Suspected duplicity of the British authorities--Conduct of Simon
Girty--Disclosures upon the subject by Captain Brant--Council at
Buffalo, and Indian report of the doings of the Great Congress--Speech
of Captain Brant respecting the Miami council--Mission of General Chapin
to Philadelphia, with the speech--Answer unsatisfactory to the
Indians--Red Jacket--Indian council--Speech of Captain Brant in reply to
the answer of the United States--Troubles thickening between the United
States and Great Britain--Inflammatory speech of Lord
Dorchester--Question of its authenticity settled--Conduct of Governor
Simcoe--Indignation of President Washington--His letter to Mr.
Jay--Speech of Captain Brant against holding a council at Venango--The
design frustrated--Affairs farther in the West--Singular message from
the distant Indians under the Spanish and French influence--Their
speech--Operations of General Wayne--Encroachments of Pennsylvania upon
the Indian lands--Indian council upon the subject--Address to General
Washington--Important letter of Brant to Colonel Smith--Pennsylvania
relinquishes Presque Isle--Defeat of Major McMarion near Fort
Recovery--Indians repulsed in their attack upon the fort--Letter to
Brant giving an account of the battle--Advance of Wayne to the Au Glaize
and Miamis of the Lakes--Little Turtle apprised of his movements and
strength by a deserter--The Chief determines to give battle--Wayne makes
one more effort for peace--Failure of the attempt--Advance of Wayne to
the Rapids--Position of the Indians--Battle and defeat of the
Indians--Little Turtle opposed to the hazard of a battle--Opposed by
Blue-Jacket and overruled--Tart correspondence between Wayne and Major
Campbell--Destruction of Indian property by fire, and burning of Colonel
McKee's establishment--Disappointment of the Indians that Major Campbell
did not assist them--Letter of Governor Simcoe to Brant--Aggression at
Sodus Bay--Simcoe and Brant repair to the West--Interfere to prevent a
peace--Indian council--The hostiles negotiate with Wayne--Simcoe's
address to the Wyandots--Division in their counsels--Brant retires
displeased--Letter of apology from the Chiefs--The distant Indians
become weary of the war.
The return of the Commissioners to the eastern extremity of Lake Erie was
immediate; from whence both the government of the United States and
General Wayne were apprised of the failure of the negotiation, for which
such long and anxious preparation had been made. It has been charged that,
notwithstanding the apparent friendship of Governor Simcoe and his little
court at Niagara, and their seeming desire of peace, this unpropitious
result was measurably, if not entirely, produced by the influence of the
British officers in attendance upon the Indian councils--Colonel McKee,
Captain Elliot, and the notorious Simon Girty. The Rev. Mr. Heckewelder,
at the request of General Knox, accompanied the Commissioners, and was
present at the delivery of the last message from the council, refusing an
interview, which, as delivered, both in matter and manner was exceedingly
insolent. Elliot and Girty were both present when this message was
delivered, the latter of whom supported his insolence by a quill, or long
feather run through the cartilage of his nose cross-wise. He was the
interpreter of the message; and Mr. Heckewelder states that he officiously
added a sentence not transmitted from the council. Two Delaware chiefs,
visiting the Commissioners from the council, while at Detroit River, on
being questioned by Mr. Heckewelder why the Commissioners were not allowed
to proceed to their quarters at the Rapids, replied:--"All we can say is,
that we wish for peace; but we cannot speak farther, our mouths being
stopped up when we left the council!" In other words, they had been
forbidden to disclose any of its secrets.[FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Heckewelder's Narrative of the Moravian Missions.
These circumstances, from the pen of such a witness, furnish strong
presumptive testimony of duplicity on the part of the Canadian
administration. But there is yet other evidence of the fact, so strong as
to be indisputable. It is that of Captain Brant himself, who, of all
others, participated most largely in the deliberations of those councils.
In one of the speeches delivered by him in the course of his land
difficulties with the Canadian government, some time subsequent to the
war, the following passage occurs:--"For several years" (after the peace
of 1783,) "we were engaged in getting a confederacy formed, [FN-1] and the
unanimity occasioned by these endeavors among our western brethren,
enabled them to defeat two American armies. The war continued without our
brothers, the English, giving any assistance, excepting a little
ammunition; and they seeming to desire that a peace might be concluded,
we tried to bring it about at a time that the United States desired it
very much, so that they sent Commissioners from among their first people,
to endeavor to make peace with the hostile Indians. We assembled also for
that purpose at the Miami River in the Summer of 1793, intending to act
as mediators in bringing about an honorable peace; and if that could not
be obtained, we resolved to join with our western brethren in trying the
fortune of war. But to our surprise, when on the point of entering upon
a treaty with the Commissioners, we found that it was opposed by those
acting under the British government, and hopes of farther assistance were
given to our western brethren, to encourage them to insist on the Ohio as
a boundary between them and the United States." [FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] In another portion of the same speech, Captain Brant stated that
General Haldimand exhorted them to the formation of that union with the
different nations.
[FN-2] Quoted from the manuscript copy of the speech, contained among the
Brant papers, in the hand-writing of the Chief himself.
The deputation from the Six Nations and the Seven Nations of Canada, (the
Caughnawagas,) having returned from the Miami, a council was convened at
the village of the Onondagas residing at Buffalo Creek, to hear their
report--intended not only for their own people, but for the information of
the British and American Superintendents, Colonel Butler and General
Chapin. The council-fire was kindled on the 8th of October. The procedure,
it will be seen, was characteristic and striking. The belts, pictures, and
emblems used by the several nations represented in the Grand Council at
the Miami Rapids, were forwarded to the Six Nations by the hands of their
deputies, and after the council had been regularly opened, these were
produced, and the speeches with which their delivery had been accompanied,
were repeated, in the form of a report, with incidental explanations. By
this process, though tedious, the proceedings of the Grand Congress were
probably reported to the Buffalo council, with as much accuracy as though
they had been written out in form by a committee of the more civilized
"Congress of the Thirteen Fires."
All things being ready, the proceedings were commenced by Clear-Sky, a
chief of the Onondagas, who spoke as follows:--
"Brothers: We thank the Great Spirit for our happy meeting, that he has
preserved us through all difficulties, dangers, and sickness, and given us
an opportunity of meeting together at this place."
The ceremony of condolence for the loss of friends since the last council,
having been regularly performed and reciprocated by all the tribes
present, and also by the Superintendents, the business of the council was
resumed by the Farmer's Brother, who delivered the speech of the
Shawanese, Delawares, and Twithuays, as follows:--
"Brothers: Colonel Butler and General Chapin, we wish you to attend the
Shawanese and other nations of Indians. We thank the Six Nations for their
attention. We were glad to see them at the Great Council-fire which had
been kindled some time at the Rapids of the Miami." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] In order to understand the report, the reader must bear in mind that
the speech of each belt is delivered by the bearer of it, as though he
were in fact a delegate from the nation whose report he is making.
"Brothers: You are acquainted with the friendship that once subsisted
between you and our fathers, and the reason that the present fire is
kindled, is to renew that friendship.
"Brothers: We mentioned this to you last Fall at a council at the Glaize,
and we now repeat it to put you in mind of that friendship which once
subsisted between you and our wise forefathers."
[A belt of white wampum was here presented, made in a circular form,
representing their place of meeting, as in the centre, and crossed by four
stripes of black wampum, representing all their confederates, East, West,
North, and South.]
"Brothers: The ancient confederacy which subsisted between us and the Five
Nations, [FN] was, that if any of the Five Nations were in distress, we
would take them to us; we now see that you are in distress; that you are
surrounded by water, and have not any land to stand upon; that a large
white beast stands with open mouth on the other side, ready to destroy
you. We have dry land for you to stand on; and we now take you by the
hand, and invite you to come, and bring your beds, and sit down with us."
[_Belt of seven rows of black and white wampum._]
* * * * *
[FN] In answer to a question by the Seven Nations of Canada, how long
this confederacy had existed between the Shawanese, &c. the reply was,
"_three lives._"
The warriors here joined with the Chiefs, and repeated the ancient
agreement, recommended a union of all the different nations, and asked
them to follow what was recommended by the chiefs. Puck-on-che-luh, head
warrior of the Delawares, [FN] then spoke:--
* * * * *
[FN] After the defeat of St. Clair, on which occasion the Delawares
fought bravely, the Mohawks, who had formerly declared the Delawares to
be women, or, in other words, degraded them from the rank of warriors,
reversed the sentence of disgrace, and wiped out the stigma, by formally
declaring the Delawares no longer women, but MEN.
"Brothers: I call you my uncles, and all the other Indians my
grand-children. Them I have already united and bound together, and I now
bind you all together with this string."
[_A large bunch of black wampum._]
The Sachems of the Delawares then spoke:--
"Brothers: You have heard the speech of the chief warriors. We join with
them, and are glad to hear they have bound all their grand-children
together, and that they have spoken with great respect to their uncles,
and recommended to them to be of one mind."
[_A large bunch of black wampum._]
The Wyandots then spoke:--
"Brothers: You came to us one hundred and fifty years ago, when we lived
above Detroit, with a speech from the Six Nations, assembled at their
council-fire at Onondaga Hill, and recommended to us to be friends, and
advised us not to listen to any bad report, or any thing that would
disturb our minds.
