Exertions of Thayendanegea for the moral and social improvement of his
people--His religious views--Efforts for the religions instruction of
his people--Letter to Sir John Johnson upon the subject of obtaining a
resident clergyman--Farther correspondence--Interview of Brant with the
Bishop--Disappointment--Letter to the Chief Justice--Appeal of Brant to
the Lord Bishop, but without success--Application to the American
church--Letter to Colonel Burr--Succeeds in obtaining the ordination of
Mr. Phelps--Estimate of Brant's character by the clergy--Letter of Rev.
Dr. Mason--Rev. Elkanah Holmes--Letter of Brant to the Rev. Dr.
Miller--Ardent spirits--Efforts of Brant to prevent their
introduction--Letter to Sir John Johnson--Interposition of the
women--Address of Brant in reply--Indian games and pastimes--National
game of Cricket--Great game at Grand River, between the Senecas and
Mohawks--Judge Woodruff's visit to Brant's residence--Description of his
person--Indian funerals--Respect for the dead--Estimate of women--Their
influence--Funeral speech of Seneca-George--Death of Mrs. Claus--Speech
of condolence by Captain Brant--Captain Claus in reply--Brant's visit to
New-York, Philadelphia, and Hartford, in 1797--Attentions to him in
Philadelphia--Dinner party of Colonel Burr--Talleyrand and other
distinguished guests--Letter of introduction from Colonel Burr to his
daughter--Dinner party in his honor by Miss Theodosia--His manners
described by Dr. Miller and by General Porter--Designs upon his life in
the Mohawk country--The late John Wells--Striking incident in
Albany--Anecdotes--Brant and General Gansevoort--Brant and Colonel Van
Courtlandt--Reasons of Brant for taking up arms for the King--His
reasonings in defence of the Indian mode of warfare.
Had no other subjects demanded the consideration, and required the active
personal exertions, of Captain Brant, during the last twelve years of his
career, than those already reviewed, his life must still have been
considered one of uncommon industry. But the cares upon his hands were
multitudinous in other respects. His desire for the moral and social
improvement of his people led him to a vigilant oversight of all their
domestic concerns. Rude as was their government, it was still to be
administered, and a domestic police, of some kind, was to be observed. The
administration of their government, moreover, was probably attended by
none the less difficulty from the peculiar position in which the Mohawk
Indians were placed at that particular period of their history. Their
society was in a transition state--being neither the hunter nor the
agricultural, but partaking in part of both; while, notwithstanding the
advice of the Duke of Northumberland, it was the strong desire of the
Chief to draw them from the former to the latter course of life. Before
their transplantation from their native valley, they had, many of them,
made considerable advances in the pursuit of husbandry, Brant himself
having cultivated an excellent farm in the neighborhood of General
Herkimer's residence, near the Upper Mohawk Castle; [FN] and though the
vicissitudes of war had cast them once more into a primitive forest,
entirely unsubdued, the Chief had no idea of relinquishing the certainty
of agricultural competence for the precarious supplies of the chase.
* * * * *
[FN] The author visited the plantation formerly belonging to Brant in the
Autumn of 1836. Nothing of his domicile, save the cellar, remained. His
orchard of apple-trees, however, was thrifty and in full bearing.
Nor was he ignorant of what alone can form the basis of an industrious and
truly moral community. Whether he was himself a man of experimental
religion, in the evangelical sense of the term, is a question which it is
not the province of the historian to decide. There is no doubt that he
was a believer in the great and essential truths of revelation, and it is
equally certain that after his return from Dr. Wheelock's school, he was
the subject of deep religious impressions. But whether these impressions
were entirely effaced during the long years of arduous and active public
service in which he was subsequently engaged, both as a warrior and a
politician--in the battle-field, in the council of war, and in the Indian
Congress--threading the solitudes of his native forests, or amidst the
splendid gaieties of the British metropolis--is not for this writer to
affirm or deny. Be this, however, as it may, he was a man of too much
sagacity not to perceive the importance of education and religion, as
auxiliaries in carrying forward the moral and social improvement of his
nation; and the preponderance of testimony favors the opinion that he was
never careless of the spiritual interests of his charge. It has been seen,
that when quite a young man, he was engaged with the Episcopal and other
Christian missionaries, assisting in translating the Church Prayer Book
and the Holy Scriptures. And immediately after the close of the long
conflict in which he had borne so active a part, he was again found
recurring, of his own volition, to the same labors, and superintending the
printing of the Gospel of Mark, and other religious works, in London. One
of his first stipulations with the Commander-in-chief, on the acquisition
of his new territory, was for the building of a church, a school-house,
and a flouring mill; and no sooner had the North-western Indian wars been
brought to an end, than the religious principle was again in action, and
his thoughts and exertions once more directed to the means of imparting to
his people a knowledge of their relation to God, and the consequences
flowing therefrom. In proof of this assertion, the following letter may be
appropriately introduced:--
"Captain Brant to Sir John Johnson, Bar't.
"_Grand River, Dec._ 15, 1797.
"Dear Sir,
"Since writing the letter accompanying this, the Chiefs have conferred
together respecting the state of religion among the Five Nations, which
now appears to be a subject of more serious consideration among them than
formerly. We are sensible, Sir, of the goodness of Government, among other
benefits, in accommodating us with a church, and we have long been
desirous of having a clergyman to reside constantly with us; this, we
apprehend, would be highly promotive of morality and the Christian virtues
among our people. We do not complain, Sir, of the neglect of the society
in this respect, as we are satisfied that their benevolent attention to
mankind has been equal to their means; for this reason we have hitherto
omitted making application to them upon this head. Besides, we are
sensible how difficult it must be for them to find a suitable character
willing to settle among us in this rude and distant quarter.
"In order to discharge my duty in this important affair, and that I may
rest in peace, I have conferred with a gentleman of a liberal education,
Mr. Davenport Phelps, with whose character and family I have long been
acquainted, who has ample testimonials respecting his literary and moral
qualifications, and who, I believe, will consent to devote his life to the
service of the Church among us, provided his Lordship, the Bishop of
Quebec, shall think proper to ordain him to the sacred office. Mr. Phelps
with great candor observes, that from his not having been so conversant
with books for a number of years past as he could have wished,
particularly classical ones, he is diffident of a critical examination in
the dead languages. But, Sir, from his general, I may say almost
universal, character among the discerning, I consider the prospect of his
usefulness among us very great; and assure you that it is the desire of
the Chiefs in general, and my most ardent wish, that he may be ordained a
missionary for the Five Nations on this river. And from your official
relation to us, I take the liberty of begging you to communicate our
wishes to his Lordship the Bishop respecting this gentleman, that we may
be informed, if possible, before the opening of the Spring, whether a
character of Mr. Phelps's description will be approved by his Lordship,
and deemed a proper subject for ordination.
"I am, dear sir,
Your most obedient
And humble serv't,
Jos. Brant.
"_Sir John Johnson, Bar't._
"P. S. I know you will excuse my observing that we shall be glad to know
what sum the society, and what government will severally think proper to
allow our missionary; since, should their allowances be insufficient for
his support, by other means it must be made adequate."
The Baronet lost no time in bringing the subject before the Bishop, but
difficulties were interposed by his Lordship, and an occasional
correspondence of two or three years ensued, before the wishes of the
Indians, for the ordination of a spiritual teacher, were complied with.
The first objection was that the candidate for orders had not been
examined. In reply, Captain Brant apologized for their ignorance as to the
prerequisites, and urged that an examination might be undergone before the
Rev. Mr. Addison, "who, having gone through the forms himself, must be
acquainted with the business." Both the Chief and his people were
impatient of delay; and the Captain reminded the Bishop, through Sir John,
of the pledge which the Archbishop of Canterbury had made to him in the
presence of the King, that whenever the Indians, by the erection of a
church, should be ready for religious instruction, he would do all in his
power to supply their wants.
In the Spring of 1798, the Chief had an earnest correspondence with Mr.
Russell, the provincial Governor, upon the subject, in the course of
which, in one of his letters, he said:--"With respect to any uncertainty
or difficulty there may be in obtaining a salary from government, we would
wish that that should not entirely restrain his Lordship; for, should
government not be willing to grant an allowance for a clergyman, sooner
than want one we would strain every point ourselves to procure a salary,
and would be joined by several respectable families of white people in the
neighborhood."
