Preparations for an Indian Consultation at Philadelphia--Captain Brant
invited to attend---His objections--Letter of the Rev. Mr. Kirkland to
Captain Brant--Letter of the Secretary of War to the same--Letter of
Colonel Gordon to the same--Letter of Captain Brant to the Secretary of
War--The Secretary of War to Captain Brant--Attempts from Montreal to
prevent Brant from going to Philadelphia--His journey--Feelings against
him in the Mohawk Valley--His arrival at New-York and
Philadelphia--Liberal offers made him--Letter to the Count de Puisy--The
offers rejected--Undertakes a Mission of Peace to the Miamis--Returns to
New-York--Pursued by a German from the German Flats bent on taking his
life--Discovered in New-York--Brant returns to Niagara--Murder of Colonel
Harden and Major Trueman--Letters of Brant to the Secretary at
War--Feelings of the Western Nations--Correspondence between Brant and
McKee--Great Indian Council at the Au Glaize--Sickness of Captain
Brant--Hostilities deferred until Spring and a treaty with the United
States ordered--Return of the Delegates of the Six Nations--Address to
President Washington--Separate organization of Upper Canada--Arrival of
Governor Simcoe--Letter to Brant from the Duke of
Northumberland--Preparations for the Great Council of 1783--Fresh
dissatisfaction of the Indians--Private Councils--They send their
ultimatum in anticipation--The American Commissioners depart for the
Indian country--Their arrival at Niagara--Friendly conduct of Governor
Simcoe--Celebration of the King's Birthday--The Commissioners start for
the West--Their progress interrupted--Conduct of General Wayne--Brant
suddenly returns from the West with a Deputation--Council held at Fort
Erie--Commissioners return to Niagara--Council there--Speech of Captain
Brant--Reply of the Commissioners--Speech of Cat's-Eyes--Rejoinder of
Brant--Arrival of the Seven Nations--Brant proceeds to the Miami
Rapids--Followed by the Commissioners--Arrival at the Detroit
River--Their progress interrupted--Unexpected turn of
affairs--Explanations with Deputies from the Great Council--Long Debates
in the Indian Council--Brant speaks strongly for peace--Governor Simcoe
declines advising the Indians--The negotiations suddenly terminated by
the Indians--Their address--And sine qua non.
At the treaty with the Six Nations, except the Mohawks, holden by Colonel
Pickering at the Painted Post, [FN] in the preceding month of June, an
arrangement was made with certain of their chiefs to visit Philadelphia,
then the seat of government of the United States, during the session of
Congress to ensue in the winter of 1791--92. The motive for this
invitation was threefold. First, if possible, to attach them more
cordially to the interests of the United States. Secondly, to consult as
to the best methods of extending to them the advantages and blessings of
civilization. Thirdly, to impress them with just opinions as to the
physical and moral strength of the country, that they might see with their
own eyes how futile must be every warlike effort of the Indians against
the United States. The improvement of the moral and social condition of
the Indians was an object dear to the heart of the President, and he lost
no opportunity, on all proper occasions, of impressing upon their minds
the desire of the United States to become the protectors, friends, and
ministers of good to all the sons of the forest peaceably disposed. From
the great influence of Captain Brant, not only with the Six Nations, but
over all the Indian nations, it was deemed an important point to persuade
him to attend the anticipated Council at Philadelphia. Great efforts were
accordingly made for the attainment of that object.
* * * * *
[FN] From the earliest knowledge the white men have possessed of the
country of western New-York, the Painted Post has been noted as a
geographical landmark. When first traversed by the white men, a large
oaken post stood at the spot, which has retained the name to this day.
It was painted in the Indian manner, and was guarded as a monument by the
Indians, who renewed it as often as it gave evidence of going to decay.
Tradition says it was a monument of great antiquity, marking the spot of
a great and bloody battle, according to some statements. According to
others, it was erected to perpetuate the memory of some great war-chief.
The first invitation was given by Colonel Pickering by letter.
Apprehending, however, that a mere invitation would not be a sufficient
inducement for the veteran chief to undertake the journey, the Secretary
of War, on the 20th of December, wrote to the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, the
well-known Indian missionary, requesting him to repair from Oneida to
Genesee, to meet the chiefs of the Six Nations who were going to
Philadelphia, and conduct them thither. Arriving at that place, Mr.
Kirkland was instructed to write to Captain Brant in his own name, and
dispatch messengers, assuring him of his welcome reception by the
government of the United States, and pledging himself for his personal
safety. These steps were promptly taken by Mr. Kirkland, to whom Captain
Brant wrote a reply, declining the invitation--for what reasons, as this
letter seems not to have been preserved, can only be inferred from the
subsequent correspondence of the Secretary of War and Mr. Kirkland. By a
letter from the former, it appears that the chief thought the invitation
not sufficiently formal. By a letter from Mr. Kirkland, also addressed to
the chief himself it would seem that the latter was apprehensive that,
should he undertake the journey, the American government would expect him
to travel like the common herds of Indians who frequently, as now, were
in the habit of visiting the capital of the Republic,--and who are
usually led through the country in a drove by a single conductor. Such,
however, was not the intention of the government, as will more fully
appear by the following correspondence:--
"Rev. Mr. Kirkland to Captain Brant. (Extract.)