"Brothers: Listen to a few words more we have to say to you. We hear the
Virginians are near us; we shall not go to meet them; but if they should
come among us, we do not know what will be the consequence."
[The Wyandots spoke with a very large belt of wampum, with three pictures
upon it, one in the middle, and one at each end, representing the
Americans at one end, the Six Nations in the middle, and themselves at the
other end, and expressed their sorrow that the Americans were gone before
they had had an opportunity of speaking to them.]
The Chippewas and twenty-six other nations, their confederates, then
spoke:--
"Brothers: We are sorry that the business for which the council-fire at
the Rapids of the Miami was kindled has not been completed as we could
wish. We were desired by the different nations which we represent, to
attend the council, and use our efforts to bring about a general peace,
and unite all nations."
The Chippewas, Ottawas, and Pottawattamies, deputies from twenty-seven
nations, inhabiting along the lakes, and above Michilimackinack, then
spoke:--
"Brothers: We are sorry that we have attended all Summer at the
council-fire, and have not done any business as we expected.
"Brothers: We are now united with you, the Six Nations, and ask you to
return to your seats, and let the United States know our determination,
and return with an answer to us by the middle of winter, and not stop, as
some nations may confuse you and make your minds bad."
To which the Six Nations replied:--
"Brothers: We thank you, and as soon as we get to our seats we will
kindle our council-fire, and call Canadasago, an agent, appointed by the
United States to meet with us, and through him will have our determination
communicated to Congress."
The Six Nations then, addressing General Chapin and Colonel Butler,
said:--
"Brothers: We have now made known to you our proceedings at the late
proposed treaty at the Rapids of the Miami, and have informed you of the
proposed line between the Indians and the United States, which if
accepted, we shall assist the white people to make peace."
Captain Brant and the Mohawks were not present at the council on the 8th,
a circumstance regretted by the deputation in making their report. The
Farmer's Brother remarked that Captain Brant would be able to give fuller
explanations than they had done of the proceedings at Miami, and the
determination at which the nations there assembled had arrived. The Mohawk
having arrived on the 9th, the council-fire was again raked open, when
Captain Brant thus addressed Colonel Butler the British, and General
Chapin the American Superintendent:--
"Brothers: You, the King, our father, and you, our brother, the United
States, attend to what we have to say. We will now explain to you the
material point upon which we have requested your attendance at this
council, and which has not been fully explained. We wish to act openly,
that the world may judge of our proceedings.
"Brothers: It is unnecessary to repeat what passed at the great council at
the Miami Rapids, as we know that you are already acquainted therewith.
We shall therefore point out the cause of our parting from the meeting in
the manner we did.
"Brothers: When the first deputation from the confederate Indians met the
Commissioners of the United States at Niagara, every thing seemed to
promise a friendly termination of the treaty; but before their return to
the council-fire at the Rapids of the Miami, messengers from the Creek
nation arrived there, and brought authentic information of the white
people having encroached upon that part of the confederacy.
"This intelligence at once gave a change to the face of our proceedings,
and, probably, was the sole cause of the abrupt termination of the
negotiations for peace. Thus you see that claims upon our lands always
have been, and still continue to be, the cause of war.
"Brothers: About five years ago we agreed upon a line of demarcation with
the United States, which you know to be the Muskingum; and,
notwithstanding the various accidents that have since occurred, we will
still adhere to that boundary.
"Brothers: We think the United States will agree to this line, which will
show the sincerity and justice they always profess for the Indians; should
they agree to this, we sincerely hope that peace will still take place,
and we think that the weight of our branch of the confederacy will be able
to accomplish peace upon the reasonable line we have just mentioned, and
we shall be exceeding sorry to find that this proposal should not be
generally accepted by the confederacy. If it is rejected, we must be
involved in difficulties in our own country.
"Brothers: We will now proceed to explain the line upon which we hope
peace will be made. We know that the lands along the Ohio are claimed by
the Indians, but we propose to give up such part of these lands as are
actually settled and improved, which settlements are to be circumscribed
by a line drawn around them, and no farther claims are to be admitted
beyond such line. The remainder of the boundary to be explained by General
Chapin, for which purpose it is the general wish of the Six Nations that
General Chapin, himself, will proceed with the speech to Congress."
[_A belt of black and white wampum._]
Agreeably to this request, General Chapin proceeded to the seat of
government, to submit their speech to the President, and make the
necessary explanations. The Secretary of War replied on the 24th of
December, reiterating the desire of the United States to cultivate
relations of friendship with the Indians, evading a decision upon the
boundary recommended by Captain Brant, and proposing another Indian
Council in the spring, to be held at Venango. But in the event of the
Indians, hostile or otherwise, agreeing to meet in such council, they
were distinctly told that the army would not in the mean time be
restrained from hostile operations, as had been the case the preceding
season. Farther to secure the good-will of the Six Nations, however, a
supply of warm winter clothing was sent to them, with the letter from the
Secretary containing the President's decision, which was delivered, and
well received at a council holden at Buffalo Creek on the 7th of February,
1794. This council had been convened expressly to receive the answer to
the proposals of Captain Brant; and the same having been read, it was soon
perceived to be less acceptable to the Indians than they had anticipated.
Red Jacket, after a long pause, replied to General Chapin:--
"Brothers (of the United States:) We have heard the speech that has been
delivered to us with great attention, and shall now remove the
council-fire to our castle, to take it into private consideration."
Two days afterward, the council was re-opened, when Red Jacket spoke:--
"Brothers: We have taken your speech into consideration, and our eldest
brother, Captain Brant, is to relate the result of our meeting in private
council yesterday."
Captain Brant then spoke as follows, with nine strings of white and black
wampum:--
"Brothers: I now address to you, General Chapin of the United States, and
to you, Major Littlehales [FN] in behalf of the King, and thank the Great
Spirit for bringing us again together in council, as what we are a going
to relate we wish the world to know."
* * * * *
[FN] Private Secretary of Governor Simcoe attending the council in
his absence.
"Brothers: You have both heard the message we delivered to our brothers of
the United States, last Fall, relative to a boundary line; and we expected
a positive answer from you, brothers of the United States, whether you
would accept of it or not.
"Brothers: When we delivered the message to you last Fall for the United
States, we had first taken it into serious consideration; we spoke the
language of our hearts, and the Great Spirit knew our minds; all the Six
Nations were of tho same opinion, and we are well assured that, had the
United States accepted our proposed boundary line, peace would certainly
have taken place.
"Brothers: The speech you have brought us, has given us great uneasiness;
we are greatly at a loss how to act; we expected a direct answer to our
proposals of a boundary line; now we are much distressed that you have
brought us but half an answer; the kindling a council-fire at a distant
place is what we are not prepared to give a reply to.
"Brothers: Provided the United States had accepted our proposed boundary
line, we should have sent immediately to our Western brethren, who know
our sentiments, and we should have attended your council and confirmed it.
"Brothers: Make your minds easy; but, in consequence of the importance of
your speech, we must have time to deliberate very seriously upon it; we
cannot give you an immediate answer; we must have a general council of all
the Chiefs; only a few are now present, and we should all be together. The
reason of so much counseling at different times has proceeded from so
small a number of our sachems and chiefs being assembled, and this has
been the principal cause of the present trouble.
"Brothers: You, General Chapin, live near us; we have two months and a
half to consider of your speech, and by that time we will give you a final
answer. We pray the Great Spirit that these difficulties may terminate to
the happiness of both parties.
"Brothers: You requested an answer as soon as was convenient, but in such
very weighty business, it is impossible to give one immediately. With
regard to provision, there is plenty in your country; and if we should
agree to meet you, you need not be particular about what we shall consume,
for we shall not expect any thing but provision.
"Brothers: We now conclude, and we pray the Great Spirit to protect you
safe home, and we desire you will bear it continually on your minds, that
you will soon receive an answer."
[_The nine strings of wampum, delivered to General Chapin._]
Notwithstanding the postponement of a definitive answer, on the part of
the Indians, to the proposition for the assembling of another council at
Venango, it was the opinion of General Chapin, at the close of these
proceedings, that they would yet accede to it. Circumstances, however,
arose during the intervening period, which materially changed the aspect
of the border relations of the United States, and the tone and temper of
the Six Nations. The protracted and sanguinary wars between England and
the French Republic had then commenced, as also had the invasions of the
rights of neutrals by those powers, so frequent and so aggravated during
that furious contest. In order to cut off the supplies of bread stuffs
from France, Great Britain had resorted to the strong and questionable
measure of stopping all vessels loaded in whole or in part with corn,
flour, or meal, bound to any port in France, and sending them in to the
most convenient ports, where their cargoes were to be purchased for his
Majesty's service, at a fair value, after making a due allowance for
freight, &c. The British government labored to justify this measure by
citations from some modern writers upon national law, but it was
nevertheless esteemed a violation of neutral rights, and produced much
feeling among the American people, and strong remonstrances from the
government The assumption set up by Great Britain, of the right of
impressing seamen, British subjects, from neutral vessels, by the
exercise of which it was asserted that many American seamen had been
seized, and carried forcibly into foreign service, was now producing
farther and still greater irritation. Added to all which were the
incendiary machinations of Citizen Genet to undermine the administration
of Washington, alienate from his government the affections of the people,
and involve the United States in a war with Great Britain. Party spirit
was already running high, and from the blind zeal with which the
anti-federalists had espoused the cause of revolutionary France, as
against England, very serious apprehensions wore entertained that another
war between the latter power and the United States would be the result.
