lordship a copy of his original promise to him (Brant) as written down in
1775, and also the subsequent confirmation of that promise by General
Haldimand. [FN-2] He was, moreover, in active-correspondence upon the
subject with the Duke of Northumberland, in whom the Mohawks had ever a
constant friend.
* * * * *
[FN-1] In one of Captain Brant's speeches, dated October 28, 1800, this
passage occurs:--"It had for some time been observed that the too large,
uninhabited space between York and the head of the Lake was a great
inconvenience to the communication by land, we therefore thought it a fit
occasion to remove the difficulty, by presenting the Count de Puisy and
his adherents a tract of land in this space--sympathizing with them as
having suffered in the cause of loyalty, and being obliged to quit their
native clime on that account, and seek an asylum in this uncultivated
region. This was objected to," &c., &c. When the younger Brant visited
London, twenty years afterward, he refers to the Count as then living in
retirement in the neighborhood of that capital.
[FN-2] The copy of this letter to Lord Dorchester is not entire. Two
foolscap pages have only been preserved, or rather, all but the first two
pages has been lost.
These attempts to enlist the parent government in behalf of the Indian
claim, were backed by the mission to England of Teyoninhokarawen, alias
John Norton, who spread the case before the ministers in a strong and
lucid memorial addressed to Lord Camden, then one of his Majesty's
ministers. Among other considerations, it was urged by Norton, that in
case their lands should be released from all incumbrances, and every tribe
and family be allowed to have their just portion of land confirmed to
them, the province would be strengthened by the emigration thither of the
major part of the tribes of the Six Nations, who still remained in the
United States. It had, doubtless, entered into the policy of Brant to
bring the ancient confederacy of the Six Nations once more together,
within the jurisdiction either of England or the United States. The
removal of the Mohawks into Canada had not dissolved the union of those
nations, although their separation, thrown, as they were, under the action
of different superior laws, and obliged sometimes to hold their own
councils within the boundary of one nation, and at other times within the
limits of another, could not but be attended with many embarrassments.
Indeed, so numerous were the difficulties they were obliged to encounter,
and such was the conduct of the provincial government in regard to their
lands, that the Mohawk Chief not withstanding his attachment to the crown,
had at one period contemplated withdrawing from Canada with his people in
disgust. That such a project was actually entertained, appears by the
following letter to his friend Morris:--
"Captain Brant to Thomas Morris, Esq.
(secret and confidential.)
"_Grand River, December_ 26, 1800.
"Dear Sir,
"From our friendship, and the regard you have continually shown to Indians
in general, I flatter myself you will be so good as to assist in what I am
about to communicate to you.
"There are numbers of our people scattered about in the westward at
Sandusky, the Miami, &c. I wish to have them collected in one place, and
for that purpose intend making a purchase of the Western Indians, so that
any moving from here may also find a place to go to. We are certain that
the Indians there will be very happy at the proposal, and that they even
would give it for nothing; but we rather wish to buy, that it may be
indisputably our own. The favor I have to ask of you is, that you would
please to oblige us so far as to sound some of your friends in Congress if
such a thing could be confirmed by them, for if we should move there, we
would desire to be under the protection of the United States. What you may
say on the subject to any one, I hope you will do it in a confidential
manner; you may learn the general sentiments in the way of conversation,
without making known our real intentions. The reason of my being so
cautious, is the great jealousy of the British.
"Dear Sir,
I am in truth,
Your sincere friend
And humb. serv't,
Jos. Brant.
"_Thomas Morris, Esq._"
Nothing farther is disclosed among the manuscripts of Brant respecting
this design of removal into the United States, and the suggestion was
most likely owing to a momentary feeling of despondency and vexation. But
it was his fortune soon afterward to encounter an annoying circumstance
from another and most unexpected quarter--his long and well-tried friend,
Sir John Johnson. The circumstance referred to was the receipt of a letter
from the Baronet, then at Niagara, under date of September 1st, 1801, in
which, after apologizing for his long delay in answering certain letters,
from an apprehension that he could not so frame his communications as to
avoid hurting the old Chiefs feelings, the writer adverted to the
difficulties respecting the lands. He spoke of some uneasiness prevailing
at Grand River; and stated that he had given his views, as to these
troubles, to Captain Claus, in writing, and advised the Chief to aid in
getting up a council, and adjusting the matter upon the basis he had
proposed. In regard to the claim of the Mohawks upon a portion of the
Mississagua reservation, the Baronet advised the Chief to abandon it at
once, admonishing him that the government was determined, under no
circumstances whatsoever, to sanction that claim; but on the contrary
would protect the Mississaguas in the quiet and peaceable possession of
all their lands. The letter concluded as follows:--"Let me therefore once
more advise you to give up all concern in their affairs, and desist from
assembling the different nations in distant parts of the country, and only
attend to the business of your settlement, except when called upon by
government to do otherwise; as it gives opening to the world to put
unfavorable constructions on your conduct, which must tend to lessen your
consequence in the opinion of those at the head of affairs; and I much
fear may do you serious injury. And as you can have no doubt of my
friendship for you and your fine family, I earnestly request you will
maturely weigh what I now recommend to you, and consider it as the result
of serious reflection."
This missive kindled the indignation of Brant, and elicited some spirited
letters in reply. Its burden was the existence of difficulties among the
Indians themselves, arising, as the Baronet had left the Chief to infer,
from their distrust of the proceedings of Brant himself. The council,
which the Superintendent-General had directed his Deputy, Captain Claus,
to convoke, had been held, but does not seem to have been attended by any
other results than an entire exoneration, by the sachems, of their
principal Chief from all censure. [FN] The Captain, however, was not
satisfied with allowing the matter to rest there; and he wrote the
Baronet, in a tone of decision, demanding specific charges, if any could
be produced against him, accompanied by the names of his accusers. He
likewise severely upbraided the officers of the government for their
conduct toward him, charging the fact upon them, explicitly, of having not
only sanctioned the great Indian Confederacy of which there has been
occasion so frequently to speak, but of having caused the formation of
that confederacy under their own immediate auspices. This letter, as a
historical document, bearing upon other relations than those appertaining
to the writer, as an individual, deserves preservation, and is accordingly
transcribed:--
* * * * *
[FN] See Appendix, No. X.