In the Summer of the following year, on his return from a visit to the
lower province, the Captain met with the Lord Bishop at Kingston, and
again urged his attention to the subject; and, as he supposed, arranged
matters for an examination of Mr. Phelps at Niagara, to which place his
Lordship was preparing to extend his visit. But there was again
disappointment, arising from a cause altogether unexpected. The following
spirited letter will disclose the motive of the delay:
"Captain Brant to the Chief Justice.
"_Grand River,_--" [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] The date is wanting in the copy. It must have been, however, toward
the close of 1799.
"Sir,
"I feel myself under the necessity of representing to your Honor, that
from the consideration of the great importance of having a missionary
resident among the Indians, and that from the knowledge I have long had
of Mr. Davenport Phelps, and my particular acquaintance with his family
and connexions, I have been earnestly desirous that he might be ordained
to that office. To this end, the Winter before last I wrote the Honorable
Sir John Johnson, who communicated my wishes, and those of the other
chiefs, in this respect, to his Lordship the Bishop of Quebec. No
determinate answer was given, and in consequence the subject thus remained
till the Summer past, when, on my return from Lower Canada, at Kingston,
in a conversation with his Lordship, he was pleased to express the utmost
readiness to do what was incumbent on him to carry what was desired into
effect--manifesting a cheerful willingness to examine Mr. Phelps, in order
to his ordination.
"Thus circumstanced, I requested Mr. Phelps to accompany me to Newark,
[FN] to offer himself for examination; but to my great disappointment
found, that previous to our arrival his Lordship had sailed for Quebec. I
was, Sir, however, surprised to learn, that he had left information
pointedly against the expected examination; which, though then to me
mysterious, I more fully understand since the arrival of his Excellency
Governor Hunter, at that place, who has told me that he had been informed
that Mr. Phelps had been at the head of a mob in the province. This
charge, replete with odium, I have good evidence to believe was originally
made by Mr. White, Attorney General, and as long ago as 1795. I must
acknowledge, Sir, that it is unaccountable in my mind how a charge of this
nature, made by one whose duty it is to prosecute seditious practices,
should remain unnoticed until so late a period, and then be suggested, as
I have too much reason to believe, to defeat a purpose earnestly desired
by many friends to the cause of religion and morality."
* * * * *
[FN] Formerly a town on the Niagara--now called Niagara.
"I cannot, in justice to truth, omit to observe that the proposal of Mr.
Phelps's being ordained to the church did not originate with him, (nor has
it since been solicited by him,) but by myself and others of
respectability, who have long known his virtues and abilities; who have
an indubitable claim to the honor of having defended this country against
the King's enemies; and whose loyalty and discernment cannot with decency
be disputed. If, however, a charge of this nature be proved, I shall
remain silent. If not, I humbly conceive justice and humanity require that
due reparation be made.
"Your Honor's love of justice makes me confident of your best advice, and
wise interference in this affair.
"I cannot but farther observe, that, considering the nature and
circumstances of this affair, I have a right to expect that Mr. White, or
whoever else has made this charge, be called on to prove it without delay.
I shall be much obliged by your answer to this by the bearer. I have the
honor to be, &c."
It is manifest from this letter, that the government were entertaining
political objections to the candidate. The conduct of the
Attorney-General, however, would not stand the scrutiny to which the
Mohawk was disposed to subject it. Nothing could be more apparent than
that the charge was either frivolous, or adduced as a pretext, or that the
Attorney General had been remiss in the performance of his own official
duty. The Indians still adhered to Mr. Phelps; and such was the strength
of their attachment to him, that Captain Brant subsequently prepared a
formal memorial to the Lord Bishop, setting forth his excellent
qualities--his talents, his virtues, and his loyalty--and urging his
ordination, "as their choice had been, and still was, fixed on him, in
preference to any other." [FN] But every effort to obtain the ordination
of Mr. Phelps from the English prelate was fruitless, and the attention of
Captain Brant was thereupon directed to the Episcopal Church of the United
States, through the interposition of General Chapin, the American Indian
Agent residing at Canandaigua, and Colonel Aaron Burr. Mr. Phelps, the
candidate for orders, visited the city of New-York, and was the bearer of
the following letter to Colonel Burr upon the subject:--
* * * * *
[FN] The warmth of Brant's friendship for Mr. Phelps, and the strength of
his attachment to him, are explained by the circumstance that Mr. Phelps
had married the daughter of the elder President Wheelock, with whom the
Chief had doubtless' become acquainted while at the Moor Charity School.
As Mr. Phelps subsequently became the pioneer of the Episcopal Church in
the western part of the State of New-York, some farther notice of him
will be proper in this place. He was a native of Hebron, (Connecticut,)
where he was born in 1755. He was graduated at Yale College, with high
credit for his classical attainments, in 1775. Soon afterward he entered
the army of the Revolution, in Colonel Beadle's regiment--was made
prisoner and taken to Montreal, where he remained so long that he
acquired the French language so as to speak it with elegance. He was
married to Catharine Wheelock in 1785, and was for a time engaged in the
mercantile business, in company with his brothers-in-law, Ebenezer and
James Wheelock, in Hartford (Conn.) He afterward removed to
New-Hampshire, where he practised law, and served as a magistrate. In
1798 he visited Upper Canada in company with James Wheelock, where they
jointly obtained a grant of eighty-four thousand acres of land from
Governor Simcoe. Soon afterward he removed his family to Upper Canada,
and settled for a time at Niagara, where he commenced the practice of the
law, and established a printing-office. He also had a mercantile concern
at that place, the business of which was chiefly conducted by an agent.
He had a taste for agricultural and horticultural pursuits, and paid much
attention to husbandry and the cultivation of fruit. A close intimacy
subsisted between himself and Captain Brant, and between their families.
He appears to have been early a religious man, and had, for some time
anterior to Brant's application in his behalf for orders, a strong
desire to enter the Episcopal Church.--_MS. Life of Rev. Davenport
Phelps, in preparation by the Rev. Dr. Rudd of Utica._
"Captain Brant to Colonel Burr.
"_Grand River, May_ 7, 1800.
"Sir,
"About three weeks since, I received a message from O'Bail to attend a
council at Buffalo, where I expected the pleasure of seeing you. We
attended, and waited a few days; but the chiefs there not being ready to
meet us, and we having business that required our attendance at this
place, were under the necessity of coming away. Had I been so fortunate as
to have met you there, it was my intention to have conversed with you upon
a subject which I have long considered as most important to the present
and future well-being of the Indians on both sides of the lakes and at
large; namely, their situation in a moral point of view, and concerning
measures proper to be taken in order that regular and stated religious
instruction might be introduced among them.
"You well know, Sir, the general state of the Indians residing on Grand
River, as well as in other parts. A considerable number of some of these
nations have long since embraced Christianity, and the conversion of
others must depend, under the influence of the Great Spirit, on the
faithful labors of a resident minister, who might visit and instruct both
here and elsewhere, as ways and doors might from time to time be opened
for him.
"The establishment and enlargement of civilization and Christianity among
the natives must be most earnestly desired by all good men; and as
religion and morality respect mankind at large, without any reference to
the boundaries of civil governments, I flatter myself that you, Sir, will
approve what many of the chiefs here, with myself, are so greatly desirous
of.
"I have in view, as I have before suggested, the welfare of the Indians at
large; being fully persuaded that nothing can so greatly contribute to
their present and future happiness as their being brought into the habits
of virtue and morality, which, I trust, may and will be gradually effected
by instruction, if properly attended and enforced by example.
"I well know the difficulty of finding a gentleman suitably qualified, and
willing to devote his life to the work of a missionary among them; and
especially one of talents and manners to render him agreeable in a degree
highly to favor his usefulness. And, in order to satisfy myself in this
respect, I faithfully inquired and consulted, and am clearly of opinion,
that Mr. Davenport Phelps, who is recommended as a gentleman of virtue and
respectable accomplishments, is the most suitable character for this
office of any one within my knowledge. My long acquaintance with his
family, and particular knowledge of him, as well as the opinion and wishes
of the most respectable characters among the white people in this
vicinity, who earnestly wish, for themselves as well as for us, that he
may be ordained a missionary, make me earnestly hope that you will
officially recommend both the design and him to the Right Reverend Bishops
in the United States, or to some one of them, and to such other characters
as you may think proper.