"_Genesee, February_ 17, 1792."
* * * * *
"My dear and worthy friend, it is not in my power, at this instant, even
to attempt such a reply to your letter by Dr. Allen as it justly merits.
Suffice it to say, it was not in my idea that you should be crowded into
the company of all the old chiefs, and dragged along promiscuously with
them through the proposed tour to Philadelphia. No, Sir; the respect I
have for your character and happiness would have spurned at the thought.
Dr. Allen was apprised of this, and directed to acquaint you with my
instructions relative to the same. You need, Sir, be under no
apprehensions of any neglect, or want of proper attention on my part, in
the proposed tour, or of a cordial reception upon your arrival at the seat
of government. Pardon me, if I say you will have occasion much more to
fear the opposite extreme. There are so many matters of importance
relative to the Indians upon which I have a desire to converse with you,
that I cannot willingly relinquish the idea of a personal interview.
"Believe me, my dear friend, that your honor and happiness, as well as the
cause of humanity, have a share of my affection and concern. It is very
possible I may be partial in your favor by reason of your rescuing my life
at the beginning of the late war, which instance I can never forget, and
have thousands of times mentioned to your praise. I cannot but flatter
myself from the sensibility of soul you possess, that you will so adjust
your domestic affairs as to honor me with a short visit in this vicinity
next Spring, should I return here at that season; and should you, upon
mature deliberation, conclude to come down sooner, General Chapin and Dr.
Allen will be ready to wait on you wherever you please to go. Excuse the
abruptness with which I close, being much crowded--wishing you every form
of happiness, believe me to be, in great truth and esteem,
"Dear Sir, your affectionate friend
And very humble serv't.
S. Kirkland.
"_Col J. Brant._
"P. S. Please remember me respectfully to Dr. Kerr and his lady. I am
exceedingly sorry for the detention of my former letter, which deprived
me of the happiness of a personal interview. I hope this will be delivered
by the bearer's own hand, your friend, Captain Hendrick."
Nearly at the same time that Mr. Kirkland was thus endeavoring to persuade
the chief to comply with the request of the government in this matter, the
Secretary of War addressed directly to him a letter as full, courteous,
and formal, as the most fastidious diplomatist could have desired:--
"The Secretary of War to Captain Brant.
"_Philadelphia, February_ 20_th,_ 1792.
"Sir,
"Colonel Pickering, who had some communications with the Senecas and
others of the Six Nations, during the last two years, was duly authorised
to invite you to visit this city, in order to consult you upon the best
means of civilizing and advancing the happiness of the Indians. Some
information has been recently received from Mr. Kirkland, intimating your
disposition to perform the visit, but declining to do it upon the former
invitation, as not being sufficiently explicit.
"I now repeat to you this invitation, accompanied with a wish that you
would repair to this city, being the seat of the American government; and
I _can_ assure you that the President of the United States will be highly
gratified by receiving and conversing with a chief of such eminence as
you are, on a subject so interesting and important to the human race.
"This invitation is given to you from the fairest motives. The President
of the United States is conscious of the purest disposition to promote,
generally, the welfare of the Indians; and he flatters himself that
proper occasions only are wanting to impress them with the truth of this
assertion. He considers your mind more enlightened than theirs, and he
hopes that your heart is filled with a true desire to serve the essential
interests of your countrymen. The United States, much against the
inclination of the government, are engaged in hostilities with some of the
western Indians. We, on our parts, have entered into it with reluctance,
and consider it as a war of necessity; and not, as is supposed, and
industriously propagated, by many, for the purpose of accumulating more
land than has been ceded by the treaty with the Indians, since the peace
with Great Britain. We are desirous of bringing it to a conclusion, not
from any apprehension as to a favorable result, because, by a comparison
of forces and resources, however troublesome a perseverance therein may be
to us, it must be utter destruction to the hostile Indians. We are
desirous, for the sake of humanity, of avoiding such a catastrophe.
"This is the main business which will be mentioned to you on the part of
the United States; and it is an object worthy of the best cultivated head
and heart. If you should enter into this view, Mr. Kirkland has directions
to concert with you the most satisfactory mode of your performing the
journey. The nature of the case will show the necessity of your coming
without delay, if you incline to accept the invitation.