"Captain Brant to Sir John Johnson, Bar't.
"_Grand River, November,_ 1801.
"Dear Sir,
"When I answered your favor of the first of September last, I promised to
let you hear farther from me after the meeting should have taken place,
which you then said Captain Claus was to hold for the purpose of
satisfying the discontented, &c.
"He did not, however, do any thing in the business, as I expected, from
your letter, he would have done; but the Chiefs, on being made acquainted
with the contents of it, became uneasy, and called a scrutiny to find who
it was among the Indians on this river that had expressed dissatisfaction
at my conduct respecting the public lands. The dissatisfied party was
found to be only a few of the lower Mohawks, mostly women, and no real
chief among them. Afterwards, the Chiefs unanimously expressed their
general approbation of my conduct as their agent in land matters, in a
speech to Captain Claus. They at the same time hinted at the almost
impossibility of things being done in such a manner as to please every
particular individual, which was also the case in the discharge of his
own duty as Superintendent; but assured him that they, the Chiefs, who had
constituted me their agent in land affairs, were perfectly satisfied.
Since that I hear no more of the discontented; all seem quiet. Then I was
prepared to give a full explanation of all my transactions, and also put
them in mind of the trouble and expense I had been at on their business;
but this conduct of the Chiefs prevented me, thinking if I yet persevered
it would be wantonly ripping up old grievances, &c.
"I hope you will do me the favor to let me know who informed you that
there prevailed such an universal discontent among the Grand River Indians
at my transactions, as you said was the case; and you will infinitely
oblige me by making me acquainted with the author of this rumor, which has
not a little hurt my feelings; and it would also give satisfaction to the
greater part of the Chiefs here.
"Respecting your advice not to have more councils of other nations, &c,
the Chiefs, both here and at Buffalo, cannot comprehend the meaning of it;
and I have been particularly requested, by two messengers from the latter,
to remain unshaken in my public capacity, and attend to their common
interests as usual; I therefore hope you will do me the kindness to
acquaint me with the reason why I should desist from attending any
councils of the nations of the General Confederacy which we formed under
the auspices of Great Britain; and if our friendly intercourse with each
other is supposed to be detrimental to the interests of government, and in
what measure; for, since the year 1760, I perfectly remember what has
passed at most councils, and I never recollect an instance of government
interfering to prevent our mutual correspondence, but, on the contrary,
they have rather encouraged our uniting. Should it therefore be the case,
that what formerly gave satisfaction, has now quite a different, effect,
it will be very difficult for me to act so as not to get censured, without
I am well acquainted with the change of politics. Also, the serious
consequences you mention, that the not complying with your advice may be
of to me, I would be glad to know what it is. I hope that laws and
customs are not so far changed, as that punishment is first to be
inflicted, and the trial brought on afterwards, and you should give me no
plainer hint of it than that. In short, your advice seems no other than a
threat in disguise. Still, my dear friend, don't think that I suspect you
to be the author of it; but rather that you have softened the original so
as to save my feelings.
"During the war, although _I bore the commission of a captain,_ I never
received commands as such, but acted as War Chief, which I believe was of
more utility than if I had been in the other capacity--generally having
more men under my command than is customary for one of that rank. Since
the peace, I have attended to our affairs as a sachem. I never supposed
it to be wrong my so doing; if it is so, I could wish to have written
instructions how I am to conduct myself, so as to prevent the serious
consequences spoken of, by which, probably, may be meant the taking from
me my half-pay or pension. I hope to have the pleasure to hear from you as
soon as possible, at the same time I remain
"Dear Sir,
Your very humble
And obed't servant,
Jos. Brant
"_Sir John Johnson, Bar't._"
Norton had been furnished by Brant with letters to his friends in England,
and among them to the Duke of Northumberland, who interested himself
warmly in behalf of the object of his mission. Such, moreover, were the
zeal and ability with which he discharged the duties of his errand, that
for a time there was a prospect of his mission being crowned with entire
success. The decision of the ministers was favorable to the Indians, and
letters to that effect were dispatched to the Provincial government.
These, however, were met by an unexpected movement at home, which palsied
the exertions of the agent, and caused his return with hopes at least
deferred, if not blighted. The cause of this untoward change in the course
of the parent government will be developed in a few succeeding pages.
It appears that in the course of the controversy violent disagreements had
arisen between Captain Brant and the Deputy Superintendent, which were
ultimately embittered by mutual allegations of pecuniary delinquency. A
charge of this description had been made against Brant, a few years
before, in connexion with a negotiation between the government of the
State of New-York and the Caughnawaga and St. Regis Indians, calling
themselves the Seven Nations of Canada. These nations, as the reader has
been informed in a former part of the present work, were clans of the
Mohawks, who had long before separated from the principal nation, and
settled upon the banks of the St. Lawrence. In the year 1792, they sent a
deputation to the government of the State of New-York, claiming a tract of
land covering a large portion of the northern part of the state; all,
indeed, lying between Lake Champlain on the East, and the head waters of
the Mohawk on the West, bounded north by the St. Lawrence, and south by a
line to be drawn from a point between Fort Edward and Lake George to the
junction of Canada Creek with the Mohawk River, in the neighborhood of the
Little Falls. This extensive claim was resisted by the state upon several
grounds. One of these was, that the Indian title had been extinguished to
a portion of the territory in question by the French; another, that
several patents from the English crown had extinguished their title to
other portions of it; added to all which, it was held by the state that
the Caughnawagas had never any just title to the land, inasmuch as it
originally belonged to the Six Nations, of whom the claimants formed but
a small number. As proof of this position, it was contended by the state
that the Six Nations had themselves sold this same territory, together
with a large additional tract, extending from the Mohawk River to the
Pennsylvania line, to Colonel John Livingston. This sale to Colonel
Livingston was first made by forty-five chiefs of the Six Nations in 1787,
and was confirmed in the following year, by a second deed, signed by
sixty-five of their chiefs, and witnessed by Colonel John Butler and
Joseph Brant. The purchase by Colonel Livingston being unconstitutional,
was annulled; but the fact that such a sale had been made by the Six
Nations at large, was adduced against the claim of the Caughnawagas, by
way of showing that it was unfounded. Still as the St. Regis and
Caughnawaga Indians persisted in their claim, a commission, consisting of
Egbert Benson, Richard Varick, and James Watson, was appointed to treat
with their Chiefs upon the subject; and it was not until the Summer of the
year 1796 that an arrangement was effected, by virtue of which the Seven
Nations relinquished their claim, with the exception of the St. Regis
reservation, for a small sum in hand paid, and a yet smaller perpetual
annuity.