"From the consideration that religion and politics are distinct subjects,
we should not only be well satisfied to receive a Missionary from a Bishop
in the United States, but, for various other reasons, would prefer one
from thence.
"We shall be able here to do something considerable towards Mr. Phelps's
support; and I doubt not but others, who have ability, will be disposed to
assist in promoting so good a work. I will add no more than that I have
great satisfaction in being confident of your friendly and influential
exertions in this important affair, and that I am, with great sincerity,
yours, &c.,
"Joseph Brant." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Brant had had some previous acquaintance with Colonel Burr and his
family, as will appear in a subsequent page. This letter was enclosed by
Colonel Burr to his daughter Theodosia, then Mrs. Alston, in December,
1801, with the following remark:--"Yesterday Mr. Phelps, mentioned in the
enclosed, delivered to me two pair of moccasins, directed--'From Captain
Joseph Brant to Mr. and Mrs. Alston.' Your ship having sailed, I don't
know how or when I shall forward them to you; but we will see. I send
the original letter of Captain Brant, merely to show how an Indian can
write. It is his own hand-writing and composition. Upon this notice of
his attention you should write him a letter of acknowledgment for his
hospitality," &c. The author will here remark, that the orthography of
Captain Brant was remarkable and almost invariably accurate.
The application to the American Church was successful, and the Missionary
was ordained. [FN-1] But whether the measure was facilitated by the
exertions of Colonel Burr, is not known. The subject has been treated
thus at large, for the purpose of developing with more distinctness the
religious bias of the Chieftain's character, as illustrated by the
earnest perseverance with which he sought the Christian improvement of his
people. From other letters and documents among his papers, it is farther
rendered certain that several religious gentlemen of distinction in the
United States were in occasional correspondence with him upon religious
and other subjects connected with the history and condition of his people.
His house, likewise, seems to have been the free and open quarters of the
Missionaries employed at that early stage of the modern missionary
enterprise, among the borderers, both Anglo-Saxon and Aboriginal. [FN-2]
As an example of this description of correspondence, the following letter
is given--for the double purpose of showing the estimate placed upon the
character of Captain Brant by the great and good of that day, and of
embalming the name of one of the most devout and faithful pioneers of
Christianity that ever made the wilderness ring with the Gospel
trumpet--the Rev. Elkanah Holmes:
* * * * *
[FN-1] Mr. Phelps was ordained a Deacon in Trinity Church, in the city
of New-York, by Bishop Benjamin Moore, on Sunday, December 13, 1801. He
immediately returned to Canada, and entered upon the active duties of a
missionary, holding frequent services, and traveling far and wide in the
discharge of his duties. His residence then, and for several years
before, was upon his farm about three miles from Burlington Bay. Captain
Brant had repeatedly endeavored to induce him to accept a grant of land,
probably with a view to his residence with, or near him, at Grand River,
but without success--as the accumulation of wealth was not the desire of
Mr. Phelps. In 1803 he was ordained as a priest in St Peter's Church,
Albany, also by Bishop Moore. Thenceforward he entered upon the life of
a missionary in the western part of New-York, and in 1805 removed his
family from Upper Canada to Onondaga. He subsequently removed to Geneva,
where he died some years since.--_MS. Account of his life by Dr. Rudd._
[FN-2] Mr. Phelps had much intercourse with Captain Brant and his family.
When he preached in the vicinity of the family of Brant, that household
formed a part, and a very attentive part, of his audience.--_MS. of the
Rev. Dr. Rudd._
"Rev. John M. Mason, D. D., to Captain Brant.
"_New-York, June_ 16, 1801.
"Sir,
"The Directors of the New-York Missionary Society have instructed me to
tender you their acknowledgments for your friendship to their missionary,
the Rev. Elkanah Holmes. [FN] This gentleman, in whose discretion and
integrity they repose entire confidence, they have employed in a second
mission to those tribes of Indians whom your influence particularly
affects. The purity of their views, embracing the moral and religions
interests of the Indians, induces them to believe that their attempts will
not be unacceptable to you; and your former kindness to Mr. Holmes
emboldens them to ask for him such countenance and advice as your intimate
knowledge of Indian affairs, and the weight of your opinion in directing
them, render it expedient for you to give. For your farther satisfaction
with regard to the missionary system, Mr. Holmes will present you with a
volume containing the sermons preached before the Society, and the annual
accounts of their procedure; of which the directors do themselves the
pleasure to request your acceptance."
* * * * *
[FN] Mr. Holmes devoted many years to missionary labors among the
Indians, of whom he took his leave about the year 1812. He lived many
years afterward, and died at a very advanced age. Like Heckewelder, he
imbibed the most enthusiastic admiration of the Indian character in its
native unsophisticated state. In the course of his experience, however,
he arrived at the painful conclusion that it is all but impossible to
do any good to them while subject to the moral contagion of white men and
strong drink. His appearance in the latter years of his life was truly
patriarchal. His hair, long and white, fell down upon his shoulders; his
manner was remarkably impressive, and his whole demeanor that of one who
was ripe for heaven. He was a Calvinistic Baptist.
"With respect, I am, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
John M. Mason, _Secretary._
"_Captain Joseph Brant._"
The Chief was likewise in correspondence with the Rev. Samuel Miller of
New-York, now Doctor Miller, of Princeton, as appears by the following
letter:--
"Captain Brant to the Rev. Samuel Miller.
"_Grand River, Feb._ 9, 1801.
"Sir,
"I feel a particular satisfaction that I have now had an opportunity of
answering your letter by the Rev. Mr. Holmes. I have explained, as far as
in my power, the queries you have proposed. I hope you will excuse the
long delay I have made since I received your letter, and not altogether
attribute it to neglect or unwillingness to serve you; for I have myself
a strong inclination for searching into the antiquities of our nations and
others, but the multiplicity of business I have always had on hand, has
hitherto prevented me. Even now, what I have said on the subject is in
haste, and as brief as possible. Should it so happen that I might have it
in my power further to assist you, I shall do it with pleasure." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] It is a matter of no small regret that the author has not been able
to procure a copy of the letter referred to. At the time when the now
venerable Dr. Miller opened a correspondence with Brant, he was
projecting a _History of New-York,_ and was then collecting materials for
that object. Brant had also contemplated writing a history of _The Six
Nations;_ and it is quite probable that his reply to the queries of Doctor
Miller was both a valuable and a curious document. When Doctor Miller
removed from New-York to Princeton, in the year 1813, he was just
recovering from a fit of sickness, which disabled him from attending to
his papers. The consequence was, that owing to the carelessness of
others, his manuscripts and historical collections were greatly
scattered, and many of them irrecoverably lost. Among the latter were the
letters of Captain Brant, as the author has been informed by the Doctor
himself, in reply to a letter addressed to him. After stating the
circumstance attending the loss of his manuscripts, the Doctor
says--"after the most diligent search that I can make, I cannot find a
line of what I received from that remarkable man."
"I cannot omit acknowledging the satisfaction I feel from what the Rev.
Mr. Holmes has acquainted me with, respecting the generous intentions of
your society for diffusing religion and civilization among the Indian
nations in general. I would be happy to hear from you, how far your
society may propose to extend their goodness, with respect to the
education of Indian youths that might be well recommended to them. And
also, if they would be willing, and it might be consistent with their
constitution, to assist some Indians who have yet claims on lands in the
United States, such as the Nantikokes in Maryland, and the Munsees near
Minisink, who have requested me to make the application. The Rev. Mr.
Holmes can more particularly inform you on this subject."