One of the consequences of the apparent probability of such an event, was
a manifest change of temper on the part of the British officers in the
Canadas, and at the posts yet in British occupancy along the north-western
frontier of the United States. That during the whole controversy between
the Indians and the United States, from 1786 to the defeat of St. Clair,
the former had been countenanced and encouraged by English agents, and
repeatedly incited to actual hostilities by the traders, there was no
doubt. Latterly, however, a better state of feeling had been manifested.
Lord Dorchester, previous to a visit to England at the close of the year
1791, had sent a speech to the Indians, of a complexion rather pacific;
and it has been seen, that in the Summer of the preceding year, (1793,)
Governor Simcoe had displayed a better feeling than had previously been
evinced by the officers of that nation, since the close of the
Revolutionary contest. But the difficulties between the two nations,
already referred to, now daily becoming more serious, and threatening, at
no distant day, a resort to the _ultima ratio regum,_ had wrought a
decided change in the views of the Canadian authorities respecting an
Indian pacification. In the event of a war, the Indians would again be
found valuable auxiliaries to the arms of his Majesty, for the annoyance
they would inflict upon the United States, if not by reason of any
important victories they might gain. Hence, instead of promoting a
pacification, the efforts of the Canadian government were obviously
exerted to prevent it. _Meshecunnaqua,_ or the _Little Turtle,_ had made a
visit to the province of Lower Canada, after the victory over St. Clair,
for the purpose of engaging all the Indian forces he could, in that
quarter, in the farther prosecution of the war. Lord Dorchester had now
returned from England, and was waited upon by the Indians of the Seven
Nations of Canada, as a deputation from all the Indians at the Grand Miami
council of the preceding Autumn. Their object was to ask advice, or
procure countenance or assistance, in regard to the boundary for which
they had been so long contending. His Lordship answered the deputation on
the 10th of February, in language, respecting the United States, far from
conciliatory or pacific. After referring to the proceedings of a council
with the Indians, held at Quebec, previous to his departure for Europe,
two years before, and the expression in his speech on that occasion, of a
hope that he should hear in England of a satisfactory adjustment of their
difficulties with the United States, his Lordship proceeded:--
"Children: I was in expectation of hearing from the people of the United
States what was required by them; I hoped that I should have been able to
bring you together, and make you friends.
"Children: I have waited long, and listened with great attention, but I
have not heard one word from them.
"Children: I flattered myself with the hope that the line proposed in the
year eighty-three, to separate us from the United States, _which was
immediately broken by themselves as soon as the peace was signed,_ would
have been mended, or a new one drawn, in an amicable manner. Here, also,
I have been disappointed.
"Children: Since my return, I find no appearance of a line remains; and
from the maimer in which the people of the United States rush on, and act,
and talk, on this side; and from what I learn of their conduct toward the
sea, I shall not be surprised if we are at war with them in the course of
the present year; and if so, a line must then be drawn by the warriors.
"Children: You talk of selling your lands to the State of New-York. [FN]
I have told you that there is no line between them and us. I shall
acknowledge no lands to be theirs which have been encroached on by them
since the year 1783. They then broke the peace, and as they kept it not
on their part, it doth not bind on ours."
* * * * *
[FN] The Caughnawaga Indians, residing near Montreal, were about this
time in treaty with Governor George Clinton for the sale of some of their
lands lying within the boundaries of the state of New-York. The late
Egbert Benson was a Commissioner on the part of the State.
"Children: They then destroyed their right of preemption. Therefore all
their approaches toward us since that time, and all the purchases made by
them, I consider as an infringement on the King's rights. And when a line
is drawn between us, be it in peace or war, they must lose all their
improvements and houses on our side of it. Those people must all be gone
who do not obtain leave to become the King's subjects. What belongs to the
Indians will, of course, be secured and confirmed to them.
"Children: What farther can I say to you? You are witnesses that on our
parts we have acted in the most peaceable manner, and borne the language
and conduct of the people of the United Stales with patience. But I
believe our patience is almost exhausted." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] The authenticity of this speech of Lord Dorchester is denied by
Chief Justice Marshall, and Mr. Sparks, in his Life and Correspondence of
Washington, notes that denial without dissent. Hence it hat been received
as spurious, and Lord Dorchester, with his Government, has escaped the
responsibility of having uttered such an unwarrantable document. The
first copy was forwarded to President Washington by Governor Clinton, who
did not doubt its genuineness. Neither did the President; since, in his
letter to Governor Clinton acknowledging its receipt, he scales his
reasons at large for dissenting from the opinions of those who were
proclaiming it to be spurious. On the contrary, he declared that he
entertained "not a doubt of its authenticity." Equally strong was he in
the opinion, that in making such a speech Lord Dorchester had spoken the
sentiments of the British Cabinet, according to his instructions. [_See
Letter of President Washington to Governor Clinton, March_ 31, 1794.] On
the 20th of May the attention of the British Minister, Mr. Hammond, was
called to the subject by the Secretary of State, Edmund Randolph, who
remonstrated strongly, not only against the speech, but against the
conduct of Governor Simcoe, who was then engaged in measures of a hostile
character. Mr. Hammond replied on the 22d of May rather tartly; and, what
renders the denial of the speech by Marshall and Sparks the more
singular, is the fact that the British Minister said in that letter,--"I
am willing to admit the authenticity of the speech." [_See T. B. Wait &
Sons' Edition of American State Papers,_ Vol. I. pages 449--453.] But if
doubt has existed before, as to the genuine character of that document,
it shall no longer exist. I have myself transcribed the preceding
extracts from a certified manuscript copy, discovered among the papers of
Joseph Brant in my possession.--_Author._
There could be no doubt as to the effect of such an address upon the
warlike tribes of the upper lakes, chafed, as they were, by what they
really believed to be wrongs, and by the presence of a hostile army in the
heart of their own country--buoyed up in their spirits, moreover, by the
complete success which had crowned their arms in the two preceding
campaigns. But the Governor General did not here cease his exertions to
keep the Indians, the Six Nations not excepted, on the _qui vive_ of the
war feeling. Soon after the close of the council at Buffalo in the same
month, his Lordship transmitted an inflammatory speech to those tribes,
which was interpreted to them by Colonel Butler, and produced an obvious
and decided change in their feelings toward the United States. Large
presents were likewise sent up from Quebec, and distributed among them,
and the British officers in the Indian Department took pains, on all
occasions, to represent to them that a war between the two nations was
inevitable. [FN] Such was doubtless their opinion, for with the arrival of
Lord Dorchester's speech, early in April, Governor Simcoe repaired
overland to Detroit, and with a strong detachment of troops proceeded to
the foot of the Miami Rapids, and commenced the erection of a fortress at
that place. This movement caused fresh irritation among the American
people, since the retention of the old posts had been a continual source
of dissatisfaction, although the non-fulfillment of a portion of the
treaty of peace by the United States still furnished the pretext for such
occupancy. But the movement of Governor Simcoe into the Miami country, and
the erection of a fortress there--the territory being clearly within the
boundaries of the United States--awakened yet stronger feelings of
indignation in the bosom of the President. Mr. Jay was at that time the
American minister near the Court of St. James, and the President gave vent
to his feelings in a private letter to that functionary, in the most
decided terms of reprobation. "Can that government," asked the President
in the letter to Mr. Jay, "or will it attempt, after this official act of
one of their Governors, to hold out ideas of friendly intentions toward
the United States, and suffer such conduct to pass with impunity? This may
be considered as the most open and daring act of the British agents in
America, though it is not the most hostile or cruel; for there does not
remain a doubt in the mind of any well-informed person in this country,
not shut against conviction, that all the difficulties we encounter with
the Indians--their hostilities, the murders of helpless women and innocent
children along our frontiers--result from the conduct of the agents of
Great Britain in this country. In vain is it, then, for its administration
in Britain to disavow having given orders which will warrant such conduct,
whilst their agents go unpunished; whilst we have a thousand corroborating
circumstances, and indeed almost as many evidences, some of which cannot
be brought forward, to know that they are seducing from our alliance, and
endeavoring to remove over the line, tribes that have hitherto been kept
in peace and friendship with us at a heavy expense, and who have no causes
of complaint, except pretended ones of their creating; whilst they keep in
a state of irritation the tribes who are hostile to us, and are
instigating those who know little of us or we of them, to unite in the
war against us; and whilst it is an undeniable fact that they are
furnishing the whole with arms, ammunition, clothing, and even provisions,
to carry on the war; I might go farther, and if they are not much belied,
add men also in disguise."
* * * * *
[FN] Letter from General Israel Chapin to the Secretary of War, April 29,
1794. _See Indian State Papers_--p. 480.
It was under these altered circumstances that General Chapin met the Six
Nations again in council on the 21st of April, to receive their reply to
the communication from the Secretary of War, General Knox, proposing the
holding of another treaty at Venango, as heretofore mentioned. The
proceedings were opened by the Onondaga chief, Clear Sky, who addressed
the Superintendents as follows:--
"General Chapin: We are happy to see that you are arrived safe at our
council-fire, and that you have been preserved by the Great Spirit in good
health.
"Colonel Butler: We are also very happy to see you at our council-fire,
as representing the King."