It was as a witness only to the deed of sale to Colonel Livingston, that
the name of Captain Brant came to be involved in this controversy. The
Commissioners maintained to the last that the Six Nations had sold the
lands, and that their great chief, Brant, was a witness to the sale. In
reply to which, the Caughnawagas insisted that the Six Nations had no more
right to sell the lands they claimed than they had to dispose of the city
of New-York. [FN-1] The Caughnawaga Chiefs, probably, did not exactly
understand the case of the sale to Colonel Livingston, which was set aside
as being contrary to the fundamental law of the state, nor the position
in which the name of Joseph Brant stood upon the deed. On the contrary,
they seem to have been impressed with an idea that Brant and the Mohawks
had been selling _their_ lands _to the state._ The consequence was a
controversy between the Caughnawagas and the Mohawks, which gave the old
Chief an infinite deal of trouble--even after the affair between the
former and the State of New York had been amicably closed. The charges of
the Caughnawagas amounted to this--that Brant and the Mohawks had sold
their lands to the state, and pocketed the avails. Brant repelled the
charge with indignation. In regard to the deed of sale to which he was a
witness, he affirmed that not a foot of the territory claimed by the
Caughnawagas was embraced within it, but that the sale was of a portion
only of lands belonging to the Senecas. He demanded of the Caughnawagas
their authority for the charge against himself and the Grand River
Indians. They replied, that their information was derived from the
representations of the officers of the State of New-York at Albany. Brant
opened a correspondence with George Clinton [FN-2] and Governor Jay upon
the subject, the negotiations having commenced under the administration of
the former and been concluded under the latter. But not satisfied with
anything resulting from the correspondence, he caused a deputation of his
tribe to repair to Albany, [FN-3] at the head of which was his adopted
nephew, John Norton, to meet a similar deputation from the Caughnawagas,
face to face, and to require his accusers connected with the government of
the State of New-York, either to substantiate their charges or acquit him
in the presence of both delegations. The papers of Captain Brant are
pretty full in regard to this controversy, which seems to have affected
him with the keenest sensibility. The result of this double mission to
Albany, however, does not exactly appear, save that the Chief was not well
satisfied with it. At least thus much is evident from the tone of the
annexed letter to his friend, Thomas Morris, who was a member of the
Legislature of New-York at that time, and to whom he had given his
deputies, letters of introduction:--
* * * * *
[FN-1] Talk of the Seven Nations, delivered to the Commissioners at
Albany, May, 1796.
[FN-2] See Appendix, No. XI.
[FN-3] Brant had previously, in 1797, visited Albany on the same
business, accompanied by Corn-planter and two or three other sachems.
Arriving at Canajoharie in the evening, Brant called with his party upon
Major Hendrick Frey, who had served in the cause of the crown during the
war of the Revolution, but returned to his native county after the close
of the contest. The meeting of Brant with Frey was like that of two
brothers. The party adjourned to a tavern, where they had a merry time of
it during the live-long night Many of their adventures during the war
were recounted, among which was a duel that had been fought by Frey, to
whom Brant acted as second. In the course of those relations,
Corn-planter acknowledged that he shot the girl who was gathering berries
in the neighborhood of Fort Stanwix, as related by Colonel Willett and
cited in the first volume of the present work. Corn-planter said he was
lurking about the fort in order to seize a prisoner; but failing in that
object, fired upon the girl. The landlord of the inn, named Rolfe, had
resided near Fort Stanwix at the time, and could hardly be restrained
from doing violence upon Corn-planter on hearing the
relation.--[_Conversations of the author with Dr. Jonathan Eights of
Albany, who, being at the time a resident with Major Frey, was one of the
party._]
"Captain Brant to Thomas Morris, Esq.
"_Grand River, April_ 4, 1799.
"Dear Sir,
"It is now some time since the return of Mr. Norton and the Cayuga Chiefs
from Albany; they have acquainted me with their treatment there, and that
of the business they went on; and particularly of your friendship and
assistance to them while there; for which I could not omit taking the
earliest opportunity of testifying to you my most hearty thanks for the
friendship you showed them, and hope you will not find us unmindful of the
favor.
"At the same time I cannot avoid expressing my surprise to you at the
conduct of your government respecting the affair of the Caughnawagas. In
the first place, it appears their Commissioners treated the business so
mysteriously as to make these people believe we had sold their lands;
first having defrauded us by having all that country included in the
confirmation of Mr. Livingston's deed to Mr. Oliver Phelps, to which the
Senecas signed their names, only supposing that they sold part of their
own country, and to which I signed as a witness. This was made use of to
convince the Caughnawagas they had no right to the country they inhabit;
and I learn that it was not till after much argument that your Government
owned that they never paid any money to me or the Five Nations on account
of these lands, and that they never looked on any Indians to have a right
to them, either Caughnawagas or Five Nations. Had they only said this at
first, when they treated with the Caughnawagas, and not brought our name
in question, they would have saved us immense trouble. And now I cannot
imagine what good reasons they could have to refuse our Deputies to
certify in writing that they never paid us any money on account of these
lands claimed by the Caughnawagas, which it is certain they never did. It
still appears they wish to make the affair mysterious, and evade, as much
as they can, the thoroughly clearing up of the business, so as to keep the
Caughnawagas from making farther claims on them; for it now appears pretty
clear to us that they have wronged these people. However, their conduct
comports a good deal with the uncivilized character of Judge Benson, who,
I find, was one of the Commissioners; and how the Governor left the
business mostly to him, who I know would skin a flint if it was possible,
should it belong to the Indians." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Judge Benson was only one of the Commissioners; but it is probably
true that the business was confided entirely to him. In the original
account of the treaty with the Caughnawagas, of May, 1796, containing the
speeches written out in full on both sides, found by the author among
Brant's papers, Judge Benson's signature stands alone at the close of the
whole.