Unfortunately the Mohawks, like all other primitive American nations with
whom the white people have come in contact, were lovers of rum, and
subject, of course, to the evils consequent upon that species of
debasement. The prevalence of this vice seems to have been viewed with
deep solicitude by Captain Brant, and a system of prevention early entered
into his views on commencing the labor of building up his nation anew. But
all experience has shown how futile are these attempts to keep the
fire-waters from the lips of the Indian, so long as unprincipled white men
are permitted to approach their borders with their alembics, or minister
the ready-made liquor to their burning appetites. In like manner were the
efforts of Captain Brant frustrated. In a letter to Sir John Johnson,
dated June 30th, 1800, in reference to this subject, he said:--"The
accidents which have happened in the drunken frolics here, have
principally proceeded from an opposition party to those chiefs who wished
to adopt some necessary regulations. Captain Clans seems very uneasy, and
wishes to take some steps to prevent those melancholy misfortunes. He
urges me to point out some mode in which it can be effected. In answer I
furnished him in writing with a detail of the plan, (of which I presume he
will send you a copy,) which was adopted when we first settled here, and
which could at that time have been carried into effect, but for the
insurmountable impediments thrown in the way by the government. I should
be glad of your opinion on this unfortunate subject."
It must be reckoned among the mysteries in the economy of Providence, that
women, of every age, and hue, and clime, are doomed to suffer more
severely from the effects of intemperance in the other sex than men. The
maddening poison of the intoxicating cup infuriates the stronger passions
of the men, and imparts fiend-like energy to their already superior
physical powers; and among savage as well as civilized men, those under
its diabolical influence often wreak their senseless violence upon the
least offending and the least capable of resistance. It was thus among the
Mohawks. At least nothing less can be inferred from the following
memoranda of proceedings upon this subject, among the papers of Captain
Brant:--
"On the 22d of May, 1802, the women assembled in council, to which they
called the chiefs. They then addressed them as follows:
"Uncles: Some time ago the women of this place spoke to you; but you did
not then answer them, as you considered their meeting not sufficient. Now,
a considerable number of those from below having met and consulted
together, join in sentiment, and lament as it were with tears in our eyes,
the many misfortunes caused by the use of spirituous liquors. We therefore
mutually request that you will use your endeavors to have it removed from
our neighborhood, that there may be none sold nigher to us than the
mountain. We flatter ourselves that this is in your power, and that you
will have compassion on our uneasiness, and exert yourselves to have it
done."
_Strings of Wampum._
How like woman! She discerned the cause of the evil she saw and felt: yet
she indulged no resentments--she complained not of her sufferings--but
mildly entreated that the cause might be removed. Thus, ever forward to
shield those she loved from temptation and danger, by her influence and
persuasions exerting might in her weakness, and rendering tho strong man
stronger by her anxious yet watchful guardianship of his virtue. But their
counsel did not end here. There had been domestic feuds and collisions
among their lords. The Seneca demagogue had sown dissensions between the
warriors and their chiefs, and the Mohawk women appeared also in their own
true and beneficent character of peace-makers. After the portion of their
address quoted above had been delivered, "some others," (says the
manuscript,) spoke thus:--
"Uncles: The division and separation of the warriors from the chiefs gives
us much uneasiness; we therefore entreat you, both chiefs and warriors,
that you will bury all dispute, that your affairs may go on with the usual
friendship and tranquility. As for our part, we have been, in a great
measure a principal cause in influencing our male relations; but we now
drop it, and promise to observe a quite different conduct, and we hope in
future that no reports shall be able to rekindle the fire of contention."
_Strings of Wampum._
The manner in which these rude females of the forest made their appeal,
might serve as a pattern of delicacy to many of the sex of loftier
pretensions. Nor was it without its effect upon the council of chiefs to
whom it was addressed. After adjourning a short time for consideration,
they returned, and Captain Brant delivered their reply to the following
purpose:--
"Nieces: We are fully convinced of the justice of your request; drinking
has caused the many misfortunes in this place, and has been, besides, a
great cause of the divisions, by the effect it has upon the people's
speech. We assure you, therefore, that we will use our endeavors to effect
what you desire. However, it depends in a great measure upon government,
as the distance you propose is within their line. We cannot therefore
absolutely promise that our request will be complied with."
_Strings._
"Nieces: With respect to your request to bury all differences, we heartily
comply with it, and thank you for the wisdom yon showed in here
interfering. It was the custom of our ancestors for the women, by their
moderation, to heal up all animosities. Be assured, therefore, that we
bury every thing disagreeable that may have happened hitherto; and in
future we shall be upon our guard against tales, and also saying anything
thoughtlessly ourselves; we only regret that the warriors are not here
present, to concur with us in re-establishing unity and amity."
_Strings._
If the proceedings of this female council appear rather too episodical for
direct historical narrative, they are nevertheless illustrations of Indian
manners and character. It is, moreover, a satisfaction thus to secure from
oblivion, and preserve, a document bearing beautiful testimony, that even
in a barbarous state of society, women are still found foremost in the
conservation of virtue, and as persevering peace-makers in the midst of
anarchy and strife. And besides, the females of no other race have had so
little justice done to their character as those of the American Indian.
While the women of every other people have been apotheosized, even down to
the ebon daughter of Africa who moistened the parched lips of Mungo Park;
who has ever rendered the just meed of homage to the patient,
unostentatious virtues, and the noble qualities, of the tawny daughters of
the American forest, save in the case of Pocahontas?
The reader has already seen that the religious tenets of Captain Brant
were Episcopalian. It came not within the requisitions of his creed,
therefore, even had policy been out of the question, to discountenance the
games and amusements of his people. On the contrary, he loved to encourage
their pastimes and divertisements, and by so doing, gave evidence of his
wisdom. Indeed, it may well be doubted whether, in this respect, the
ancients, and all uncivilized nations, have not been wiser in their
generations than the modern Anglo-Saxons and their American children.
Relaxation of mind and body is necessary alike to the health and
elasticity of both. When the Puritans of New England banished the merry
Christmas festival of Old England, they soon saw the necessity of creating
a substitute, which was found in the feast of Thanksgiving. Still, the
people of the United States have ever been so thoroughly utilitarian in
the use of their hours, as really to deny themselves time for a suitable
indulgence in rational amusements. Thus the harvest-home is forgotten; the
rustic gambols of Christmas are almost unknown; no joyous groups dance
around the Maypole, or twine the garland for the brow of its queen. The
Americans have no seasons for reinvigorating their systems by wholesome
athletic exercises, or dispelling care by rural sports among flowers, and
groves, and fountains. The native sports of the Indians are less refined
and poetical than were the pastimes and festivals of the Greeks and
Romans; but they doubtless contribute as much to the enjoyment of the
people, while they are no less rational, and are marked by a high degree
of moral purity.
The neglect of athletic exercises, and games, by the white people,
moreover, works positive injury. Contrast the tall, erect posture, the
elastic tread of the Indian, with the plodding pace and inclining gait of
the white man! Is it not obvious that the difference is attributable to
the difference of physical training? The white laborer is generally worked
too hard when young. His labors, whether in the field or the work-shop,
are invariably such as to draw the body forward, while there is no
exercise allowed the antagonistic muscles--those which sustain the body
in an upright position. The consequence is, that while the Indian indulges
in those sports which expand the chest, and throw back the shoulders, and
impart agility and grace to the movements of the limbs, the white man,
instead of looking upward to the heavens, is bowed down to the posture of
the brute creation.
Among other amusements, in addition to their own native sports of running,
wrestling, and leaping [FN]--their dances and songs--their sacrifices, and
other festivals of war and of thanksgiving--the Six Nations had adopted
from the whites the popular game of ball, or cricket. Indeed, so much
attached were they to this manly exercise, that the game had become
national throughout the Confederacy; and it was no uncommon thing for one
nation to challenge another to play a match--upon a much larger scale,
beyond doubt, than was ever practised among the pale-faces.
* * * * *
[FN] Mary Jemison states that these athletic games and exercises were
practised, not only that their bodies might become more supple, or rather
that they might not become enervated, but that they might be enabled to
make proper selection of chiefs for the councils of the nation and
leaders for war.