Captain Brant thereupon rose, and addressed the two Superintendents as
follows:--
"Brothers: You of the United States listen to what we are going to say to
you; you, likewise, the King.
"Brothers: We are very happy to see you, Colonel Butler and General
Chapin, sitting side by side, with the intent of hearing what we have to
say. We wish to do no business but what is open and above-board."
Then addressing himself exclusively to General Chapin, he proceeded:--
"Brother: You, of the United States, make your mind easy, on account of
the long time your President's speech has been under our consideration;
when we received it, we told you it was a business of importance, and
required time to be considered of.
"Brother: The answer you have brought us is not according to what we
expected, which was the reason of our long delay; the business would have
been done with expedition, had the United States agreed to our proposal.
We would then have collected our associates, and repaired to Venango, the
place you proposed for meeting us.
"Brother: It is not now in our power to accept your invitation; provided
we were to go, you would conduct the business as you might think proper;
this has been the case at all the treaties held, from time to time, by
your Commissioners.
"Brother: At the first treaty after the conclusion of the war between you
and Great Britain, at Fort Stanwix, your Commissioners conducted the
business as it to them seemed best; they pointed out a line of division,
and then confirmed it; after this they held out that our country was ceded
to them by the King; this confused the Chiefs who attended there, and
prevented them from making any reply to the contrary; still holding out,
if we did not consent to it, that their warriors were at their back, and
that we could get no farther protection from Great Britain. This has ever
been held out to us by the Commissioners from Congress; at all the
treaties held with us since the peace, at Fort McIntosh, at Rocky River,
and every other meeting held, the idea was still the same.
"Brother: This has been the case from time to time. Peace has not taken
place, because you have held up these ideas, owing to which much mischief
has been done to the southward.
"Brother: We, the Six Nations, have been exerting ourselves to keep peace
since the conclusion of the war; we think it would be best for both
parties; we advised the confederate nations to request a meeting, about
half way between us and the United States, in order that such steps might
be taken as would bring about a peace; this request was there proposed by
us, and refused by Governor St. Clair, one of your Commissioners. The
Wyandots, a few Delawares, and some others, met the Commissioners, though
not authorized, and confirmed the lines of what was not their property,
but common to all nations.
"Brother: This idea we all entertained at our council at Lower Sandusky,
held for the purpose of forming our confederacy, and to adopt measures
that would be for the general welfare of our Indian nations, or people of
our color; owing to these steps taken by us, the United States held out,
that when we went to the westward to transact our private business, that
we went with the intention of taking an active part in the troubles
subsisting between them and our western brethren; this never has been the
case. We have ever wished for the friendship of the United States.
"Brother: We think you must be folly convinced, from our perseverance last
summer, as your Commissioners saw, that we were anxious for a peace
between you. The exertions that we, the Six Nations, have made toward the
accomplishing this desirable end, is the cause of the western nations
being somewhat dubious as to our sincerity. After we knew their doubts,
we still persevered; and, last Fall, we pointed out methods to be taken,
and sent them, by you to Congress; this we certainly expected would have
proved satisfactory to the United States; in that case we should have more
than ever exerted ourselves, in order that the offers we made should be
confirmed by our confederacy, and by them strictly to be adhered to.
"Brother: Our proposals have not met with the success from Congress that
we expected; this still leaves us in a similar situation to what we were
in when we first entered on the business.
"Brother: You must recollect the number of chiefs who have, at divers
times, waited on Congress; they have pointed out the means to be taken,
and held out the same language, uniformly, at one time as another; that
was, if you would withdraw your claim to the boundary line and lands
within the line, as offered by us; had this been done, peace would have
taken place, and, unless this still be done, we see no other method of
accomplishing it.
"Brother: We have borne every thing patiently for this long time past; we
have done every thing we could consistently do with the welfare of our
nations in general, notwithstanding the many advantages that have been
taken of us by individuals making purchases of us, the Six Nations, whose
fraudulent conduct towards us Congress never has taken notice of, nor in
any wise seen us rectified, nor made our minds easy. This is the case to
the present day; our patience is now entirely worn out; you see the
difficulties we labor under, so that we cannot, at present, rise from our
seats and attend your council at Venango agreeable to your invitation. The
boundary line we pointed out we think is a just one, although the United
States claim lands west of that line; the trifle that has been paid by the
United States can be no object in comparison to what a peace would be.
"Brother: We are of the same opinion with the people of the United States;
you consider yourselves as independent people; we, as the original
inhabitants of this country and sovereigns of the soil, look upon
ourselves as equally independent, and free as any other nations. This
country was given to us by the Great Spirit above; we wish to enjoy it,
and have our passage along the lake within the line we have pointed out.
"Brother: The great exertions we have made, for this number of years, to
accomplish a peace, have not been able to obtain it; our patience, as we
have already observed, is exhausted, and we are discouraged from
persevering any longer. We therefore throw ourselves under the protection
of the Great Spirit above, who, we hope, will order all things for the
best. We have told you our patience is worn out; but not so far but that
we wish for peace, and, whenever we hear that pleasing sound, we shall pay
attention to it."
[_The belt and speech sent by General Knox were then returned to General
Chapin._]
Thus was extinguished the hope of a council of pacification at Venango;
and not only that, but the altered temper of the Six Nations seemed to
threaten an augmentation of the hostile Indian power at the west, by the
desertion to their cause of the whole of the Iroquois Confederacy, under
a leader whose prowess and wisdom had both often been tested. In the mean
time all the accounts from the west concurred in the fact, that the
distant tribes were gathering for a renewal of the conflict--encouraged as
they were by promises of strong assistance from the English. The traders
and the "mixed multitude" constituting the refugees and parti-colored
inhabitants of Detroit, were doubtless active in promoting these
hostilities, and very probably made promises to the credulous Chiefs as
coming from Governor Simcoe, of which he himself was ignorant. Two
Pottawattamies were taken prisoners on the 5th of June by the troops of
General Wayne, who made a variety of disclosures upon this subject. They
represented, and intelligence to that effect was dispatched to the
interior tribes by their Chiefs, that Governor Simcoe was to march to
their assistance with fifteen hundred men. He was giving them clothing and
all necessary supplies, and "all the speeches received from him were red
as blood. All the wampum and feathers were painted red; the war-pipes and
hatchets were red; and even the tobacco was painted red." Several
Shawanese prisoners, however, were soon afterward captured, who were less
confident of English assistance. They said "they could not depend upon the
British for effectual support; that they were always setting the Indians
on like dogs after game, pressing them to go to war and kill the
Americans, but did not help them."
Another influence was brought to bear upon the Indians of the west at this
conjuncture, from a most unexpected quarter. It was the arrival at the
Miamis Rapids, early in May, of a messenger from the Spanish settlements
on the Mississippi, charged with a spirited war-speech to the confederacy.
This messenger was conducted to the Miamis by a deputation from the
Delawares, who had emigrated beyond the Mississippi four years previous.
He admonished the confederates of the gathering of the "Big-Knives,"
meaning the troops of the United States, and offered assistance from the
Spanish and French settlements in the south-west, who, he said, were
preparing to come to their help.
"Children!" said the Spaniard, "you see me on my feet, grasping the
tomahawk to strike them. We will strike together. I do not desire you to
go before me, in the front, but to follow me.
"Children: I present you with a war-pipe, which has been sent in all our
names to the Musquakies, and all those nations who live towards the
setting sun, to get upon their feet and take hold of our tomahawk; and as
soon as they smoked it, they sent it back with a promise to get
immediately on their feet, and join us, and strike this enemy.
"Children: You hear what these distant nations have said to us, so that we
have nothing farther to do but put our designs into immediate execution,
and to forward this pipe to the three warlike nations who have so long
been struggling for their country, and who now sit at the Glaize. Tell
them to smoke this pipe, and forward it to all the lake Indians and then
northern brethren. Then nothing will be wanting to complete our general
union from the rising to the setting of the sun, and all nations will be
ready to add strength to the blow we are going to make." [FN]
[_Delivered a war-pipe._]
* * * * *
[FN] MS. among the Brant papen.
The Spaniard farther assured them that the Creeks, Cherokees, Choctaws and
Chickasaws, had also charged him with a message, assuring them that their
hearts were with the Confederacy, and that eleven nations of the southern
Indians were then on their feet, with the hatchet in their hand, ready to
strike their common enemy.
The Chiefs to whom these messages from the west and south were delivered
at the Rapids, immediately convened a council, composed of the Wyandots,
Ottawas, Chippewas, Mingoes, Munseys, and Nantikokes, before whom the
intelligence was repeated. They were then addressed as follows:--
"Brothers: You have now heard the speeches brought to our council at the
Glaize a few days ago from the Spaniards; and as soon as they heard them,
and smoked the pipe, their hearts were glad, and they determined to step
forward and put into execution the advice sent to them. They desire you to
forward the pipe, as has been recommended, to all our northern brethren;
not doubting but as soon as you have smoked it, you will follow their
example, and they will hourly expect you to join them, as it will not be
many days before the nearness of our enemies will give us an opportunity
of striking them."