"I intend, for my own satisfaction, to have the whole affair, from the
beginning to ending, published in the newspapers.
"Dr. Sir,
I am your most humble and
Obd't. Serv't
Jos. Brant.
"_Thomas Morris, Esq'r._"
In July of the same year, Brant proceeded to the Caughnawaga country in
person, accompanied by a body of Chiefs of several of the tribes, for the
purpose of a thorough investigation in General Council. Such a council was
convened; and the difficulties, from the reports of the speeches preserved
in writing by Captain Brant, were fully discussed--and that, too, in the
most amicable manner. From several intimations in these speeches, it
appears that the whole difficulty had been caused "by chattering birds,"
and by the machinations against Captain Brant, of the old Oneida Sachem,
Colonel Louis. The Council-fire was Kindled on the 8th of July. On the 9th
Captain Brant was satisfied by the explanations given, and remarked "that
he had pulled up a pine, and planted down beneath it the small bird that
tells stories;" on the 10th, the Caughnawaga Chief replied--"Brother, we
return you thanks; we also join with you to put the chattering-bird under
ground from where the pine was taken up, there being a swift stream into
which it will fall beneath, that will take it to the Big Sea, from whence
it never can return."
The result of the Council seems to have been satisfactory on all hands.
Indeed, as Brant himself wrote to a correspondent "in the States," [FN] a
short time afterward, he was rather surprised that he had so little to
encounter at their meeting:--"We expected they would have had a great deal
to say to us; but instead of that, they said they had never accused us of
themselves--that it was only from what the people of New-York said that
they had inquired about the matter; and that now they hoped we would be
so good as to agree to bury the whole affair under ground." To Sir John
Johnson he subsequently wrote in the following terms:--"Without doubt,
long before this you have received an authentic account of our business
with the Caughnawagas, which has convinced you and the world of our
innocence. You know that I was supposed to be a leader in that business,
and how often I have been falsely accused. But upon investigation my
rectitude has ever been sufficiently proved. This groundless accusation of
theirs created a great expense to government as well as us, and I should
expect that, after being convinced of their error, some acknowledgment
should be made for the great trouble they have put us to."
* * * * *
[FN] The name of this correspondent it not given in the original draught
of the letter preserved among Brant's papers.
But the Caughnawaga difficulties were no sooner at an end, than it was his
lot to encounter others yet more nearly touching his pecuniary integrity,
which annoyed him not a little. There were active spirits about him,
official and unofficial, who, for reasons of their own, looked with no
favorable eye upon the mission of Teyoninhokarawen. So strongly indeed
were these men opposed to the claims of the Indians, that they were led to
the adoption of very unjustifiable means, not only to circumvent the
negotiations of Norton, but to prostrate the power and influence of the
old Chief himself. To this end, domestic dissensions were fomented, even
among his own kindred, the Mohawks. The Chief was again accused of
peculations; and although the grant of the Grand River territory had been
notoriously made for the exclusive benefit of the Mohawk nation, yet the
Senecas, and others of the Iroquois Nations, not residing in Canada, were
stirred up to claim a voice in the disposition of those lands, and in the
domestic relations of that nation, by virtue of their confederate league,
which had never before been construed as clothing them with any such
rights or powers. In furtherance of the design of prostrating Brant and
thwarting the efforts of Norton in England, a Council of the Six Nations
was held at Buffalo Creek, under the direction of the Seneca Chiefs, Red
Jacket and the Farmer's Brother; at which all the proceedings of Brant and
Norton were formally disavowed, and Brant himself deposed from the
chieftainship of the Confederacy, at the head of which he had stood for
more than a quarter of a century. His associate Mohawk Sachems were
likewise removed, and others, taken, as Jeroboam selected his priests,
from the lowest of the people, appointed in their stead. None of the
Mohawk Chiefs were present at this Council, but only a few of the
discontents, and of the more worthless members of the nation, who had been
wrought upon by the white opponents of the principal Chief. The whole
movement was illegal, according to the ancient usages of the Confederacy,
in other respects. The Council was not convened at the National
Council-fire, which had years before been regularly removed from Buffalo
Creek to the Onondaga Village on the Grand River. Nor, aside from the
fact that the Senecas, and others residing within the United States, had
no right to a voice in regard to the domestic affairs or the lands of the
Mohawks, was the General Confederacy properly or legally represented. Red
Jacket, however, was both a ready and a willing instrument in the hands of
Brant's opponents. In all the councils in which it had been the fortune of
the two Chiefs to meet for the transaction of business, there had been
little of cordiality between them, and much less of friendship.
_Yau-go-ya-wat-haw,_ or Red Jacket, was not a chief by birth, but had made
himself such by his cunning. He was artful, eloquent, and ambitious.
Aspiring to the rank of a chief, he availed himself of the superstitious
dispositions of his people to attain his object. His first essay was, to
dream that he was, or should be, a Chief, and that the Great Spirit was
angry because his nation did not advance him to that dignity. These
dreams, with the necessary variations, were repeated, until, fortunately
for him, the small-pox broke out among the Senecas. He then proclaimed the
loathsome infliction as a judgment of the Great Spirit, because of the
ingratitude of the nation to him. The consequence, ultimately, was, that
by administering flattery to some, and working upon the superstitious
fears of others, he reached the goal of his ambition. Brant, however, had
always, on all suitable occasions, pronounced him a coward--the greatest
coward of his race. He used to say that Red Jacket was always valiant for
fight with his tongue; but that, although by his eloquence he persuaded
many warriors to fight, he was ever careful not to get into personal
danger himself. He also asserted as a fact, that having sent others upon
the war-path, he would turn to, and steal and kill their cows for his own
use. [FN-1] Smarting under the contemptuous treatment of the Mohawk Chief,
therefore, the eloquent demagogue of the Senecas was not backward in
compassing, as he hoped, the overthrow of his enemy, if not his rival.