A game of this kind was commenced on one occasion, in the year 1794,
between the young Mohawks and Senecas, which was well nigh attended with
fatal consequences. The Mohawks were the challengers. After the game had
proceeded for a considerable time, one of the Mohawks, in a struggle with
a Seneca for a stroke at the ball, struck his antagonist a sharp blow with
his bat. The occurrence having been observed by the players, the Senecas
dropped their bats instantly, to a man, and retired to their posts with
silent, though evident resentment. Without speaking a word, but with
bosoms heaving with indignation, they took up the stakes they had
deposited, and retired to their own country, on the upper waters of the
Genesee, toward the northern spur of the Alleghenies. About three weeks
subsequent to the occurrence, a Seneca messenger arrived at the Mohawk
village, dispatched thither by Red Jacket, the Corn-planter, and others,
complaining of the insult, demanding satisfaction for the affront, and
denouncing war in case of refusal. The Mohawks, feeling that they were in
the wrong, were somewhat troubled at the message. Brant convened a council
of his chiefs, and after consultation, a message was returned to the
Senecas, proposing an amicable meeting of the chiefs of both nations, to
confer upon the subject matter of complaint, with a view of healing the
wound by compromise and explanation, and of course without bloodshed. The
Senecas, anxious to avoid hostilities against a nation with which they had
been in alliance so long, acceded to the pacific proposition, and a joint
council was the consequence. Red Jacket, however, did all he could to
prevent a reconciliation. He delivered an inflammatory speech, laboring
with all his art and eloquence to aggravate the insult, and urging his
nation to avenge the insult by an appeal to arms. But Captain O'Bail, and
some others of the older Seneca chiefs, were for the adoption of a more
conciliatory course. They were little moved by the exciting philippic of
Red Jacket, and desired nothing more of the Mohawks than a reasonable and
honorable atonement for the wrong done to their young warrior by the party
offending. The proposition was met with equal magnanimity on the part of
the Mohawks, and the result of the council was an adjustment of the
difficulty. The calumet was smoked, and the chiefs--all save the
disappointed demagogue, Red Jacket--separated upon the most amicable
terms. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Notes of a visit to Captain Brant, and of conversations with him,
by Samuel Woodruff, Esq. of Windsor, Con.
Three years afterward, in the Summer of 1797, another match of cricket was
played between the two nations. The Senecas were this time the
challengers, but the game was played at the Mohawk village, on the Grand
River, and was commenced during the visit of the gentleman to whom Captain
Brant had related the particulars of the foregoing unpleasant occurrence.
It was, in fact, the conversation naturally flowing from the pending match
that led the Chief to speak of the incidents connected with the former.
The playing was to commence at 9 o'clock in the morning, and the
invitation of Captain Brant to see the amusement, was accepted by his
guest.
The place selected for the trial of strength, agility, and skill, was a
broad and beautiful green, of perhaps one hundred acres, perfectly level,
and smooth as a carpet, without tree or shrub, or stone to encumber it.
On one side of the green the Senecas had collected in a sort of irregular
encampment--men, women, and children--to the number of more than a
thousand. On the other side the Mohawks were actively assembling in yet
greater numbers. The stakes deposited by each party were laid upon the
ground in heaps, consisting of rifles, hatchets, swords, belts, knives,
blankets, wampum, watches, beads, broaches, furs, and a variety of other
articles of Indian utility and taste--amounting, in the whole, according
to the estimate of Captain Brant, to upward of a thousand dollars a side.
By the side of the stakes were seated a group of the aged Chiefs--"grave
and reverend seigniors," whose beards had been silvered by the frosts of
many winters, and whose visages gave evidence of the toils of war and the
chase.
The combatants numbered about six hundred upon a side, young and
middle-aged men--nimble of foot, athletic and muscular. Their countenances
beamed with animation and high hope. In order to the free and unfettered
use of their sinewy limbs, their persons were naked with the exception of
a single garment like an apron, or kilt, fastened around the waist, and
descending nearly to the knee. The area of the play-ground was designated
by two pair of "byes," placed at about thirty rods distant from each
other, and the goals of each pair about thirty feet apart. The combatants
ranged themselves in parallel lines on each side of the area, facing
inward, and leaving a space between them of about ten rods in breadth.
Their bats were three feet six inches in length, curved at the lower end
somewhat in the form of a ladle, the broad part for striking the ball
being formed of net-work, woven of thongs of untanned deer-skin, strained
to the tension of tight elasticity. The ball, large as a middling-sized
apple, was also composed of elastic materials.
On one side of the area, near the centre of the line, and in a conspicuous
place, were seated a body of elderly sachems, of each nation, with knives
and tally-sticks, to score the game. The rules governing the game were
somewhat intricate. None of the players were allowed to touch the ball
with hand or foot, until driven beyond the "byes" or land-marks. It was
then thrown back by hand toward or into the centre of the area, when the
game proceeded as before. Their mode of counting the game was peculiar,
the tallies-men not being in all cases bound by arbitrary rules, but left
to the exercise of a certain degree of discretionary power. Each passage
of the ball between the goals, at the end of the play-ground, counted one,
so long as the contest was nearly equal; but, for the purpose of
protracting the game, whenever one party became considerably in advance of
the other, the tally-chiefs were allowed to check or curtail their count
in proportion to the excess. For instance, if the leading party had run up
a regular count to thirty, while their opponents had numbered but fifteen,
the tallies-men, at their discretion, and by consent of each other, though
unknown to the players, would credit the winning party with only two
notches for three passages of the ball--varying from time to time,
according to the state of the game. The object of this course was to
protract the game, and to increase the amusement, while despondency upon
either side was prevented, and the chance of ultimate victory increased.
Frequently, by this discretionary mode of counting, the game was continued
three or four days.
The game on this occasion was commenced by about sixty players on a side,
who advanced from their respective lines with bats in their hands, into
the centre of the play-ground. Of this number about twenty were stationed
at the end land-marks, to guard the passage of the ball. The players who
were to begin, were apparently mingled promiscuously together. All things
being thus ready, a beautiful maiden, richly dressed in the native costume
of her people, wearing a red tiara plumed with eagles' feathers, and
glittering with bracelets and other ornaments of silver, came bounding
like a gazelle into the area, with the ball, which she placed upon the
ground in the centre. Instantly the welkin rang with the shouts of the
whole multitude of spectators, and the play began; while the bright-eyed
maiden danced back, and joined her own circle among the surrounding
throng. The match was begun by two of the opposing players, who advanced
to the ball, and with their united bats raised it from the ground to such
an elevation as gave a chance for a fair stroke; when, quick as lightning,
it was sped through the air almost with the swiftness of a bullet. Much
depends upon the first stroke, and great skill is exerted to obtain it.
The match was played with great spirit, and the display of agility and
muscular strength was surprising. Every nerve was strung; and so great
were the exertions of the players, that each set was relieved by fresh
hands every fifteen or twenty minutes; thus alternating, and allowing
every player of the whole number to perform his part, until the game was
finished. The scene was full of excitement and animation. The principal
Chief entered fully into the enjoyment, and by his explanations to his
guest heightened its interest, which of itself, the latter declared to
have afforded him a greater degree of satisfaction than any game or
pastime that he had ever beheld. The contest was continued three days, at
the end of which, after a severe struggle, the Senecas were proclaimed the
victors, sweeping the stakes, to the great mortification of the
proud-spirited Mohawks--the head of the Confederacy.
Mr. Woodruff, from whose notes the preceding description has been derived,
was highly gratified with his visit to the Chief, with whom he passed
several days. In his person he said he was graceful and dignified--easy
and affable in conversation. His stature was five feet eleven inches--of
the finest form and proportions--robust and firm, and possessing great
muscular power. His countenance was open, placid, and inviting--his eyes
brilliant and expressive--in short, every thing in relation to his person
was engaging and prepossessing.
No people are more particular in paying honors to the dead than the
Indians, and their funerals are marked with deep and affecting solemnity.