[_Delivered the pipe._]
_Egouchouoy_ answered for all the nations present:--
"Brothers: I am happy at the good news you have told us, and we will
immediately go and collect all our people, and be with you as soon as
possible." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] The reader must bear in mind that these speeches and proceedings of
the Indian Councils, exclusively such, were written down by the British
agents and officers among the Indians, who attended to assist them. The
author finds many of them among the papers of Captain Brant--some from
the Upper Lake tribes in French. The account of this Spanish writer, his
message, and the consequent address to the Lake tribes, the author has
found among these papers, signed by Colonel McKee as _Deputy Agent of
Indian Affairs,_ and the copy certified by Thomas Talbot. Several
paragraphs of both addresses have been omitted, as not material to the
history. See Appendix, No. IX.
There is mystery attached to this mission of the Spaniard, concerning
which no farther information has been obtained. The Indians of the
Confederacy were greatly encouraged by the assurances of assistance, and
it will soon appear that some tribes came to their help from a very great
distance. The employment of a Spanish Envoy, however, was a remarkable
circumstance, and serves to strengthen the suspicions entertained by
Washington two years before, that, even at that early day, the possessors
of the estuary of the Mississippi, and of the vast Spanish territories
above, had already become alarmed lest what has happened respecting that
territory, would happen, unless the power of the United States should be
crippled. But the promised Spanish and French assistance from that
direction did not arrive, nor were the Confederates aided in their
subsequent operations by the Creeks, Cherokees, and Chickasaws, as
promised.
The United States were not inactive during these hostile movements and
preparations among the Indians. General Wayne, or _Sukach-gook_ as he was
called by the Indians, [FN] was making the most vigorous preparations for
opening the campaign with decision. Among other measures, it was
determined, while he was approaching the Miami towns with a force
sufficient, as it was hoped, to end the war at a blow, to occupy a station
at Presque Isle, and fortify it. This movement not only gave great
uneasiness to the confederates, but, in connexion with another, of a
different description, adopted by the State of Pennsylvania, had well-nigh
driven the whole of the more ancient alliance of the Six Nations at once
into hostilities against the United States under their old leader
Thayendanegea. Pennsylvania, it seems, claimed a district of country on
the south shore of Lake Erie, including Presque Isle, under color of a
purchase from the Corn-planter--which purchase the Six Nations, to whom
the territory in question had belonged, held to be invalid. Regardless of
the objections and remonstrances of the Indians, thus claiming
proprietorship, the Corn-planter having, as they contended, sold it
without authority, Pennsylvania was now planting settlers upon this
territory and erecting an establishment at Presque Isle; at which
aggression, as they esteemed it, Captain Brant and his nations were
greatly incensed. A council was thereupon held, to take that and other
subjects into consideration, at Buffalo, the sittings of which were
commenced on the 24th of June. General Chapin was in attendance, at the
urgent solicitation of the Indians, and Captain O'Bail (the Corn-planter)
was the speaker. He complained first of the absence of several of their
warriors, who were believed to have been killed by the Americans. One of
their chiefs, Big Tree, he said, had some months before gone to the camp
of the Americans in the most friendly manner, and had been put to death;
while another of their warriors had been killed at Venango "while sitting
easy and peaceable on his seat." He next entered upon the subject of the
Pennsylvania encroachments, of which he complained bitterly, insisting
that the sale alleged to have been made by himself was not in any manner
obligatory upon the Indians. The erection of the fort at Presque Isle was
likewise a theme of complaint. The determination of the council was to
send a delegation of their Chiefs into the disputed territory, to request
a removal of the intruders; and General Chapin was solicited to accompany
the deputation. He did so, but the mission was executed to no good
purpose.
* * * * *
[FN] Sukach-gook is the Delaware name for black snake, which they called
General Wayne by, saying that he possessed all the art and cunning of
that reptile; which was known to be the greatest destroyer of the small
birds and animals of the snake tribe.--_Heckewelder._
On the return of the delegation to Buffalo Creek, another council was held
to receive the report. This convention was on the 4th of July. The report,
being unfavorable, of course gave no satisfaction, and the Indians
immediately manifested a still greater degree of alienation from the
United States. The general boundary question was revived during the
discussions, and an address from the council to the President, spoken by
O'Bail, was written down, and transmitted by General Chapin. In this
address the Indians re-asserted their determination to insist upon the
Ohio and Muskingum boundary. The following is an extract:--
"General Washington, attend! What gives us room for the making of so many
speeches, is, because you relate all the former deceptions that have been
used.
"General Washington: I depend upon you to gratify our request, and that
will make my mind easy. Sometimes I hear that I am going to flee from my
seat, for the injuries I have done. These reflections make me so unhappy,
that I am almost tempted to die with the Six Nations.
"Brother: We are determined now, as we were before, that the line shall
remain. We have fully considered on the boundary we have marked out. We
know all that we have received from time to time, and we think if you
establish this line, it will make us about even.
"Brother: If you do not comply with our request, we shall determine on
something else, as we are a free people.
"Brother: We are determined to be a free people. You know, General
Washington, that we, the Six Nations, have always been able to defend
ourselves, and we are still determined to maintain our freedom.
"Brother: You must not suspect that any other nation corrupts our minds.
The only thing that can corrupt our minds, is not to grant our request.
"Brother: If this favor is not granted, I wish that my son may be sent
back with the answer, and tell me which side he means to join. If he
wishes to join that side, he is at liberty."
Although the name of Brant does not often occur in the proceedings of the
councils touching the movement of Pennsylvania upon Sandusky, yet he was
by no means a passive spectator of passing events. There were no hours of
idleness in his life, and when not engaged in the field, or in attendance
upon councils, or upon foreign missions, his mind was occupied in the work
of improving the minds and morals, and adding to the comforts, of his own
people. In the Spring of the present year he was engaged in the erection
of a council-house for his nation at Grand River. But the Sandusky affair
called him again to the field; and while others were deliberating in
council, and attempting to negotiate, the Chief was preparing to contest
the disputed title by arms--directly aided, as will be seen from the
following letter, by the Executive of Upper Canada:--
"Captain Brant to Colonel Smith--('for Governor Simcoe.' [FN])"
* * * * *
[FN] So filed in Brant's own hand, on the copy preserved among his
papers.
"_Grand River,_ 19_th July,_ 1794.
"Sir: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 16th instant,
enclosing the extracts his Excellency has been pleased to favor me with,
for which I have to request you would have the goodness to thank his
Excellency for me.
"I am much concerned to find that the Lake Indians think their belts
completed. [FN-1] I foresaw the event, [FN-2] for which reason it has ever
been my opinion that they should avoid coming to any considerable
engagement, because it is a custom among the Indians, that after having
struck a good blow, and having taken prisoners and scalps, they return
home. Nevertheless I hope they will not go."
* * * * *
[FN-1] Captain Brant had just received a letter from Detroit, dated on
the 5th of July, one paragraph of which explains the signification of
this expression: "The Mackinaw and Lake Indians, having _completed the
belts_ they carried, with scalps and prisoners, seem resolved on going
home again. The return of these people will considerably weaken the
defence expected from the collected sections of two thousand Indians."
[FN-2] Referring, doubtless, to an engagement between Little Turtle and
Major McMahon, which will be more particularly noted a page or two
onward.
"In regard to the Presque Isle business, should we not get an answer at
the time limited, it is our business to push those fellows hard, and
therefore it is my intention to form my camp at Pointe Appineau; and I
would esteem it a favor if his Excellency the Lieutenant Governor would
lend me four or five batteaux. Should it so turn out, and should those
fellows not go off, and O'Bail continue in the same opinion, an expedition
against those Yankees must of consequence take place.
"His Excellency has been so good as to furnish us with a cwt. of powder,
and ball in proportion, which is now at Fort Erie; but in the event of an
attack upon Le Boeuf people, I could wish, if consistent, that his
Excellency would order a like quantity in addition to be at Fort Erie, in
order to be in readiness: likewise I would hope for a little assistance
in provisions.
"I would request that his Excellency would favor me with an answer by the
bearer, Seth. I would also trouble his Excellency in regard to those
people who went with him to Detroit. They were promised to be handsomely
rewarded, which as yet has not been done; and as they now expect to go
upon service, they are rather impatient; and if it was convenient that
they could be satisfied, either by borrowing goods, or otherwise, as his
Excellency would think fit, I would be extremely happy.
"I understand some new regiments are raising, or to be raised. In that
case I would consider myself much favored should some of my relations,
young men, have an equal chance of being provided for.
"A few days ago I sent seven men to Cadaragara, to remind O'Bail that he
should watch any movement of those people [FN] very narrowly; and that he
should be ready to march immediately after the expiration of the time,
should they, not then evacuate that place."
* * * * *
[FN] The settlers at Presque Isle.
The insertion of this letter at length is deemed important, showing, as it
does, and that, too, beyond the power of contradiction, that the Indians
were supplied purposely, with their munitions of war, by the officers of
the British crown. The fact was denied by Great Britain, or at least it
was argued, that if the Indians drew their supplies from the Canadians,
they were furnished by individuals, as such, over whose actions in the
premises the government had no control. Independently of these
circumstances, moreover, the detention of the boats, and the erection by
Governor Sinclair of a new fortification, heretofore spoken of, on the
Miamis of the Lakes, fifty miles South of Detroit, afforded strong
evidence of a design on the part of Great Britain, to avail herself of the
non-execution of that article in the treaty of peace stipulating for the
payment of debts, for the purpose of establishing a new boundary line, by
which the great lakes should be entirely comprehended in Upper Canada. An
animated correspondence took place on the whole subject, between the
American Secretary of State and Mr. Hammond, the diplomatic representative
of Great Britain, in which a considerable degree of mutual irritation was
displayed, and in which each supported the charges against the nation of
the other much better than he defended his own. [FN] Had the Secretary of
State been in possession of the preceding letter from the Mohawk Chief, he
would not have argued upon uncertainties--at least so far as a supply of
powder and ball to the Indians by the Governor of Upper Canada would have
sustained his case. In any event, the charge is now brought home with
sufficient distinctness to put the question at rest. Captain Brant,
however, found no occasion for a farther requisition upon his Excellency
for ammunition at that time. The interposition of the President deterred
Pennsylvania from the farther prosecution of her designs upon Presque
Isle, and the projected expedition of the Six Nations was accordingly
relinquished.