Hence, for years antecedent to the council called clandestinely for the
deposition of Brant, Red Jacket had labored, with all art and diligence,
to create jealousies and distrust against him. [FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Conversations of the author with Thomas Morris, Esq. This
gentleman, during his residence in the western part of New-York, became
intimately acquainted with the Senecas and Mohawks--especially with their
Chiefs--having assisted at several treaties with them. He once
entertained Brant, Red Jacket, and a number of other chiefs, at his own
house in Canandaigua. At dinner, Brant was very amusing; and among other
stories, related the cow-killing exploits of a Seneca Chief, in such an
arch manner as to direct the attention of the whole company upon Red
Jacket, and yet compel Red Jacket himself to raise an affected laugh.
[FN-2] See the certificate of Israel Chapin, as to the general character
of Brant, and the unfounded jealousies excited against him by his
opponents, Appendix, No. XII.
The Chief himself was, of course, early apprised of what had taken place,
and the manner of the conspiracy, of which he appears to have written a
full account to his friend, the Duke of Northumberland. The copy of only
a portion of that communication has been discovered. It is without date,
but must have been written in A. D. 1805.
"Captain Brant to the Duke of Northumberland.
"May it please your Grace:
"As my nephew, Teyoninhokarawen, has safe returned, gratitude prompts me
to return you my most hearty thanks for the very kind reception and aid
you gave him, and express the regret myself and the other Chiefs of the
Five Nations inhabiting the Grand River feel, that after the trouble your
Grace has taken in our affairs, he should have been frustrated of having
them concluded to our satisfaction by the intrigues of the Agent for
Indian affairs, (a Mr. Claus,) of which I shall take the liberty to give
you a succinct account.
"When, in consequence of the warm support you gave my nephew, dispatches
were received by the late Governor from England, in favor of the Indians,
the Agent insinuated, through his instruments of intrigue, that he was
about effecting something much to their detriment, should they not
immediately prevent it. But finding that he could not succeed at the Grand
River, a few of the common people went to Buffalo Creek, a village of the
Five Nations within the American line, where they had a council, and then
went to Niagara, [FN] where Mr. Claus, the Agent, dictated to them what
was sent to England. . . . Several of the principal Chiefs from Buffalo,
who signed, are pensioners to the Americans; one of them, Red Jacket, or
the _Cow-killer,_ the speaker, and the greatest coward of all the Five
Nations, at the Connecticut (in New-England) Assembly swore, or promised,
kissing the portrait of General Washington, to be true to their interests.
But to make their numbers appear more respectable, all the common people
signed as Chiefs, from the villages on the American side, as did the few,
with three or four petty chiefs, who went from the Grand River. The poor
fellows, in consequence of the promises, and having signed together with
the officers, have been long expecting to receive their commissions; and
even some of them have been expecting to receive tidings of them by
Teyoninhokarawen. The purport of the writing was, that the mission and
proceedings of Teyoninhokarawen should be disallowed of and disavowed;
that I should be displaced from being Chief; and that a few settlers
introduced by the Chiefs--."
* * * * *
[FN] Vide certificate of Captain Leonard, and other American officers,
then stationed at Niagara.--Appendix, No. XIII.
Here the copy of this communication abruptly breaks off. But although the
proceedings referred to were transmitted to England by the opponents of
the Chief, and followed by consequences fatal to the mission of Norton;
yet the failure, so far as the Chief himself was concerned, was as signal
as the plot in all respects was indefensible and unjust. It was but a few
months anterior to these proceedings, founded, in the main, upon alleged
embezzlements, or mal-appropriations, of the revenue of his nation, that
a General Council had been holden at Grand River, which was attended by
the chiefs and warriors, the Deputy and Superintendent-General, and the
principal military officers of the province, and at which the pecuniary
transactions of Captain Brant had been fully investigated--found to be
accurate, and approved. The proceedings at this council appear to have
been dictated in the most amicable spirit; and from their complexion,
nothing could have been more unlikely than the revival of charges, then
so thoroughly shown to be without foundation in truth. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] See Appendix, No. XIV.
But the old Chief, did not remain passive under his persecutions. He took
an early occasion to meet a council of the faction of his own nation who
were opposing him, and to upbraid them in no very measured terms for their
ingratitude. His address was written out in full, in the Mohawk dialect,
and was afterward circulated in the form of an appeal to his nation. [FN]
After a spirited review of his life, and the services he had rendered them
from the commencement of the war of the Revolution, the appeal
proceeded:--
* * * * *
[FN] This document was never translated by Captain Brant. Portions of the
manuscript are illegible; but all that can be read has been translated
for the use of the author.
. . . "It astonishes me, therefore, after all that I have done for you,
to hear almost all of you, young and old, joining your voices with Colonel
Claus, and saying of me that I have embezzled your property, and such
like hard speeches, which you know are false,--while you never so much as
think of mentioning the many important services I have rendered you, the
many privations I have suffered on your account, and the journies I have
undertaken for your benefit--for the time and expenses of which you have
never paid me one penny. . . . At Philadelphia the Americans spoke in a
very friendly manner to me, and made me large offers of presents for
myself and family if I would prevent any farther attacks from the Indians.
But I positively refused to accept of any thing from them, lest I should
injure your good name as the Six Nation Indians. And again, I knew that
the King would not suffer me to be in want; and had I accepted anything
at this time, it might have been thought that I had been bribed, and
become a traitor, which, when made public, would have been disgraceful to
me, and injurious to you as my people. I thought I could depend on our
white brethren, the King's subjects, should I at any time need their
assistance. . . . There was the Grand River Tract, upon which I might have
had a farm, and lived on its produce. These considerations were more than
sufficient to deter me from receiving the valuable presents offered for my
acceptance. . . . I think the only way I could satisfy you, would be for
me to pay out of my own purse for every item that has to be expended for
your public uses. My only crime is, that I want to make you a happy
people, and for you to be enabled to call your land your own forever; and
not leaving it doubtful whether it is yours or not. I say you would be
well pleased if every thing could be done for the general good of the Six
Nations, without parting with a foot of land to pay for contingencies.