"I am, Sir,
H. Knox.
"_To Capt. Joseph Brant._"
This letter was enclosed by General Knox to Mr. Kirkland, who was assured
that the "presence of Captain Brant in Philadelphia was considered of
great importance." Mr. Kirkland was accordingly enjoined "to spare no
pains in endeavoring to induce him to come," and "to arrange with him the
most satisfactory mode of traveling--to make it as flattering to him as
might be, and to accompany him." Mr. Kirkland despatched the letter of the
Secretary immediately to Colonel Gordon, at Niagara, by the hand of Dr.
Allen, with a request that it might be transmitted by the Colonel to its
place of destination--Grand River. But Mr. Kirkland's messenger disclosed
to Colonel Gordon the contents of the package, thereby enabling that
officer to exert an immediate influence upon the mind of the chief, if he
chose to do so. The result was, that, accompanying the Secretary's letter,
Captain Brant received the following communication:--
"Colonel Gordon to Captain Brant.
"_Niagara,_ 20_th March,_ 1792.
"My Dear Friend,
"The packet which I now send you was brought here by a Doctor Allen, from
Canadasago. I do not know the contents, farther, than the bearer tells me
it is a letter from the Secretary at War of the United States, inviting
you to Philadelphia on business of consequence.
"Your own good sense will best dictate the answer you ought to give.
"Should it have a reference to the bringing about a peace with the
Western Indians, I cannot conceive that Philadelphia is the place where a
conference of so much moment ought to be held; as it is evident none of
the Western Indians, whose dearest interests are concerned in the event,
can be present; and if any steps are taken by the Six Nations without
their concurrence, it is much to be feared it will give rise to
jealousies, which may be attended with disagreeable consequences
hereafter.
"If the United States have at length seriously determined to do justice
to, and make peace with, the Western Indians, a general council should be
convened in some convenient situation, where deputies from all the nations
concerned, as well as commissioners on the part of Great Britain and
America, can be assembled. The views of all parties would then be clearly
defined; an accurate boundary ascertained; past acts of hostility be
buried in oblivion; and such measures adopted as would tend to establish
permanent peace and friendship on a solid and equitable basis.
"In the many conversations we have had on this subject, we have generally
agreed, that from the line of conduct the United States have hitherto
pursued, it did not appear that they had this object seriously in view;
and I am sorry to observe, from the mode of proceeding on the present
occasion, there is too much reason to suspect they have not yet seen their
error.
"In almost every transaction they have had with the Six Nations during the
course of the last two years, there has appeared a duplicity and
inconsistency, on which it is impossible to put a liberal construction.
"The Six Nations, in the present critical situation of affairs with their
western brethren, ought to be exceedingly cautious how they involve
themselves either one way or another. Great Britain is at peace with the
United States, and it is therefore anxiously wished that her friends, the
Indians in general, should be so likewise; every advice which has been
given to them had that object in view; and I still hope the period is at
no great distance, when this desirable event will be accomplished on
equitable terms, and to the mutual satisfaction of all parties.
"I have thus, my dear friend, been induced to give you my private opinion
on the present occasion, and I am fully persuaded you will pursue a line
of conduct that will deserve the approbation of your brethren and friends.
"Accept my sincere good wishes, and believe me, with much regard, your
friend,
"A. Gordon.
"P. S. I understand some of the Senecas from Buffalo Creek are gone to
Philadelphia on Colonel Pickering's former invitation, which, I am told,
causes much uneasiness in the village.
"A.G.
"_Captain Joseph Brant, Grand River._"
This was certainly an artful communication. His Majesty's commander at
Niagara was desirous that peace should be restored between the Indians and
the United States, but takes care not to omit the oft-repeated
insinuations of injustice and bad faith on the part of the latter toward
the former. In one word, notwithstanding his pacific protestations,
Colonel Gordon was desirous of peace only through the agency of British
intervention, and his present purpose was, to prevent the influential
chief of the Mohawks from visiting the seat of the American government.
Notwithstanding the Colonel's letter, however, the chief addressed the
following conditional acceptance of the invitation to the Secretary of
War:--
"Captain Brant to General Knox.
"_Nassau, March_ 27_th,_ 1792.
"Sir:--
"Yours of the 25th of February I have the pleasure of acknowledging the
receipt of, and entertain the highest sense of the honor done me by the
invitation and flattering compliment contained therein. It is a visit I
have long been desirous of making, and the time now seems not to be far
distant when that desire will be accomplished. Visiting you as an
individual, would be by no means tending to the accomplishing any good
end, as those meetings must show that have hitherto been held with people
not deputized by the nation in general to transact business. I should
therefore wish to visit you, vested with some power that will enable me
to speak with certainty as to what I may assert, and not assert what I, at
the same time, must well know would be by no means approved of. This has
been too much the case of late years, and in my opinion is principally
the cause of the present disturbances. An explanation of grievances it is
absolutely necessary should be made, and that to the head of the United
States, from whom I entertain not the smallest doubt but justice will be
given where due. To accomplish such desirable ends as civilization and
peace-making, no exertions on my part shall be wanting; and though
circumstances render it impossible for me to do myself the honor of
accepting the invitation at present, as I cannot say whether the western
nations would approve of it, I shall nevertheless despatch messengers
immediately to the Miamis, with your invitation, to have the opinion of
the people there, who, I have no great reason to suppose otherwise than
that they'll approve of my going, and very possibly invest me with such
powers as will give energy to what I may do.