* * * * *
[FN] Marshall.
The desultory contest with the Indians, so long protracted, and at times
so bloody, was now approaching its termination. On the 30th of June a
sharp action took place under the walls of Fort Recovery--a fortress which
had been thrown up by General Wayne on the battle-ground of St. Clair's
defeat. The primary object of the Indians, who were the assailants, was
the capture of a large number of pack-horses, recently arrived at that
fort with provisions, which were returning to Fort Grenville, guarded by
a company of cavalry under Captain Gibson, and a detachment of ninety
riflemen, the whole under the command of Major McMahon. Taken by surprise,
and finding the Indians in great force, the Americans sought speedy refuge
within the walls of the fort. The Indians were led by the distinguished
Miami Chief, Little Turtle. Pressing close upon the garrison, with an
evident design to carry it, the moment McMahon's troops had regained the
fortress a fire was opened upon the assailants, which drove them back with
great slaughter. They rallied again, however, and maintained the
engagement through the day, but keeping at a more respectful distance. The
night, which was thick and foggy, was employed by them in removing their
dead by torch-light. On the next day the assault was renewed; but the
Indians were ultimately compelled to retreat, with loss and
disappointment, from the field of their former triumph. Both in advance
and retreat, in this expedition, the Indians marched with perfect order.
Their encampments were square and regular, and they moved upon the fort
in seventeen columns, at wide distances apart. Many white men were in
their ranks, supposed to be the inhabitants and militia of Detroit.
Officers in British uniform were likewise so near the scene of action as
to be distinctly discerned. Several valuable officers of Major McMahon's
corps fell at the first onset, among whom was the gallant Major himself.
The total loss of the Americans was twenty-two killed and thirty wounded.
The Indians suffered very severely. In their retreat it was ascertained
that a large number of pack-horses were literally loaded with their slain.
Such, at least, were the facts in regard to this affair, as derived from
the most ample and apparently authentic accounts of the Americans. Nor did
the Indian accounts differ from the American as widely as is often the
case between opposite statements of antagonist parties. As an evidence of
which, and to show how accurately and promptly Captain Brant was advised
of the progress and events of the war, the following extract is given from
his correspondence:--
"Extract from a Letter to Captain Brant.
"_Detroit, July_ 5, 1794.
"An attack was made on the 30th of June by the Indians, on three hundred
pack-horses returning to Fort Grenville, from whence they came the day
before with provisions. All of these, with the pack-horsemen, were either
taken or killed close by Fort Recovery, together with thirty bullocks.
Captain Gibson, the officer commanding, on perceiving the attack made on
his horses, ordered a troop of dragoons, or light-horse, to charge the
Indians, and at the same time he drew up his garrison in front of the
fort, as if with a design to sustain his cavalry. But they were all beaten
back in a few minutes, and pursued to the gate of the fort, with the loss
of about fifty men and upward of twenty-five horses. The loss of the
Indians commenced from this period; for they kept up a useless attack upon
the fort, while the troops within were firing at them through loop-holes.
Seventeen were killed, and as many wounded.
"The _Mountain Leader_ was killed two days before the action, by a
scouting party of the Hurons. He was the chief of the Chickasaws. Wells,
(a scout from Wayne's army,) was killed in the engagement; and May is
reported to be so by one of three prisoners who were taken, together with
two more Chickasaws. Captain Gibson and two other officers are also among
the killed.
"My information states that these prisoners report there are sixty
Chickasaws with their army, twenty of whom are at Fort Recovery and forty
at Fort Grenville. They also say that the horses which are now taken and
killed, were the only means General Wayne had of transporting
provisions--that he was to commence his campaign about the middle of next
month--waiting for an augmentation of his force of three thousand militia
from Kentucky--and that he is to build a fort at the Glaize, and proceed
from thence to Detroit.
"The Chiefs of several nations are now in council at the Glaize, adopting
measures to re-unite their force if possible."
Taught by the unfortunate experience of Harmar and St. Clair, General Wayne
moved not but with the utmost caution, and all the preparation which a
prudent forecast required. He had not therefore advanced beyond Fort
Recovery until sufficient strength had been concentrated, and such other
dispositions made as would enable him not only to strike a decisive blow,
but retain possession of the country he might conquer. The delays incident
to these preparations carried the active prosecution of the campaign into
midsummer. The richest and most extensive towns of the hostile Indians
lay about the confluence of the Au Glaize and the Miamis of the Lakes. At
this place General Wayne arrived on the 8th of August, where some works of
defence were thrown up for the protection of the magazines. It was thirty
miles thence to the Rapids, where, as has been already seen, Governor
Simcoe had recently erected a strong fortress, fifty miles within the
stipulated and understood boundary, as between the British possessions and
those of the United States. At this latter place, in the immediate
neighborhood of the fort, the Indian forces were collected to the number
of nearly two thousand. The Continental legion under General Wayne was of
about equal strength, exclusive of eleven hundred mounted Kentuckians
under General Scott. Here the Black Snake had intended to surprise the
neighboring villages of the enemy; and the more effectually to ensure the
success of his _coup de main,_ he had not only advanced thus far by an
obscure and very difficult route, but taken pains to clear out two roads
from Greenville in that direction, in order to attract and divert the
attention of the Indians while he marched upon neither. But his
generalship proved of no avail. The Little Turtle was too wary a leader to
be taken by surprise--to say nothing of the desertion of a villain named
Newman, an officer in the Quarter-master General's department, who gave
the Indians warning of Wayne's advance. Little Turtle thereupon retired to
the Rapids; and having been apprized by the deserter of the strength of
the Americans, determined to give battle, and made dispositions for that
object.
Having learned on the 12th, from Indian prisoners who were brought in, the
position of the enemy, in close proximity to the British garrison at the
Rapids, and being yet desirous of bringing the Indians to terms, if
possible, without the farther effusion of blood, the American commander
despatched another messenger of peace. The name of the envoy selected for
the occasion was Miller--a man who had been so long a captive among the
Indians as to have acquired their language. He was exceedingly reluctant
to undertake the hazardous enterprise. But being strongly urged upon the
service, with an assurance from the General that eight of the Indian
warriors, who were prisoners, should be held as pledges of his safety, he
at last assented--taking two of the prisoners, a warrior and a squaw,
along with him. He was received in a very hostile mood, and his life
threatened. But addressing them in their own language, displaying a flag,
and explaining the object of his visit, the menacing blow was suspended,
and he was placed in confinement while the Chiefs deliberated in council
upon the letter from the General, of which he was the bearer. Assuring
them that every prisoner in the American camp would be put to death unless
he should be sent back in safety before the 16th, he was liberated on the
preceding day--with a message to Wayne, that if he waited where he was
ten days, they would then treat with him, but if he advanced at an earlier
day they would fight. Impatient of delay, however, Wayne had taken up his
line of march on the 15th--the day of Miller's release. The message which
he met did not check his advance, and the General arrived in the vicinity
of the Rapids on the 18th. The 19th was occupied in reconnoitering the
positions of the enemy, and throwing up a slight fortification for the
protection of the stores, which was appropriately named Fort Deposite.
The enemy had taken post behind a thick wood, rendered almost inaccessible
by a dense growth of under-brush and fallen timber, marking the track of
a tornado, and almost under the guns of the fort that had been erected by
Simcoe. Their left was secured by the rocky bank of the river. The
Americans advanced for the attack early on the morning of the 20th. At
about ten o'clock, having proceeded nearly five miles, the advance guard,
commanded by Major Price, received so brisk a fire from the enemy, who
were secreted in the woods and the tall grass, as to compel it to fall
back. The ground was most happily chosen by the enemy for their mode of
warfare, so obstructed and difficult of access as to render it almost
impossible for the cavalry to act. Immediately on the attack upon the
corps of Major Price, the legion was formed in two lines and moved rapidly
forward. The thick forest and old broken wood already described, extended
to the left of the army several miles--the right resting on the river. The
Indians were formed in three lines within supporting distance of each
other, and extending for about two miles at right angles with the river.