Colonel Claus asks you where your money is gone to? He never asks where
the proceeds of sales of your lands are gone to, else you might tell him
that it is gone to assist in building his splendid house. Whenever I have
had occasion to use any of your money, I have never touched any but the
interest, and have left the principal entire. But your friend Claus has
devoted principal and interest together; and yet you come to my house
complaining. . . . I ask again, what do you find in my conduct to
disapprove of? If you can point any thing out, I should like to hear it.
Or, will you say that every thing that I have done has been for your
injury and not for your benefit?"
* * * * *
"I say I cannot find, in all that I have done, that anything has tended
to your injury, or the injury of the King's cause. Yet you speak of me as
one who is your enemy--as one who does what he can to injure you; and I
have no doubt that you, who are hearing me, feel so toward me in your
hearts, although I have reiterated in your hearing many instances where
what I did tended to raise your name as well as my own; and in other
instances, when I might have been enriched, I have refused receiving for
fear of your name being tarnished. Still, you would almost brand me with
the name of thief, although not one of you have ever subscribed a penny to
pay my expenses when I have traveled on your public business."
The original manuscript of this address is much broken, especially in that
portion of it containing a review of his services in connexion with the
wars of the north-western Indians with the United States. The following
fragments of sentences upon that subject, only, have been translated:--
. . . "Every man of us thought, that by fighting for the King, we should
ensure to ourselves and children a good inheritance. . . . At another
time, at the last council we held, when the Americans were talking with
the Indians, I spoke to Otsinarenta, and said, 'if the Americans fail in
. . . I should like to go and surprise Wayne when he least expects it.'"
It was very soon manifest that the pretended deposition of the veteran
Mohawk, at the instigation of white men, and through the immediate agency
of Red Jacket, was no act of the great body of the Six Nations, much less
of his own nation; and the attempt to shake the faith of their "fathers in
council," in the perfect integrity of the Chief who had so long been their
leader in the cabinet and in the field, was a signal abortion. A meeting
of the chiefs and warriors was soon afterward held, at which the whole
controversy seems again, from the fragments of the proceedings yet in
existence, to have been renewed. From one of the speeches, the following
passages, connected immediately with the position and conduct of Brant,
and the proceedings against him, are extracted:--
"Brother, listen! Is it not thus, when a present is given, that the
bestower will not think of again grasping hold of it? But it seems as if
we were in that predicament--not being considered as real proprietors. We
are grieved and ashamed that so much should have been said on the subject,
without it being confirmed according to the first promise.
"Brother: We find divisions among us. The young men think to take the
lead, who know nothing of our affairs nor what we suffered in the war.
According to the first formation of our confederacy, the Mohawk was the
leading nation. So it has been since our establishment at the Grand River.
Therefore our leading Chief, Captain Brant, has stood foremost in our
affairs, with which he is thoroughly acquainted.
"Brother: There have been rumors concerning our money, and the application
made of it. We, that have been engaged in the public affairs, know where
it is gone. He has not been always traveling, and employed on his own
concerns--it has been on those of the public. He has been to the other
side of the water, and several times to Quebec; and always in these
journies expended his own property, we never making any collection for him
whatever. And now what he may have made use of is only the interest.
Nothing has been taken from the principal. The payment for one township
has been made without any delinquency whatever. We are perfectly satisfied
with all his transactions.
"Brother, listen! That which was done at Buffalo, and which you have
confirmed and sent to the other side of the water, was a thing that had
never before taken place, in which they pretend to break our Chief,
Captain Brant. But we assure you, brother, that this shall not be; for we
know not his having so transgressed as to merit such treatment. Neither is
it proper that such a proceeding within the American line, and done by
Indians inhabiting that territory, should be countenanced by you."
At the same setting, _Tchaosennoghts,_ or _Duguoin,_ a Seneca Chief, spoke
as follows:--
"Brother: You see here a remnant of the warriors that fought last war,
whose hearts are grieved that they have lived to see the present change of
our treatment, and our situation. The divisions existing among us, and the
attempts of the young men to put the Chiefs aside, have no other origin
than the Indian store. It is there the young men receive from his
Majesty's bounty that which was designed for those who fought and suffered
in his cause, and who are now treated with neglect. It is from this they
are led to imagine themselves men of ability and consequence. It is easy
for them to say, now, there is nothing to be done, or no danger--that they
are loyal, and side with government. We are no less loyal, we assure you,
now; and when occasion required, we gave proofs of our attachment. But we
know our Great Father is no less generous than opulent, and does not want
our lands. Neither can we think ourselves departing from our duty in
wishing to preserve them for our posterity, for we are poor. It is not
Captain Brant who is the sower of dissension; but it is what I just
mentioned that causes the division amongst us.
"Brother: The right of being chief, according to our customs, arises
either from hereditary line on the female side, or from having been
distinguished by meritorious conduct, so as to be accepted as such. This
has not been the case in the late appointment you sanctioned. One of them,
to whom you pay great regard, we know has been distinguished in your
opinion far some things which we have not been accustomed to pay that
respect to."
Finally, at this, or a subsequent General Council, a speech, drawn up in
the form of a declaration, was executed, under the sanction of the
signatures and seals of sixteen of the most distinguished chiefs,
residents upon the Grand River, and representing the Mohawks, Cayugas,
Oghkwagas, Tuscaroras, and one Delaware chief; bearing the most
unequivocal testimony to the integrity of Thayendanegea, and asserting
their undiminished confidence in his faithful management of their
business, as agent in the matter of their lands. It was stated in this
paper that he had desired, of himself, some time before, to withdraw from
that agency, and that he had only consented to remain therein at their
urgent solicitation--he requiring that a board of twenty-four chiefs might
be selected from the different tribes, to act as counselors, and probably
to determine all questions of doubt or controversy. "This," says the
declaration, "has been done--but at the same time we desired that he might
continue at the head. And farther hearing that there are many obstacles
yet preventing the equitable conclusion of our land business, we now
unanimously renew and strengthen him in quality of agent, which, from the
confidence we have in his integrity from what has already passed, we
assure ourselves he will exert himself in that office, as far as lies in
his power, to promote the general welfare. With these strings we
therefore exhort him to continue with moderation and patience, and flatter
ourselves from the equity of our brethren, the British government, and his
abilities, all difficulties will at last be surmounted."