"My messengers, I suppose, will return here in about thirty days, until
when, I shall remain at home. If visiting you after that would not be too
late to answer the good end intended, I shall endeavor to accomplish my
wished-for journey--at least if I may hear from you in answer to this,
ere that period.
"I am, Sir,
With esteem,
Yours, &c.
Joseph Brant.
"_The Secretary of War._"
Immediately on the receipt of this letter at the War Department, General
Israel Chapin, of Genesee, was appointed a Deputy Indian Agent by the
President, with instructions to transmit the following communication to
Captain Brant, and make all needful preparations for his journey:--
"The Secretary of War to Captain Brant
"_April_ 23d, 1792.
"Sir: I have received your letter of the 27th of March, postponing your
visit to this city until a period of thirty days after that date.
"I regret exceedingly the existence of any circumstance which suspended
your visit. But as the dispositions of the President of the United States
remain the same, as to the objects mentioned in my former letter, I can
with great truth assure you that your visit at the time you have proposed,
will be cordially received.
"General Chapin, who is appointed an agent of the Five Nations, will
either accompany you to this city, or he will obtain some other person for
that purpose, as shall be agreed upon between you and him,
"I am, &c. &c.
H. Knox
"_To Captain Joseph Brant._"
Pending this correspondence, however, the proposed conference with a
deputation of the Six Nations, referred to in the postscript of Colonel
Gordon's letter, took place in Philadelphia. It was begun on the 13th of
March, and protracted until near the close of April. Fifty sachems were
present, and the visit resulted to the mutual satisfaction of the parties.
In addition to arrangements upon other subjects, the delegations agreed to
perform a pacific mission to the hostile Indians, and endeavor to persuade
them to peace. But such were their dilatory movements, that they did not
depart from Buffalo for the Miamis until the middle of September. At the
head of this embassage was that fast friend of the United States, the
Corn-planter.
In regard to the mission of Captain Brant, in addition to the dissuasions
of Colonel Gordon, strenuous efforts were made by the official friends of
the chief at Montreal, to prevent his visit to the federal capital. On the
1st of May he was addressed by Mr. Joseph Chew, an officer under Sir John
Johnson, expressing much satisfaction at the refusal of the first
invitation by Captain Brant, and advising the chief of the preparations
the Americans were making for another Indian campaign. The following
passage occurs in this letter:--"I see they expect to have an army of
about five thousand men, besides three troops of horse. By the
advertisements for supplies of provisions, &c., it seems this army will
not be able to move before the last of July. What attempts Wilkinson and
Hamtrack may make with the militia, is uncertain. _Our friends ought to
be on their guard._ I long to know, what they think in England of the
victory gained over St. Clair's army." [FN-1] On the 23d of May, Brant
advised Mr. Chew that he had accepted the invitation; [FN-2] and on the
19th of June, the latter gentleman replied--expressing his regrets that
several of his letters to the Chief had not been received prior to his
taking that resolution. Mr. Chew, who doubtless expressed the views of Sir
John Johnson and the Executive government of the province, thought the
Captain should not have accepted such an invitation without previously
knowing the wishes of the King, in regard to the means of bringing about
a peace between the Americans and the Indians. In the same letter he also
announces to "his namesake," as he calls the Captain, that a Mr. Hammond
was on his way to the Indian country, charged with an offer of his
Majesty's-mediation. [FN-3]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Original letters among the Brant papers.
[FN-2] Idem.
[FN-3] Idem.
The necessary arrangements having been adjusted, the journey was commenced
early in June. General Chapin not being able to accompany the Chief to the
seat of government, he was attended by the General's son, and by Doctor
Allen, and two body servants of his own--all mounted. Their route from
Niagara to Albany was taken through the Mohawk Valley. At Palatine, by
previous invitation, the Captain visited Major James Cochran, who had then
recently established himself in that place. But the feelings of the
inhabitants had become so embittered against him during the war of the
Revolution, and such threats were uttered by some of the Germans, of a
determination to take his life, that it was deemed prudent for him
privately to leave the inn, where his friend Major Cochran was then at
lodgings, and sleep at the house of Mrs. Peter Schuyler in the
neighborhood, where he would be-less likely to be assailed. He did so,
and the next morning pursued his journey. [FN] With this exception, he was
well received at every point of his journey. His arrival in New-York was
thus announced in the newspapers:--"On Monday last arrived in this city,
from his settlement on Grand River, on a visit to some of his friends in
this quarter, Captain Joseph Brant of the British army, the famous Mohawk
chief who so eminently distinguished himself during the late war as the
military leader of the Six Nations. We are informed that he intends to
visit the city of Philadelphia, and pay his respects to the President of
the United States."