The American commander soon discovered, from the weight of his fire, and
the extent of his lines, that it was the design of the enemy to turn his
left flank. The second line was thereupon ordered to advance in support
of the first, while, by a circuitous route, Scott was directed with his
Kentuckians to turn the enemy's right. In concert with this movement, the
front line ordered by General Wayne to charge with trailed arms, and
rouse the Indians from their covert at the point of the bayonet. Having
started them up, the Americans were directed to fire, and charge them so
closely as to allow no time for re-loading. The open ground by the river
permitted the movements of cavalry, with which the right flank of the
enemy was gained and turned. Indeed, such were the promptness of movement
on the part of the Americans, and the impetuosity of the charge of the
first line of infantry, that the Indians, together with the Detroit
militia and volunteers, were driven from all their coverts in so brief a
space of time that the mounted men, though making every possible exertion
to press forward, were many of them unable to gain their proper positions
to participate in the action. In the course of an hour, the enemy,
notwithstanding all the embarrassments of the ground already enumerated,
were driven more than two miles, by a force of less than half their
numbers actually engaged. The victory was complete and decisive, both
Indians and their allies, composed of the "mixed multitude" already more
than once referred to, abandoning themselves to flight in terror and
dismay,--leaving the field of battle in the quiet possession of the
Americans. The commanding General stated in his official report of the
action, that "it was terminated under the influence of the guns of the
British garrison,"--the pursuit having continued until they were within
reach of those guns. The loss of the Americans in killed and wounded,
including officers, was one hundred and seven. Among the slain was
Captain Campbell, commanding the cavalry, who fell in the first charge.
[FN]
* * * * *
[FN] It was in this memorable action that Captain Solomon (now General
Van Rensselaer) of Albany, an officer of dragoons, received a wound in
the commencement of the battle, by being shot through the lungs. General
Wilkinson, who was also in the battle, states, in his Memoirs, that Van
Rensselaer kept his horse, and continued fighting until the blood spurted
from his month and nostrils. General Van Rensselaer was afterward
dreadfully wounded in half a dozen places, at the daring assault upon
Queenston Heights in 1812. He yet lives, and, after having served the
State of New-York several years as Adjutant General, and been repeatedly
elected to Congress, has for the last fifteen years held the office of
Post-master in Albany.
The loss of the Indians is not known. It must, however, have been very
severe. Seven Nations were engaged in the action, viz: the Miamis,
Wyandots, the Pottawattamies, Delawares, Shawanese, Chippewas, Ottawas,
and a portion of the Senecas. All the Chiefs of the Wyandots engaged in
the battle, being nine in number, were killed. [FN-1] Great slaughter was
made by the legionary cavalry in the pursuit, so many of the savages being
cut down with the sabre, that the title of "_Long Knives,_" years before
given to the Americans, was brought again into general use among the
Indians. [FN-2] It was believed by many that the Indians would not have
incurred this signal disaster had the advice of the _Little Turtle_ been
heeded. He was opposed to the policy of a general engagement at that time,
and it has even been asserted that he was rather inclined to peace. During
the night preceding the engagement, the Chiefs of the several tribes were
in council, and a proposition was submitted to make a night attack upon
the Americans in their encampment. The proposal was overruled, and a
general engagement on the following morning was determined upon. _Little
Turtle_ alone was opposed to the plan, while _Blue Jacket,_ a Shawanese
warrior of high character and influence, strenuously supported the course
adopted by the council. Colonel McKee was in the council, and is believed
to have urged the Indians to fight. _Little Turtle_ was inspired with a
presentiment that they could not successfully encounter the Black Snake.
"We have beaten the enemy," said the Turtle, "twice, under separate
commanders. We cannot expect the same good fortune always to attend us.
The Americans are now led by a chief who never sleeps. The night and the
day are alike to him; and during all the time that he has been marching
upon our villages, notwithstanding the watchfulness of our young men, we
have never been able to surprise him. Think well of it. There is something
whispers me it would be prudent to listen to his offers of peace." For
holding language like this, he was reproached by some of the Chiefs with
cowardice, and that ended the conference. Stung to the quick by an
imputation which he was conscious he had never merited, he would have laid
the reviler dead at his feet; but his was not the bravery of an assassin.
Suppressing his resentment, he took part in the battle, and performed his
duty with his wonted bravery. The event proved that he had not formed an
erroneous estimate of the character of Wayne; and that his rival, _Blue
Jacket,_ though equally brave, was less of a prophet than himself. [FN-3]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Drake's Book of the Indians.
[FN-2] Thatcher's Lives of the Indian Chiefs.
[FN-3] Schoolcraft's Travels. Thatcher. Drake.
Excepting the militia and refugees gathered about Detroit, the British or
Canadian authorities took no part in the battle; but the direction in
which ran their sympathies could not be mistaken, from the tone of a
somewhat tart correspondence occurring after the battle, between General
Wayne and Major Campbell, commanding the British garrison. On the day
after the engagement, Major Campbell addressed a note to General Wayne,
expressing his surprise at the appearance of an American force at a point
almost within reach of his guns, and asking in what light he was to view
such near approaches to the garrison which he had the honor to command.
General Wayne, without questioning the propriety of the interrogatory,
replied, that even were the Major entitled to an answer, "the most full
and satisfactory one was announced the day before from the muzzles of his
small arms, in an action with a horde of savages in the vicinity of the
fort, and which terminated gloriously to the American arms." But, added
the General, "had it continued until the Indians were driven under the
influence of the fort and guns mentioned, they would not have much impeded
the progress of the victorious army under my command, as no such post was
established at the commencement of the present war between the Indians and
the United States." Major Campbell rejoined, complaining that men, with
arms in their hands, were approaching within pistol shot of his works,
where his Majesty's flag was flying, and threatened hostilities should
such insults to that flag be continued. Upon the receipt of this letter,
General Wayne caused the fort to be closely reconnoitered in every
direction. It was found to be a strong and regular work, with two bastions
upon the near and most accessible face of it, mounting eight pieces of
artillery upon that side and four upon the front facing the river. This
duty having been discharged, General Wayne addressed a letter to the
British commander, disclaiming, of course as Major Campbell had previously
done any desire to resort to harsh measures; but denouncing the erection
of that fortress as the harshest act of aggression toward the United
States, and requiring him to desist from any farther act of hostility, and
to retire with his troops to the nearest British post occupied by British
troops at the peace of 1783. To this requisition, Major Campbell answered
that he should not abandon the post at the summons of any power whatever,
unless in compliance with orders from those under whom he served. He
likewise again warned the American commander, not to approach within the
reach of his guns without expecting the consequences that would attend it.
The only notice taken of this last letter was, by immediately setting fire
to, and destroying every thing within view of the fort, and even under the
muzzles of his Britannic Majesty's guns. But no attempt was made by Major
Campbell to carry his threat into execution. Among the property thus
destroyed were barns and fields of corn, above and below the fort,
together with "the barns, stores, and property of Colonel McKee, the
British Indian Agent and principal stimulator of the war between the
United States and the savages." [FN-1] The American army lay three days
before the fort, when it returned to the Grand Glaize, arriving at that
place on the 28th of August. A vast destruction of Indian property took
place during this expedition. The Miamis and Grand Glaize ran through the
heart of the country of the hostile Indians. "The very extensive and
highly cultivated fields and gardens showed the work of many hands. The
margins of those beautiful rivers the Miamis of the lakes, and the Au
Glaize," wrote General Wayne, "appeared like one continued village for
many miles; nor have I ever before beheld such immense fields of corn in
any part of America, from Canada to Florida." [FN-2] All were laid waste
for twenty miles on each side of the river, and forts erected to prevent
the return of the Indians.
* * * * *
[FN-1] Letter of General Wayne. State Papers, Vol. IV.
[FN-2] Letter of General Wayne to the Secretary of War.
There is reason to believe that the Indians were grievously disappointed
in the conduct of Major Campbell during the action. Among the papers of
Captain Brant, is the copy of a letter addressed by him to Sir John
Johnson, in April, 1799, wherein the Baronet is reminded of various wrongs
alleged to have been suffered by the Indians, at the hands even of his
Majesty's government. The following remarkable passage in this letter
induces a belief that the Indians expected that, in the event of defeat,
the garrison would come to their succor, or, at least, that the gates of
the fortress would be thrown open to them as a place of refuge on their
retreat:--"In the first place," wrote the Mohawk Chief to Sir John, "the
Indians were engaged in a war to assist the English--then left in the
lurch at the peace, to fight alone until they could make peace for
themselves. After repeatedly defeating the armies of the United States,
so that they sent Commissioners to endeavor to get peace, the Indians were
so advised as prevented them from listening to any terms, and hopes were
given to them of assistance. A fort was even built in their country, under
pretence of giving refuge in case of necessity; but when that time came,
the gates were shut against them as enemies. They were doubly injured by
this, because they relied on it for support, and were deceived. Was it not
for this reliance of mutual support, their conduct would have been
different. I imagine that your own knowledge of these things, and
judgment, will point out to you the necessity of putting the line of
conduct with the Indians on a more honorable footing, and come as nigh as
possible to what it was in the time of your father."
Considering the distance, and the difficulties of traveling at that time,
intelligence of the disaster which had befallen his Indian friends was
very rapidly conveyed to Governor Simcoe at Niagara, and by him
communicated to Captain Brant in the following letter:--
"Governor Simcoe to Captain Brant.
"_Navy Hall,_ 28_th August,_ 1794.
"Dear Sir,
"I understand that the Indians and Wayne had an action on the 20th near
McCormack's; that the Indians, who amounted to nine hundred, retreated
with the loss of some principal chiefs of the Hurons, Ottawas, and
Shawanese; a deserter reports that the Americans lost an hundred men.
"The Wyandots, and a friend [FN] of your's, most gallantly covered the
retreat."