As among civilized nations, the pomp and pageantry of woe vary according
to the rank of the deceased and the wealth of the family, or the ability
and disposition of friends to defray the expenses of the funeral, the
entertainment at the grave, and the presents to be distributed. But,
however humble the deceased, the remains are never unhonored or unwept;
and among no people on earth are stronger evidences given of tender
affection. Nor are funeral honors bestowed only upon the men. There is a
mistaken idea generally prevalent, that the Indian woman is treated with
contempt, arising from the well-known fact, that certain offices and
labors, accounted as menial among the whites, or as improper to be imposed
upon women, are always performed by them among the Indians. But the
allotment of those duties to the women has arisen from their usages, and
the peculiar structure of their society, time immemorial. Nor is the
custom any evidence of disrespect or contumely. On the contrary, it may be
doubted whether the females of the white people, even among nations of the
most refinement, exercise a higher or more salutary degree of influence,
than do the Indian women. Nor, when dead, are they treated with less
respect than the warriors. "The greatest honors are paid to the remains of
the wives of renowned warriors and veteran chiefs, particularly if they
were descended themselves of a high family, which is by no means an
indifferent thing among the Indians, who love to honor the merit of their
great men in the persons of their relatives." [FN] The funerals of chiefs
and warriors, and of distinguished women, were attended by the heads of
the tribe, and all the people, and their ceremonies were highly
impressive. On the opening of all their councils, a ceremony of
condolence was performed, and an appropriate speech delivered, in memory
of those who had died, or been slain on the war-path, since their last
meeting. These ceremonies were solemn, and their speeches often full of
simplicity, tenderness, and pathos. Among the papers of Sir William
Johnson is a manuscript of a speech of condolence, delivered at the
opening of a council in 1761, by Seneca George, a few passages of which
may be cited as an example:--
* * * * *
[FN] Heckewelder.
"Brothers: We suppose that in the late troubles you may have lost many of
your people, either by sickness or war, since we were last together; by
this string, therefore, we wipe away the tears from your eyes, clear your
throats, wash away the blood from your bodies, sweep the council chamber,
and throw the dirt out of doors, that you may see and speak to us clearly
at the present conference."
[_A String._]
"Brothers: We are sorry, from the bottom of our hearts for the death of
your men, women, and children, and by this belt we collect all their bones
together, bury them in one grave, and cover them up."
[_A black belt, eight rows, streaked with white._]
"Brothers: We are at great loss, and sit in darkness as well as you, by
the death of Conrad Weiser, [FN] as, since his death, we cannot so well
understand one another. By this belt we cover his body with bark."
[_A white belt of seven rows, with four black streaks._]
* * * * *
[FN] Celebrated in the Indian Annals, for many years, as an interpreter.
"Brothers: By the last belt, I mentioned to you that we both sat in
darkness. Now, by this belt I remove the clouds from before the sun, that
we may see it rise and set, and that your hearts may be eased from sorrow
on account of what I mentioned before. [_Delivered a white belt of five
rows, with three black bars._] We pray the Great God above, who can
enlighten our hearts, that we may live in love and peace until death."
From the manuscripts of Captain Brant, it seems frequently to have been
his duty to perform the ceremony of condolence, and he sometimes speaks of
making a journey to a considerable distance for that sole purpose. Only
one of his speeches, however, on such an occasion, remains among his
papers. That was delivered in the name of the Five Nations, on the 24th of
February, 1801, at Fort George, (Niagara,) on the death of Mrs. Claus,
[FN] the mother of the Deputy Superintendent:--
* * * * *
[FN] Daughter of Sir William Johnson.
"Speech of Condolence to Captain Claus.
"Brother: We are here now met in the presence of the Spirit above, with
intent to keep up the ancient custom of condolement. We therefore condole
with you for your late loss of our well-beloved sister, whom now you have
interred.
"Brother: We hope that this may not damp your heart so much as to make
you forget us, who are your brothers--not only ourselves, but our wives
and children.
"Brother: We say now again, that by our late loss, it seems our fire is
somewhat extinguished. But we have now found a few brands remaining, and
have collected them together, and have raised a straight smoke to the
clouds.
"Brother: We therefore with this string of wampum wipe away the tears from
your eyes, and would take away all sorrow from your heart. But that is
impossible: still, it is the customary way of making the speech. We
therefore mention it: and with the said wampum we wipe away all stains of
whatever should remain on your seat, so that you may sit down in comfort.
"Brother: We say again with this string of wampum, as you seem to be all
in darkness, we with the same string enlighten the skies above us, so that
it may appear to us all as it formerly used to do.
"Brother: We say again with this string of wampum, as we have now made our
speech of condolement, we hope to raise you upon your feet, as you
formerly used to be; for since our late loss, it seems you have been
confined as one absent." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Captain Claus had been so much affected by the death of his mother,
as to be confined to his room; and although he met the Chiefs in council
on this occasion, he was unable to reply---but sent his speech afterward
in writing.
"Brother: We hope you will not forget our calamities--hoping that this
shock may not put us out of your memory entirely--and also that you may
continue to help us, as you formerly used to do.
"Brother: This last string which now I give you, is given by the whole Six
Nations, so as to strengthen your mind and body--that you may not be too
much cast down by the occasion of our late loss."
An address was likewise transmitted to the council from the women, which
was delivered by a sachem called Old Thomas; but a copy has not been
preserved. Only the last half sheet of Captain Claus's reply is now to be
found. The conclusion was this:--
". . . She was good, and was a friend to you all, as far as she had it in
her power, by speaking in your favor always. But was I to continue, I
should again bring to my memory her great love for me, and fill my eyes
and heart again, so that I could not attend to your affairs. Accept my
grateful thanks for your condolence, and allow me to look upon you as my
friends--wishing you, and all belonging to you, health and all happiness.
"Brothers, I now address myself again to you. As the business is now over,
and you will be turning your faces toward home, I pray to the Great Spirit
that he will make your road smooth, and leave no obstacle in the way, that
will either hurt or stop you; but that you may get safe home, and meet
your friends all well; whom I beg you will salute for me. I shall always
be happy to be numbered among your friends."
In private life, the character of Brant was estimable, and in the social
circle often very agreeable. The testimony of the Baroness De Reidesel,
who met him at the castle at Quebec, has already been cited in a former
chapter. During the portion of his life now under review, being the last
twelve years, he had many journies to perform,--to the lower province to
look after the interests of his own immediate people; to the upper lakes,
to keep the chain of friendship with his old confederates from becoming
rusty; and to Canandaigua, and elsewhere, to visit his friends, and upon
matters of business. In addition to all these, early in the year 1797 he
made another visit to Albany and Philadelphia, striking from New-York
into New England on his return. [FN] Judging from the tone of a letter
which he wrote after his arrival home, to a friend among the upper Indian
nations, he must have encountered some unpleasant circumstances during
that journey. It was not, however, entirely divested of agreeable
associations; and several incidents have been collected by the author,
which will serve as better illustrations of his social character than any
other in the entire history of his career. An extract from the letter
just referred to follows:--
* * * * *
[FN] His quarters in the city of New-York, daring that visit, were at
Batton's Hotel, the old brick edifice yet standing on the south corner of
Nassau and John streets. The Hon. Jeromus Johnson, of New-York, has
furnished the author with an account of a visit made by him to the Chief
in that hotel, in company with Dr. Dinglej and the celebrated Dr.
Priestley. See Appendix, No. XVI.
"_Grand River, July_ 2, 1797,
"Dear Sir,
"It is some time since I received your letter, and I have already answered
it by way of Fort Erie; but I did not in it mention the particulars of my
jaunt to the States. In the first place, I met with a very cool reception,
insomuch that I did not see any of the great men at Philadelphia. I
suppose, by this, that they must have forgot that I was a Yankee when I
was there before, and also at the last meeting we had at the foot of the
Rapids, when it was reported among you, gentlemen of the Indian
department, that I was favoring the Yankee interest. I expected they might
have paid a little more attention to me, after the great service you
supposed I had done them. I was greatly insulted on the road between
Philadelphia and Jersey, by a Yankee colonel whose name I don't recollect,
insomuch that the affair was nearly coming to blows. At New-York they were
very friendly, and likewise in Connecticut, (in New England,) they were
very civil. At Albany there were several people who threatened to kill me
behind my back; so that the great men there thought it necessary to send
a man with me, as a protector, to the end of the settlement at German
Flats. I suppose these people have also forgot that I was a Yankee."