Nothing could be more explicit than this testimony of exoneration, so far
as the charges against the Chief were connected with his management of the
land concerns of his people. But his vindication did not rest here. Soon
after the return of Teyoninhokarawen to the Grand River, a general council
of the Six Nations was convened at Niagara, for the purpose of meeting the
Deputy Superintendent-General, and entering a solemn protest against the
proceedings of the council at which Red Jacket and the Farmer's Brother
had pretended to depose Thayendanegea. For several days the Deputy
declined meeting the Council, upon the plea of waiting for the attendance
of Mr. Selby, a gentleman from Detroit. But as that gentleman did not
arrive, and it was uncertain when he would come, if at all, the Chiefs
determined to proceed with their business. The Deputy, accompanied by
Colonel Proctor, met the Chiefs only to repeat his excuse, and to declare,
that under existing circumstances, he would not listen to what they had
to say. The Chiefs, however, resolved to proceed with their deliberations;
and their protest, yet existing in the chirography of Captain Brant, was
read and sanctioned by the council, in presence of several officers of the
garrison, and also of several distinguished civilians. This paper
contained a succinct review of the controversy respecting the lands; the
object of Norton's mission to England; the partial success of that
agent--thwarted only by the use that had been made of the proceedings of
Red Jacket's unauthorized and illegally-constituted council--a review of
those proceedings; and a protest against the whole. [FN] After the reading
had been concluded, _Okoghsenniyonte,_ a Cayuga Chief, rose, and declared
the general approbation of the document by the council.
* * * * *
[FN] See Appendix, No. XV.
With these proceedings, it is believed, the efforts to prostrate Brant,
and deprive him of the chieftainship, ceased. In any event they were not
successful, and he remained at the head of the Mohawks, and consequently
at the head of the Confederacy, until the day of his decease.
But, even under all these discouragements, it was not the design of the
indefatigable Chief to relinquish his exertions to obtain justice for his
people at the hands of the parent government. For this purpose another
visit to England was determined upon, to be performed, either by himself,
or Norton, or perhaps by both. This determination was announced to the
Duke of Northumberland by letter, early in the year 1806:--
"Captain Brant to the Duke of Northumberland.
"_Grand River, January_ 24_th_, 1806.
"My Lord Duke,
"The kind and affectionate letter I received from your Grace, has deeply
penetrated our hearts with a sense of the honor you confer on the Five
Nations in the sincere regard you express for their welfare; and we hope
that our future conduct, and that of our descendants, may never fail to
cause such sentiments to be cherished in the noble hearts of the leaders
of the British nation. For, however wounding to our feelings, or
detrimental to our interests, may be the treatment we have received, and
yet continue to receive, in this country, our reliance on the fatherly
protection of his Majesty, and the confidence we have ever placed in the
humanity, love of justice, and honor of your nation, is not weakened.
"The reason of my having delayed so long writing to your Grace, is, that
from the arrival of a new Governor, [FN-1] I received some hopes that what
respects our land affairs might have been accomplished to our satisfaction
in this country. But these hopes are now vanished--for appearances give
me reason to apprehend that the old council, (principally composed of men
influenced by an insatiable avarice for lands,) have so prejudiced his
Excellency against us, as to disappoint what otherwise we might have
expected from the innate benevolence of our father's representative. It is
therefore the determination of the real chiefs and faithful warriors to
comply with the brotherly advice of your Grace. [FN-2] Therefore, either
both of us, or Teyoninhokarawen, [FN-3] shall make another attempt in
England, invested with full powers from our nations, in writing, according
to European customs, which your distance and our situation at present
render absolutely necessary. Some small difficulties necessitate delay,
or we would immediately be on the road."
* * * * *
[FN-1] Sir Francis Gore.
[FN-2] Contained, probably, in a letter from the Duke, which has not been
found.
[FN-3] John Norton.
"His Excellency has expressed that he will only hear from us through Mr.
Claus, the head of the Indian Department, who is our implacable enemy; and
from what has already passed, we are well assured will do every thing in
his power to thwart our success. Previous to receiving any speech, he
requests that we give him a copy of it; but himself, when he pretended,
last of all, to make a defence to what we had expressed at Niagara in
July, in reference to his having deceived the British ministry by the
improper names sent to England to thwart the mission of Teyoninhokarawen,
he read his speech in such a low voice that it could only be heard by
those who sat next to him, and afterwards refused to give us a copy of it.
So we remain as ignorant of what he alleged in his defence, as if he had
made no speech.
"The same confidence in the good faith of our allies, which animated my
courage to persevere in the most trying situations during the war, and
exhort to a similar perseverance those whom extraordinary difficulties,
or American intrigue, might stagger, yet encourages me to hope for
justice, notwithstanding the clouds that shade us from it.
"Mr. Wyatt, Surveyor General of this province, does me the favor to take
this. The copy of the speech delivered at Niagara last July,
Teyoninhokarawen sent you several months ago; so I hope you have received
it by this time. With the sincerest respect and gratitude, I remain,
"Your Grace's
Faithful friend and
Brother warrior,
Jos. Brant,
_Thayendanegea._
"His Grace the Duke of Northumberland,
_Thorighwageri._"
"The Duke of Northumberland to Captain Brant.
"_Northumberland House,_ 5_th May,_ 1806.
"My very good Friend and Brother Warrior:
"I have received safely your letter of the 24th January, which reached me
on the 23d of last month, with all that pleasure which is naturally felt
by one friend when he receives a letter from another friend. I am happy to
find that the interest I took in the affairs of the Five Nations has been
acceptable to their Board, as I am by being one of their community. They
may rest assured I shall always be happy to assist them to the utmost of
my power.
"I was very sorry that the zeal of my brother Teyoninhokarawen failed of
success; but I can assure you and the Chiefs of the Five Nations, that it
was not for want of constant attention and the most unremitting zeal on
his part. No person could possibly execute the mission on which he was
sent, with more ability than he did. It is only a piece of justice due to
him, to desire you to mention this to the General Council when they meet.