* * * * *
[FN] Letter of Major Cochran to the author.
He arrived in Philadelphia on the 20th of June, where he was announced in
terms very similar to the above, and received by the Government with
marked attention. But few memorials of this visit have been preserved. The
President announced his arrival in respectful terms, on the 21st of June,
in a letter addressed to Gouverneur Morris; and he speaks of the
circumstance again in a subsequent letter, but makes no allusion to the
result of his interviews with him. No doubt, strong efforts were made, not
only to engage his active interposition with the Indians to bring about a
peace, but likewise to win him over permanently to the interests of the
United States. In a letter subsequently addressed by Captain Brant to the
Count de Puisy, [FN] in regard to his difficulties with the British
government touching the title to the Grand River territory, while pleading
the claims of his Indians to the favorable consideration of the Crown, and
repelling certain charges of selfishness which had been bruited respecting
himself, the following passage occurs on the subject of the proposals made
to him by the American Executive:--"I am sorry to find that my
perseverance in endeavoring to obtain our rights, has caused unjust
surmises to be formed of my intentions, notwithstanding the many evident
proofs I have shown of my integrity and steady attachment to the British
interest. Had I not been actuated by motives of honor, and preferred the
interests of his Majesty, and the credit of my nation, to my own private
welfare, there were several allurements of gain offered me by the
Government of the United States when I was at Philadelphia, during the
time the Shawanese and other tribes maintained a war against them. I was
offered a thousand guineas down, and to have the half-pay and pension I
receive from Great Britain doubled, merely on condition that I would use
my endeavors to bring about a peace. But this I rejected. I considered it
might be detrimental to the British interests, as also to the advantage
and credit of the Indian nations, until the Americans should make the
necessary concessions. Afterward I was offered the preemption right to
land to the amount of twenty thousand pounds currency of the United
States, and fifteen hundred dollars per annum. This I considered as
inconsistent with the principles of honor to receive, as by accepting of
any of these offers, they might expect me to act contrary to his Majesty's
interest and the honor of our nations; and from the repeated assurances of
his Majesty's representatives, I had full confidence his bounty would
never fail."
* * * * *
[FN] The Count de Puisy was one of the French nobles driven into exile by
the revolution of 1789. He subsequently held a commission as Lieutenant
General in the British service, and commanded a detachment of the
emigrants in the Quiberon expedition. Receiving a grant of land in Canada
from the British crown, as did several of the exiles, the Count came
over, and resided for a time near Niagara. During this period he formed
an intimate acquaintance with Captain Brant, who corresponded with him
after his return to England. The Count resided somewhere in the
neighborhood of London until his death, which happened many years
afterward.
But notwithstanding his refusal of these propositions, the result of the
interview seems at the time to have been mutual satisfaction. The true
causes of the war with the western Indians were explained to him; and
great pains were taken by the President and Secretary of War to impress
upon his mind the sincere desire of the United States to cultivate the
most amicable relations with the sons of the forest, of any and every
tribe. In the end, the Chief was induced to undertake a mission of peace
to the Miamis, for which purpose he was furnished with ample instructions
by the Secretary of War. Most emphatically was he enjoined to undeceive
the Indians in regard to their apprehensions that the United States were
seeking to wrest from them farther portions of their lands. On this point
the Government solemnly disclaimed the design of taking a foot more than
had been ceded in the treaty of Muskingum in 1789. The Chief left
Philadelphia about the 1st of July, on which occasion the Secretary of War
wrote to General Chapin, among other things, as follows:--"Captain Brant's
visit will, I flatter myself, be productive of great satisfaction to
himself, by being made acquainted with the humane views of the President
of the United States." To Governor Clinton the Secretary likewise wrote
as follows:--"Captain Brant appears to be a judicious and sensible man. I
flatter myself his journey will be satisfactory to himself and beneficial
to the United States."
The Chief returned by the same route, lingering a few days in New-York,
where he was visited by some of the most distinguished gentlemen in the
city. It has been mentioned, a few pages back, that Brant was apprehensive
of some attempt upon his life in the Mohawk Valley. Indeed, he had been
informed that it would be unsafe for him to traverse that section of
country, lest some real or fancied wrong, connected with the war of the
Revolution, should be avenged by assassination. Nor were these
apprehensions groundless; for while resting in New-York, he ascertained
that he had not only been pursued from the German Flats, but that the
pursuer was then in the city watching for an opportunity to effect his
purpose. The name of this pursuer was Dygert. Several members of his
father's family had fallen in the battle of Oriskany, fifteen years
before, and this man had deliberately determined to put the leader of the
Indian warriors to death in revenge. Brant's lodgings were in Broadway,
[FN-1] where he was visited, among others, by Colonel Willett and Colonel
Morgan Lewis, both of whom he had met in the field of battle in years gone
by. While in conversation with these gentlemen, he mentioned the
circumstance of Dygert's pursuit, and expressed some apprehensions at the
result, should he be attacked unawares. Before his remarks were concluded,
glancing his quick eye to the window, he exclaimed, "there is Dygert now!"