By the term "great men at Philadelphia," the old Chief must have meant the
heads of the administration, since he was most hospitably entertained by
some distinguished gentlemen then at the seat of government. The
attentions which he received from "the great men at Philadelphia," five
years before, were bestowed under peculiar circumstances. He was there at
that time in a semi-official capacity, and at the urgent solicitation of
the government itself; and it was the duty of the government to render all
those civilities which might contribute to the pleasure of his visit. The
government, moreover, were hoping that important results might flow from
that visit, and very marked attentions were the natural consequence. It
is, indeed, too much the way of the world--especially of courts, whether
republican or monarchical--to caress and flatter where they have a purpose
to serve, as in turn the great are caressed and flattered by those hanging
upon their favors. But, under the circumstances of this second visit of
the Mohawk, divested, as it was, altogether of official character and
importance, his expectations of particular official attentions were
probably unreasonable. He had seen far too much of the world, and had
mingled too much in society of all ranks and conditions, yet to retain the
simplicity of unsophisticated nature, and he might therefore have
understood his altered position, and spared his sarcasm. Certainly, though
he might not have breathed the air of the court, or been shouldered by the
factious bandyings of its favorites, he was treated with marked attention
by gentlemen at that time of high distinction, and his society much
courted. Among others, the late Colonel Burr, then a Senator in Congress,
gave him a brilliant dinner party. The Senator had previously been in
correspondence with the Chief, and liked him much. Indeed, it was upon the
Colonel's invitation that he visited Philadelphia at that time. Among the
guests from abroad assembled on that occasion, were the minister of the
French Republic; Volney the traveler; Talleyrand, and other distinguished
gentlemen of that nation, brought hither by the political troubles of
their own country. Knowing his colloquial powers to be very good, and that
he had the faculty of rendering himself not only agreeable but fascinating
in conversation, the Colonel and his friends were somewhat disappointed,
in the earlier stages of the entertainment, at the Chieftain's
taciturnity. All the cold reserve of his race seemed to have come over
him, and for a while every effort to draw him out in discourse was
ineffectual. Meantime the Indians, their character, history, and destiny,
became the leading topics of conversation. At length, after various
suggestions had been made as to the most feasible and effectual methods of
their civilization, Brant suddenly joined in the discussion; treating the
subject with good sense, but with alternate gravity and humor. He avowed
it as his settled conviction, however, that the only effectual process of
civilizing his people, must be their amalgamation with the blood of the
whites; that the Indian could only be tamed by intermarriages.
Occasionally during his own participation in this discussion, there was a
drollery in his manner that created great amusement. During the residue
of the evening he contributed his full share to the conversation,
exhibiting at all times sterling good sense, and enlivening the hours with
sallies of pleasantry and wit which "set the table in a roar." The result
was not only an agreeable, but highly intellectual entertainment. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Conversations of the author with Colonel Burr, noted down on the day
they were held.
On leaving Philadelphia for New-York, Colonel Burr gave the Chief the
following letter of introduction to his youthful and gifted daughter
Theodosia [FN]--afterward Mrs. Alston:--
* * * * *
[FN] Miss Burr was then in her fourteenth year.
"Colonel Burr to his Daughter.
"_Philadelphia, Feb._ 28, 1797.
"This will be handed to you by Colonel Brant, the celebrated Indian Chief.
I am sure that you and Natalie [FN] will be happy in the opportunity of
seeing a man so much renowned. He is a man of education--speaks and writes
the English perfectly--and has seen much of Europe and America. Receive
him with respect and hospitality. He is not one of those Indians who drink
rum, but is quite a gentleman; not one who will make you fine bows, but
one who understands and practices what belongs to propriety and good
breeding. He has daughters--it you could think of some little present to
send to one of them--a pair of ear-rings, for example,--it would please
him. You may talk to him very freely, and offer to introduce him to your
friend Mr. Witbeck, at Albany. Vale, et ama,
"A.B.
"Miss Theodosia Burr,
_No. 30 Partition-street, New-York._"
* * * * *
[FN] Natalie Delagie, an adopted child of Colonel Burr, born in France,
and Subsequently married to a son of General Bumpier, of South Carolina.
Miss Theodosia received the forest Chief with all the courtesy and
hospitality suggested; and, young as she was, she performed the honors of
her father's house in a manner that must have been as gratifying to her
absent parent as it was creditable to herself. Among other attentions, she
gave him a dinner party selecting for her guests some of the most eminent
gentlemen in the city, among whom were Bishop Moore and Doctors Bard and
Hosack. In writing to her father upon the subject, she gave a long and
sprightly account of the entertainment. She said that, in making the
preliminary arrangements she had been somewhat at a loss in the selection
of such dishes as would probably suit the palate of her principal guest.
Being a savage warrior, and in view of the many tales she had heard, of
The Cannibals that each other eat,
The anthropophagi, and men whose heads
Do grow beneath their shoulders--
she added, sportively, that she had a mind to lay the hospital under
contribution for a human head, to be served up like a boar's head in
ancient hall barberic. But, after all, she found him a most Christian and
civilized guest in his manners. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Conversations of the author with Colonel Burr. The Colonel was
anxious that this letter from his daughter should be found among his
papers; but Mr. Davis, his biographer, after diligent search, has not
discovered it--nor has he been able to find the correspondence between
Brant and Colonel Burr. By the papers of Captain Brant, it appears that
Miss Burr visited him at Grand River, after she became Mrs. Alston, in
company with her husband. Seeing that when the Chief saw her in New-York
"she was very young, and had since assumed a new name," Governor George
Clinton gave the young married couple a cordial letter of introduction to
the Chief.
It has been seen from his own letter, that the Chief was well pleased
during his visit in New-York. He had, indeed, reason to be gratified, for
he was treated with marked kindness and consideration. His own deportment
was, moreover, such as to secure the respect and esteem of those with whom
he came into association. The Rev. Dr. Miller, who became acquainted with
him during that visit, in a letter to the author already referred to in a
note, thus speaks of him:--"I have called Joseph Brant 'a remarkable man.'
He was, in my opinion, truly so. My personal intercourse with him was not
considerable; but it was quite sufficient to impress me with most
respectful sentiments of his intellectual character, his personal dignity,
and his capacity to appear well in any society. I met with him
repeatedly;--was with him at a dining party--and listened to his
conversation in various situations--some of them rather trying; and was
surprised at the simple, easy, polished, and even court-like manners which
he was capable of assuming; though, at the same time, I was assured that
he was capable of being as great a savage as any individual of his nation.
I remember, on one occasion, that when some very impertinent and
unseasonable questions were addressed to him by a gentleman who ought to
have known better, he evaded them with perfect civility, and at the same
time with an adroitness and address which showed that he was fitted to be
no mean diplomatist."
Another gentleman, whose opportunities of studying the manners and
character of Captain Brant were extended through several years of
occasional intercourse with him, remarks:--"His manners, which were
greatly improved, if not formed, by a constant intercourse, not only with
the best society in the province, but also in England--which he visited
more than once, and was there received and caressed in the families of the
nobility and gentry--were remarkably easy and dignified. When among
strangers, or in mixed company, he was reserved and taciturn; but
extremely affable and communicative when with friends in whom he could
confide. Although not particularly distinguished as a public speaker, he
was a man of strong mind, possessed a voice of surpassing softness and
melody, a fascinating address, and great colloquial powers, which rendered
him a most interesting companion. He lived in the style of a gentleman,
and was punctilious in the observance of the rules of honor and etiquette
practised among individuals of that caste in their social relations." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Letter to the author, from General Peter B. Porter.
From New-York, the Chief made a trip through Connecticut and into
Massachusetts, in the course of which he was well received, as appears
from his own letter. At Northampton he purchased an elegant horse, which,
greatly to his regret, sickened and died in Albany. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] My venerable friend Douw Fonda, now of Albany, says Brant was an
excellent horseman, and remarkably fond of fine horses. After the death
of his Northampton horse he purchased another in Albany, to pay for
which Mr. Fonda loaned Him the money. The note for the amount was
promptly met at maturity.--_Author._
It was during this visit in Albany, that he was again exposed to some
danger, by threats against his life. The sufferers of the Mohawk Valley
had neither forgotten nor forgiven the ravagers of their country in the
Revolutionary war; and "the monster Brant" was still held responsible for
every act, either of barbarity, or of death, or devastation, by the wonted
usages of war. The Mohawk Germans of that day were neither educated nor
discriminating; and knowing that Brant was the great leader of the
Indians, they attributed every torch that had been applied, and every
butchery committed, to his own single hand. Hence, as has been stated
before, it was notoriously the purpose of many in the valley to take his
life if possible, during some of his transits through that country. And it
is not unlikely that some persons from the valley might have been watching
for an opportunity to accomplish the purpose in Albany, as had been
desired by a Mohawk German in New-York, during his visit in 1792.