* * * * *
[FN] Although the fact does not appear, yet it is believed that a goodly
number of the Mohawk warriors were in the battle against Wayne, and Brant
was likewise to have been in the field with them. Several years
afterward, Brant stated these facts in a conversation with the venerable
Jacob Snell, Esq. yet living (1837) in Palatine. The Chief stated to Mr.
Snell that he obtained the ammunition used by the Indians, himself, at
Quebec, and that he should have led his Mohawks in person but was
detained by sickness.
"The Indians having retreated to the Miami Bay, Major Campbell was
summoned to deliver the post, which of course he refused, and reports that
he considered it tenable against Wayne's force.
"The Indians having placed their women and children in safety, have again
moved forward to an advantageous position, I imagine Swan Creek, where
they wait for reinforcements, and I hope will recover their spirits.
"All the militia on the La Branche are gone to Detroit.
"I shall proceed in the first vessel, and am, in great haste, your
faithful humble servant,
"J. G. Simcoe,
"_To Captain Brant._"
The difficulties between Great Britain and the United States not having
yet been adjusted, and a war between the two nations continuing still a
probable event, it suited not the Canadian authorities to allow the
Indians to conclude a peace, notwithstanding their signal overthrow. The
north-western posts, moreover, within the territory not only of the far
west, but within the boundaries of the State of New-York, were obstinately
retained, while an attempt was made to grasp additional territory on the
south side of Lake Ontario. It was during the Summer of this year, that
Captain Williamson commenced a settlement on the Great Sodus Bay, about
forty miles from Oswego; and in this same month of August, Governor Simcoe
despatched Lieut. Sheaff to that place, to demand by what authority such
an establishment was forming, and that it should be immediately
relinquished. [FN] General Simcoe himself, pursuant to the intimation in
his letter to Brant, hastened to the west, as also did the Chief, attended
by one hundred and fifty of his warriors--evidently for the purpose of
continuing in the exercise of an unfriendly influence upon the minds of
the Indians against the United States. The Governor was at the fort near
the battle-field, on the 30th of September, as also were Captain Brant
and Colonel McKee. The Indians had already made some advances to General
Wayne toward a negotiation for peace; but their attention was diverted by
Simcoe and Brant, who invited a council, of the hostile nations to
assemble at the mouth of the Detroit river on the 10th of October. This
invitation was accepted, as also was an invitation from General Wayne,
who was met by a few of their Chiefs; so that the wily savages were in
face sitting in two councils at once, balancing chances, and preparing to
make peace only in the event of finding little farther encouragement to
fight.
* * * * *
[FN] Marshall. Captain Williamson being absent from Sodus at the time of
Lieut. Sheaff's visit, that officer left a written declaration of which
the following is a copy:--"I am commanded to declare that, during the
inexecution of the treaty of peace between Great Britain and the United
States, and until the existing difficulties respecting it shall be
mutually and finally adjusted, the taking possession of any part of the
Indian territory, either for the purposes of war or sovereignty, is held
to be a direct violation of his Britannic Majesty's rights, as they
unquestionably existed before the treaty, and has an immediate tendency
to interrupt, and in its progress to destroy, that good understanding
which has hitherto subsisted between his Britannic Majesty and the United
States of America. I therefore require you to desist from any such
aggression."
At the council on the 10th of October, the Wyandot Chiefs addressed
Governor Simcoe as follows:--
"Father: We request of you to give your sentiments candidly; we have been
these many years in wars and troubles; you have, from time to time,
promised us your assistance. When is your promise to be fulfilled?"
"Their Father's Answer.
"Children: Your question is very difficult to be answered. I will relate
an ancient history, perhaps before any of you here were born. When I first
came into this country, I found it in the possession of your fathers, the
French. We soon became enemies of each other. In time, the Great Spirit
above gave the conquest in my favor. In those days the United States were
my subjects. We lived in this state for many years after. At last the
Americans began to act independently, which caused a rupture between us.
The contest lasted for a while. At last we made peace. From that period
they have been encroaching upon your lands. I looked on as a
spectator--never would say a word; they have even named the rivers that
empty themselves into the Ohio.
"Children: I am still of the opinion that the Ohio is your right and
title. I have given orders to the commandant of Fort Miami to fire on the
Americans whenever they make their appearance again. I will go down to
Quebec, and lay your grievances before the great man. From thence they
will be forwarded to the King, your father. Next Spring you will know the
result of every thing, what you and I will do."
The particulars of this council, and the labors of Governor Simcoe and
Captain Brant in otherwise tampering with the Indians, transpired through
some prisoners taken by General Wayne, and also through the means of a
confidential deputation of the Wyandots of Sandusky, who were disposed to
peace. According to their statements, Governor Simcoe advised them not to
listen to any terms of pacification, which did not secure to them their
long-contested boundary. He moreover proposed to them to convey all their
lands west of that river to the King, in trust, that a pretext might be
furnished for a direct interposition of his Majesty's arms in their
behalf. In furtherance of this object, he advised them to obtain a
cessation of hostilities until the Spring following; when a great council
of all the warriors and tribes should take place, which might call upon
the British for assistance. The English would at that time be prepared to
attack the Americans from every quarter, and would drive them back across
the Ohio, and compel the restoration to the Indians of their lands.
Captain Brant's counsel was to the same effect. He told them to keep a
good heart and be strong; to do as their father advised; that he would
return home at present with his warriors, and come again in the Spring
with a stronger force. They would then have the whole Summer before them
for operations, and the Americans would not be able to stand before them.
He had always been successful, and with the force they would then be able
to bring into the field, he would ensure them a victory. He told them,
however, that he could not attack the Americans at that time, as it could
do no good, but would bring them out against the Indians with more troops
in the Winter. He therefore advised the Chiefs to amuse the Americans with
a prospect of peace until the Spring, when the Indians might be able to
fall upon and vanquish them unexpectedly.
There was considerable division of opinion in the council; the Wyandots
being inclined to peace, and also portions of the other tribes. But large
presents were given, and the counsels of Brant and Governor Simcoe
prevailed--the Indians returning to their temporary homes, consisting of
huts and tents in the neighborhood of the fort at the Rapids. Captain
Brant, however, left these councils under high displeasure toward the
Chiefs of the three principal tribes, in consequence of some neglect which
he construed into an insult. What was the precise nature of the
circumstances, his papers do not disclose. But among those papers, is a
letter from seven of the Chiefs of those tribes, couched in terms of
humble apology. The following passages are cited from this letter:--
"The Chiefs of the three nations are very sorry, and in great trouble,
that Colonel Brant was obliged to leave them so precipitately; that it was
their intention to be in the greatest friendship with him, and that they
intended to hold council with him immediately after that with the Governor
was finished.
"They sincerely hope Colonel Brant will take their apology for not waiting
upon him when his messenger arrived with his pipe. They own themselves
much in fault, but are willing by their future services to convince him
that they esteem and honor him.
"In token of friendship they send Colonel Brant their Union Belt of
wampum, as a pledge that they now will, and their children in future
generations will, be in peace and unity with him and the Six Nations, and
wish a correspondence to commence immediately by express between them, on
the most friendly terms.
"They have heard with grief that Colonel Brant departed hence with a heavy
heart and full of sorrow for their negligence and misbehavior, and
therefore send him an additional string of wampum to enlighten his heart,
and renew friendship with him." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] This letter, or "speech" as it was called, was signed as
follows--the names being written in full by a gentleman named William
Bailey, who subscribes the paper as a witness, and each Chief drawing his
own mark rudely with the pen:--Aqushua, the mark of a _Fox;_ Sowosat--a
_Beaver;_ Quagerwon--a _Crane;_ Cucherwaskiseegua--a _Hatchet;_
Bouemawcutus--a _Wolf;_ Gowsowainse--a _Turtle;_ Clappum--an
_Arrow-head._
Such was the posture of Indian affairs at the close of the year 1794; and
the prospect then was, certainly, that another campaign of active
hostilities must ensue. But it was otherwise ordered. The Indians
themselves were growing weary of the contest, and becoming more and more
convinced that they could not contend successfully against the Americans,
of whose leader, General Wayne, they stood in great fear. Before the close
of the season, it was ascertained that the warriors from a distance were
re-crossing the Mississippi, declaring that it was useless to attempt
longer to fight. In March, the difficulties between the United States and
Great Britain were adjusted by the treaty of Mr. Jay, which, despite the
influence of France and the fierce clamors of the democratic opposition,
General Washington had the sagacity and firmness to ratify; so that the
Indians were deprived of even the expectation of farther assistance from
the accustomed quarter. The restlessness of the Six Nations, the Mohawks
excepted, had been quieted by the victory of Wayne; so that no farther
support could be anticipated from that direction. The result of all these
circumstances was, that by the treaty of Greenville, concluded with the
hostile Indians by General Wayne, on the 3d of August, 1795, the long,
expensive, and destructive war, which had for so many years desolated that
frontier, was terminated in a manner perfectly satisfactory to the United
States. In the language of Captain Brant in one of his speeches delivered
long afterward, "the Indians, convinced by those in the Miami fort, and
other circumstances, that they were mistaken in their expectations of any
assistance from Great Britain, did not longer oppose the Americans with
their wonted unanimity. The consequence was, that General Wayne, by the
peaceable language he held to them, induced them to hold a treaty at his
own head-quarters, in which he concluded a peace entirely on his own
terms." With this event closed the military career of Joseph
Brant--Thayendanegea.