"The names of those who gave credit to Mr. Claus's fictitious council, are
washed out from the administration of this country, and a more sensible
set of ministers are appointed in their room, and I think those who now
fill the high offices of State in this kingdom, would listen to the wishes
of our brethren in the Five Nations. [FN] I shall be happy if I can be of
service in procuring for them the accomplishment of their wishes. But
before I attempt any thing, I must desire clearly to understand what are
the wishes of the Five Nations. Do they desire to have a confirmation of
the grant of Sir Frederick Haldimand and (if possible) to have it under
the Great Thayendanegea, &c. with the Seal of the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Ireland? Would they consent, (if such a thing is proposed) to
have a clause inserted in the confirming grant declaring the grant to be
vacated, if the Five Nations should at any time part with the territory
thus granted to them, either to the Americans, or to any other nation of
Indians, or to any other person or persons not being of the Five Nations,
or a British subject, without the consent of the crown of Great Britain? I
mention this circumstance, because I think something of this kind was
hinted at by Mr. Cooke, and the improper manner in which it was stated,
gave reason to suppose that the Five Nations could not alienate it, or any
part of it, from one Indian of the Five Nations to another Indian of the
Five Nations, which never was intended to be prevented."
* * * * *
[FN] The Duke, probably, referred to the dissolution of Mr. Addington's
Administration in 1801, and the return to power of Mr. Pitt. True, the
ministry of the latter was dissolved by the decease of that incomparable
premier, in January antecedent to the time the Duke was then writing; but
it must have been the Addington ministry which was in power at the time
of Norton's mission, and which was "washed out" by dissolution after Pitt
had abandoned it, and made a speech in opposition, even on the same side
with Fox.--_Author._
"I should, however, advise that either yourself, Teyoninhokarawen, or some
other chief, should come over, properly authorised by the chiefs, to
transact and finally settle all this business.
"There are a number of well-meaning persons here, who are very desirous of
forming a Society to better (as they call it,) the condition of our
nation, by converting us from hunters and warriors into husbandmen. Let
me strongly recommend it to you, and the rest of our chiefs, not to listen
to such a proposition. Let our young men never exchange their liberty, and
manly exercises, to become hewers of wood and drawers of water. If they
will teach our women to spin and to weave; this would be of use; but to
endeavor to enervate our young men by doing nothing but tilling the earth,
would be the greatest injury they could do the Five Nations. Nine hundred
or a thousand warriors, enured to hardship by hunting, are a most
respectable and independent body; but what would the same number of men
become who were merely husbandmen? They would hardly rate a small parish,
seeking for protection from others, scarcely heard of and known, and
obliged tamely to submit to laws and regulations made by other people, and
incapable of defending themselves. If you want an example of what the Five
Nations would soon become, look only at the Stockbridge Indians. They,
like us, were once a noble and formidable tribe; they now are less than
women. Some of the persons who propose this plan, have their own private
reasons. They wish to go over among you, and when they have collected you
together in order to teach you to cultivate the ground, they will then
show you how very small a part of the land granted you is sufficient for
to supply your wants, and will next endeavor to prevail upon you to grant
them the remainder, in gratitude for the trouble they have had in
instructing you in agriculture. No, my dear friend and brother warrior,
never suffer yourself, or your Chiefs, to be induced by their plausible
arguments. If you do, remember I now foretell that you will become a poor,
dependent, and insignificant body, instead of continuing a free, warlike,
and independent nation as we now are. I wish to see the Christian
religion, sobriety, and good morals, prevail among our nation; but let us
continue free and independent as the air that blows upon us; let us
continue hunters and warriors, capable of enforcing respect, and doing
ourselves justice; but let us never submit to become the tillers of land,
hewers of wood, and drawers of water, by the false and interested advice
of those who, from being our pretended friends, would soon become our
imperious masters. Accept this, my good friend and brother warrior, from
one who wishes the Five Nations ever to continue a formidable nation,
commanding respect from all its neighbors, and who interests himself most
sincerely in their welfare. Say every thing proper for me to my brother
Chiefs, and believe me,
"Your faithful friend and brother warrior,
Northumberland,
_Thorighwageri_
"PS Dezonhighkor (Lord Percy) desires to return his thanks, and to offer
his compliments to you and to Teyoninhokarawen, (Norton,) to whom I desire
you to give my compliments likewise. I have received his letter, and will
write to him by this mail if I possibly can."
Pursuant to the suggestions of the preceding correspondence, the
preparations were made for another mission to London, by Thayendanegea
himself. He actually commenced his journey, and proceeded as far as
Albany, with the design of embarking at New-York. Circumstances, however,
occurred, which rendered it necessary for him to return to his own
country. Afterward, owing to pecuniary difficulties, the undertaking was
indefinitely deferred, as will be seen by the annexed communication to the
Duke, which was probably the last ever addressed to that nobleman by his
brother warrior of the forest:--
"Captain Brant to the Duke of Northumberland.
"_Head of Lake Ontario, June_ 26, 1807.
"My Lord Duke,
"I wrote you last by the Surveyor General, Mr. Wyatt, acquainting your
Grace that Teyoninhokarawen or myself should again cross the sea on the
subject of our land affairs, &c. Shortly after that we have been formally
deputed, either jointly or separately, by a general council of the chiefs
and warriors of the Grand River, held at the Onondaga Village, according
to the ancient custom of the Five Nations.
"The want of money for the journey, and suspicions of new intrigues being
attempted in our absence again to frustrate our endeavors for the public
good, have deterred us for the present from undertaking the intended
journey. But, confiding in the regard which we know that your Grace has
for your brethren of the Five Nations and their interests; in the fatherly
affection of his Majesty; and in the justice of the British nation; we
send you the powers we have received; and beg that your Grace may grant us
your aid to obtain from his Majesty a confirmation of General Haldimand's
grant to the Five Nations under the Great Seal; and that the part we have
surrendered to Government for sale, they shall guarantee to us and our
heirs the regular payment of the purchase money stipulated, according to
former representation.
"With the greatest respect and esteem, I have the honor to be
"Your Grace's humble servant, and
Faithful brother warrior"
For a good and sufficient reason, which will appear in the closing pages
of the present work, the claims of the Mohawks were prosecuted no farther
by their old and vigilant Chief, Thayendanegea. Nor have their
difficulties with the officers of the crown entirely ceased to this day.