Added to these unpleasant designs, was an incident coming somewhat nearer
to the point of action, which is worth recording as an illustration both
of history and character. In the account of the ravaging of Cherry Valley,
the reader will doubtless recollect the massacre of the entire family of
Mr. Wells, with the exception of John, then a lad at school in
Schenectady. But that lad was now a member of the bar, of high spirit and
uncommon promise. The tragedy by which his whole family had been cut off,
had imparted a shade of melancholy to his character, deepening with the
lapse of time, and descending with him to the grave. Nineteen years had
elapsed since it was enacted; but there was a feeling in the breast of
young Wells, which only wanted awakening by opportunity, to prompt a
strong desire of avenging the foul murders. He happened to be in Albany
during the visit of the Chief, and erroneously looking upon him as the
author of the murders, his feelings by proximity became exceedingly bitter
and exasperated. Indeed, he could not restrain his desire of revenge; and
hastening to the tavern at which Brant had put up, he inquired furiously
where he should find his enemy--declaring that he would slay him on the
spot. Of course his friends remonstrated, and otherwise opposed his
purpose; but it was not without difficulty that he was persuaded to
forego it. Brant, hearing the disturbance, asked what caused it; and was
told that a young man, whose father had perished at Cherry Valley, was
below, and threatening to take his life. His answer was brief, and given
with a remarkably fine assumption of dignity and composure. Not a feature
changed--not a muscle of his countenance was seen to move--but, slightly
drawing himself up as he sat, and his eyes glittering for an instant more
keenly, even than was their wont, he said, calmly and quietly, "Let him
come on;" and nothing more escaped him on the subject, until word was
brought that Mr. Wells had left the house. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] The particulars of this incident have been derived from William
Inman, Esq. now of Leyden, N. Y. who was at the hotel at the time of its
occurrence.
It was in consequence of these unpleasant indications that Governor Jay
directed a guard to accompany him through the Mohawk Valley on his return
to Upper Canada. But, notwithstanding these drawbacks to the pleasure of
his visit in Albany, there were circumstances and incidents contributing
to render it otherwise than disagreeable on the whole. He was hospitably
received and entertained by some of the most respectable citizens; and
during that and a subsequent visit, made to Albany in 1805 or 1806, had
opportunities of meeting at the festive board some of the veteran officers
of the American army, whom he had met in the field, or rather in the
forest fights of the frontiers; on which occasions, with the best feelings
possible, the old soldiers "fought their battles o'er again," as old
soldiers are wont to do. Dining with General Gansevoort, the hero of Fort
Stanwix, their conversation turned upon the memorable campaign of
Sullivan, and the march of Gansevoort with his regiment at the close of
that campaign, through the wilderness from Seneca Lake to Fort Schuyler.
Although Gansevoort had no idea that Brant was nearer to him than Niagara,
Brant assured him that he was hovering about him during the whole march;
and was so near that, to use his own words, "I roasted my venison by the
fires that you left." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Conversations of the author with Gen. Peter Gansevoort, of Albany,
who was present at the dinner, though a lad at the time.
He also met, on one of these occasions, with the late General Philip Van
Courtlandt, who had served in the New-York line, and who was one of the
expedition of Sullivan and Clinton to Chemung, and thence into the Seneca
country. While conversing upon the subject of the battle at Newtown,
Brant inquired--"General, while you were standing by a large tree during
that battle, how near to your head did a bullet come, which struck a
little above you?" The General paused for a moment, and replied--"about
two inches above my hat." The Chief then related the circumstances. "I had
remarked your activity in the battle," said he, "and calling one of my
best marksmen, pointed you out, and directed him to bring you down. He
fired, and I saw you dodge your head at the instant I supposed the ball
would strike. But as you did not fall, I told my warrior that he had just
missed you, and lodged the ball in the tree."
Another incident may be introduced in this connexion, illustrative at once
of his sagacity, his strong sense of justice, and his promptness of
decision and execution. Among the border settlers west of the Hudson,
opposite the Manor of Livingston, was an opulent farmer named Rose. He was
an Irishman; and having no child to inherit his wealth, had sent to the
Emerald Isle for a nephew, whom he had adopted. In one of Brant's hostile
incursions upon the settlements, during the war of the Revolution, Rose
and his nephew, with others, were taken prisoners, and marched in the
direction of Niagara. During the journey, Brant took Rose aside one
morning, and admonished him not to move far away from himself (Brant,) but
at all times on their march to keep within call. "I have reason to
believe," said the Chief, "that that nephew of yours is plotting your
death. He is endeavoring to bribe one of my Indians to kill you. I shall
keep an eye upon them, and if I find my suspicions true, I will execute
him on the spot." The caution was observed by Rose, and no long time
elapsed before Brant informed him that his suspicions were well-founded.
The nephew, for the purpose of an earlier possession of his confiding
uncle's estate, had agreed upon the price of his murder with the savage
who was to do the deed. Having full evidence of the fact, the stern
purpose of the Chief was executed upon the ingrate by his own hand, and
the life of the uncle was saved. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Conversations of the author with General Morgan Lewis, of whose
family connexions Rose had purchased his land.
His notions on the subject of public wars were founded, however, upon
those of a savage. The reader has already seen that he was perfectly aware
of the detestation in which his name was held in different parts of the
United States, and particularly among the inhabitants of the Mohawk and
Susquehanna countries, where some of the most revolting scenes of savage,
Tory, and Indian barbarity were perpetrated during the war of the
Revolution, in which he bore so prominent a part; and he always seemed
particularly anxious to justify, by frank and gratuitous explanations to
those who received him as friends--for he was too proud to make
explanations to his enemies--the course he had taken in the commencement
and conduct of that war; and his plausible statements and reasonings were
well calculated to lessen the horror and execration with which the public
have been too prone to regard the Indian character, in consequence of
their atrocities in war.
The Indians, he said, engaged in that contest reluctantly, but from
necessity. At the period of its commencement, the Americans, he said, as
well as they, acknowledged the authority of the British government, and
were living under its protection; that none of the inducements which led
the colonies to revolt had any place with them, and that they fought
against the colonies to protect their women and children, and to preserve
the lands which God had given to them, and of which the British
authorities threatened to deprive them unless they would join in their
defence; and it is apprehended that stronger or better reasons for going
to war will rarely be found, even among civilized nations.
In justification of the savages' practices of Indian warfare, his course
of reasoning was somewhat like the following: That the object of each
party, when engaged in war, was to destroy his enemy, or to weaken and
intimidate him so much as to force him into a reasonable peace. The
Indians, he said, were destitute of many of the means and implements of
war which the white people possessed. They could not successfully contend
with them in the open field, man to man, because they had no artillery, so
indispensable to, and so destructive in, a field fight. Besides, if they
could, the Indians being generally inferior in numerical force to their
white enemies, would soon be subdued by an equal sacrifice of man for man;
that the Indians had no forts to resort to for protection after a
discomfiture in the field; no battering trains to dislodge the enemy after
they had retired to theirs; and no depots or jails for securing the
prisoners they might capture. The simple and necessary principle,
therefore, of Indian warfare, was extermination--to destroy as many of the
enemy, and save as many of themselves, as practicable; and for this
purpose, to resort to ambuscades, stratagems, and every species of
deception, direct or indirect, to effect their object. Brant justified
taking the lives of prisoners, but disapproved the practice, so common
among savages, of torturing them; and he always maintained that he had
himself at different times, by great efforts, saved several, not only from
torture, but death. As to taking life, he thought (and with some truth,)
that in this respect there was but little practical difference between the
red and white men; for the death of an Indian prisoner was as certain a
consequence of his capture, as that of a white man taken by the Indians.
[FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Conversations of Brant with General Peter B. Porter.