True enough, the fellow was then standing in the street, watching the
motions of his intended victim. Colonel Willett immediately descended into
the street, and entered into a conversation with Dygert, charging his real
business upon him, which he did not deny. "Do you know," asked Willett,
"that if you kill that savage, you will be hanged?" "Who," replied the
ignorant German, "would hang me for killing an Indian?" "You will see,"
rejoined the Colonel; "if you execute your purpose, you a may depend upon
it you will be hanged up immediately." This was presenting the case in a
new aspect to Dygert, who, until that moment, seemed to suppose that he
could kill an Indian with as much propriety in a time of peace as in
war--in the streets of New-York as well as in legal battle in the woods.
After deliberating a few moments, he replied to Colonel Willett that if
such was the law, he would give it up and return home. [FN-2] He did so,
and the Mohawk chief shortly afterward reached Niagara in safety.
* * * * *
[FN-1] The old wooden building where the City Hotel now stands.
[FN-2] These particulars have recently been communicated to the author in
a conversation with the venerable Governor, then Colonel Lewis, and
confirmed by a letter from Major Cochran, with whom Brant conversed on
the subject. Indeed the hostility of the Mohawk-Germans toward all
Indians, after the close of the war, was deep and universal. The author
well remembers a pensioner living in the neighborhood of the village of
Herkimer, named Hartmann, who, some years after the war, deliberately
killed an Indian at the German Flats, moved only by his revolutionary
thirst for vengeance. Hartmann, it is true, had been grievously hacked
and wounded by the Indians, so that he was disabled from labor for life.
He was a very ignorant man, and thought it no harm to kill an Indian at
any time. Happening one day, in after years, to fall in with a son of the
forest, he persuaded the savage to let him examine his rifle. The moment
he obtained the weapon, he dropped slowly behind, and shot his confiding
companion. He was arrested and carried to Johnstown for trial, but the
investigation was so managed as to produce an acquittal. The excuse of
Hartmann for the commission of the deed, was, that he saw the Indian's
tobacco-pouch, which was, as he said, made of the skin of a child's hand.
It was, probably, a leather glove which the Indian had found.
Independently of the proposed mediation of Captain Brant, the Government
of the United States, in its great solicitude to prevent the effusion of
blood, had employed a large number of messengers of peace, among whom, in
addition to the fifty chiefs of the Six Nations already mentioned, were
the Rev. Mr. Heckewelder, General Rufus Putnam, Colonel Hardin, Major
Trueman, and a man named Freeman. The celebrated Hendrick, chief of the
Stockbridge Indians, was also employed upon the same service. It is
possible that Captain Brant was not well pleased at the appointment of so
large a number of pacificators--very naturally preferring the honor of
being the sole agent of terminating the war. It would have been no
inconsiderable subject of boasting, to be enabled to say "Alone I did it!"
Hence, we may reasonably infer, the tone of the annexed letter, addressed
to the Secretary of War by Captain Brant on his arrival at Niagara--a
fitting occasion for writing it having been furnished by the murder of
Major Trueman. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Three of the messengers of peace above mentioned, Messrs. Trueman,
Freeman, and Hardin, were murdered by the Indians during that season.
Formerly no nations on earth were wont to respect the sacred character of
"the man of peace" more than the Indians. But they had now become
treacherous even to them. They pleaded, however, the example of the
whites, who, they alleged, paid no attention to treaties with the
Indians, but treated them as a contemptible race, and had killed several
of their own messengers of peace, some of whom were chiefs.--Vide
Heckewelder's History of Indian Nations, chapter xxi. President
Washington, who was then at Mount Vernon, announced the death of Hardin
and Trueman, together with "the harbingers of their mission," in a letter
to Mr. Jefferson, Secretary of State, on the 23d of August. Everything
then looked hostile at the west; added to which were rising difficulties
with the Cherokees, occasioned, as was supposed, by the intrigues of
Spain. "If Spain is really intriguing with the Southern Indians," said
the President, "I shall entertain strong suspicions that there is a very
clear understanding in all this business between the Courts of London and
Madrid; and that it is calculated to check, as far as they can, the rapid
increase, extension, and consequence of this country; for there cannot be
a doubt of the wishes of the former, if we may judge from the conduct of
its officers, to preclude any _eclaircissement_ of ours with the Western
Indians, and to embarrass our negotiations with them, any more than there
is of their traders and some others, who are subject to their government,
aiding and abetting them in acts of hostility."--_Letter of Washington to
Jefferson, August_ 23_d,_ 1792.
"Captain Brant to the Secretary of War.
"_Niagara,_ 26_th July,_ 1792.
"Sir,
"Since my arrival here, I am sorry to have to say that intelligence
respecting Major Trueman's being killed by an Indian boy, who met with him
a hunting, has arrived. This will induce you to recollect what passed
between us relative to messages being sent. The route by Presque Isle I
again recommend as the most eligible; from thence keeping along the lake
to the Miamis, at which place the chiefs are aptest to be met with; and
when once there, they are safe. Sending such number of messengers rather
makes the Indians suspicious of your intentions, and by any other route
they are much more liable to meet with hunters. There are now great
numbers of Indians collected, and, from all their councils, seem
determined upon a new boundary line. In short, they are all sensible that
what has hitherto been done, (which I fully explained to you,) was unfair;
and I am of opinion peace will not easily be established without your
relinquishing part of your claim. The purchases were all made from men who
had no right to sell, and who are now to be thanked for the present
difficulties." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] The writer here refers to the treaty of Fort Harmer, which the great
majority of the Indians always maintained was unauthorized by their
people, and therefore of no binding force upon them.
"The Senecas and Seven Nations of Canada are now waiting at Fort Erie for
a passage for Detroit, on their way to the Miamis. I shall be able to go
up by the next trip of the vessel. My intention and wish is still for the
accomplishing of peace. 'Tis a business will require time; things too
rashly or hastily agreed upon, seldom have the effect of those seriously
and coolly reflected on; knowing the foundation to be just, and the
benefits that will arise therefrom, affords a greater space for forwarding
the business.
"After leaving your place until my arrival here, I had a tedious journey.
The fatigue is done away by the recollection of the politeness and
attention showed me by your officers of government, for which I cannot but
return my warmest thanks, and request you to communicate the same. If any
return should be in my power to make, I shall think myself particularly
happy.
"And am, Sir,
Yours, &c.
Jos. Brant.
"_The Secretary of War._"
Apprehensive, from the opposition of his friends to his Philadelphia
mission, that evil reports might have been circulated concerning him, and
distrust of his fidelity engendered among the upper nations, on the 29th
of July the Captain wrote to his friend McKee, at Detroit, making
inquiries as to that and various other points, and also with a view of
ascertaining whether his presence would be acceptable at the then
approaching council at the Miamis. In reply, Colonel McKee assured him
that, "whatever bad birds had been flying about," the opinions of the
western Indians respecting him were unchanged, and that they were anxious
for his presence among them, to aid in their consultations for the general
welfare. In regard to the murder of the American messengers, Colonel McKee
said they were killed by a banditti, and the circumstance was
regretted,--"although the Indians considered that the messengers had been
sent more with a view to gain time, and lull the confederacy into a fatal
security, than to effect a peace, since they have proposed no other terms
than what the nations rejected at first; and you must be perfectly
sensible," (added Colonel McK.) "that after two successful general
engagements, in which a great deal of blood has been spilt, the Indians
will not quietly give up by negotiation what they have been contending for
with their lives since the commencement of these troubles." Captain Brant
having expressed an opinion that the hostile nations would not be likely
to move again until the effect of farther negotiation should be known,
McKee replied, that the Indians did not look upon "the hostile
preparations" of the Americans, "such as forming posts and magazines in
the heart of their country, as indicating much sincerity on their part;
nor do they [the Indians] think that such establishments would tend to
conciliate or convince them that the Americans wish for peace on any
reasonable terms, or on the terms proposed by the confederacy the
beginning of last year. A great council is soon to be held at the Au
Glaize--the chiefs not judging it proper to move lower down at present, on
account of the American force collecting at Fort Jefferson." In regard to
the treaty of Muskingum, (Fort Harmar,) Colonel McKee said--"Daintate,
the Chief who conducted that business, is dead; but he always declared
that he, and all the chiefs who were with him there, were imposed
upon--imagining that what they signed was a treaty of amity, and not a
cession of country; and were not undeceived until they had been some time
returned to their respective villages, and had their papers explained to
them. Some messengers are arrived at the Glaize from the westward of the
Mississippi, announcing that large bodies of their nations are collected,
and will shortly be here to give their assistance to the general
confederacy; so that, in all probability, more nations will soon be
assembled here than at any former period." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Correspondence among the Brant papers.
The letter from which the preceding extracts have been made, was dated
from the "Foot of the Miami Rapids, September 4th, 1792." The council of
which it speaks, was held at the An Glaize, on the Miami of Lake Erie, in
the course of the Autumn. A fit of sickness, however, prevented the
attendance of Thayendanegea. The Corn-planter, and forty-eight of the
chiefs of the Six Nations, residing within the boundaries of the United
States, repaired thither, together with about thirty chiefs and warriors
of the Mohawks, and other Canada Indians. But they were not well received,
in their character of peace-makers, by the hostiles, who were sturdily
bent upon continuing the war. The council was numerously attended on the
part of the western tribes; the Shawanese were the only speakers in favor
of war, and Red Jacket from the Senecas was alone the orator in
opposition, or in behalf of the friendly Indians. The Shawanese taunted
the Six Nations with having first induced them to form a great
confederacy, a few years before, and of having come to the council now
"with the voice of the United States folded under their arm." [FN] There
were indications of an angry passage between the two parties in the
earlier stages of the council; but after mutual explanations, harmony was
restored. The result was, that the hostile Indians finally agreed to
suspend belligerent operations for the winter, and to meet the United
States in council at the Rapids of the Miami in the following Spring. The
basis of the proposed armistice, however, was, that the United States
should withdraw their troops from the western side of the Ohio. Nor did
they hold out any prospect of treating in the Spring, upon any other
principle than that of making the Ohio the boundary, and receiving payment
for their improvements on the south-eastern side of that river. They
insisted that the United States should allow them all the lands they
possessed in Sir William Johnson's time, and that upon no other terms
would they agree to a treaty of peace. The council was dissolved about the
10th or 12th of October; and Captain Brant did not arrive at the Au Glaize
until after it had broken up. It was a very large council. There were
representatives in attendance from the Gora nations, whom it had taken a
whole season to travel thither. There were also present, besides the Six
Nations and the north-western tribes, twenty-seven nations from beyond the
Canadian territory.
* * * * *
[FN] Alluding to the belt by which they were to speak.
On the return of the friendly Indians to Buffalo, a grand council was
called, at which the Indian agents of the Five Nations were present, and
also Colonel Butler, and a number of other gentlemen from Niagara. At this
council, the proceedings and speeches at the Au Glaize were rehearsed, and
in conclusion of their mission, the Six Nations transmitted the following
speech to the President of the United States; from which it will appear
that, though friendly to them, the Six Nations, after all, were yet more
friendly to the Miamis, and their claim of the Ohio for a boundary:--
"Speech from the Six Nations to the President.
"You sent us on to the westward, with a message of peace to the hostile
Indians.
"We proceeded accordingly to your directions, and was protected, going and
coming, by the Great Spirit.
"We give thanks to the Great Spirit, that we have all returned safe to our
seats.
"While we was at the westward, we exerted ourselves to bring about peace.
The fatigues we underwent are not small. Now, it is our desire for your
people on the Ohio to lay down their arms, or otherwise it is all in vain
what we have done.
"Now, if you wish for peace, you must make every exertion, and proceed
through this path we have directed for you. If peace does not take place,
the fault must arise from your people.
"We now desire you, Brothers, to send forward agents, who are men of
honesty, not proud land-jobbers, but men who love and desire peace. Also,
we desire they may be accompanied by some friend, or Quaker, to attend the
council.
"Wish you to exert yourself to forward the message to the western Indians
as soon as possible; and we are taken by the hand, and have agreed, next
Spring, to attend the council at the Rapids of Miami, when we shall hear
all that takes place there."
Notwithstanding the stipulations of the Shawanese and Miamis to call in
their warriors, and commit no farther hostilities until the grand council
should be held in the following Spring, the armistice was not very rigidly
observed, and skirmishes were frequent along the border. On the 6th of
November, Major Adair, commanding a detachment of Kentucky volunteers, was
attacked by a large body of Indians in the neighborhood of Fort St. Clair.
The battle was sharp and severe, and the Indians were rather checked than
defeated. General Wilkinson, who was in command of the fort, could render
no assistance, from the strictness of his orders to act only on the
defensive. He bestowed high praise on the good conduct of Major Adair, as
the latter did upon his officers and men.
It was at about this period that a change was made in the Canadian
government, which, from the character and dispositions of the new officers
introduced upon the stage of action, may not have been without its
influence in the progress of Indian affairs. During the visit of Lord
Dorchester to England of 1791, '93, what had previously been the entire
province of Canada was divided, and an upper province with a lieutenancy
created. Colonel J. G. Simcoe was the first Lieutenant Governor assigned
to the newly organized territory--an able and active officer, who, in the
progress of events, though very friendly at first to the United States,
was not long disposed to manifest any particular good-will for them,
farther than courtesy to public officers and the discharge of
indispensable duties required. He arrived at Quebec in the Spring of 1792,
but was detained in the lower province several months, while waiting for
other officers from England, whose presence and assistance were necessary
to the organization of the new government. Colonel Simcoe established his
head-quarters at Niagara, which was temporarily constituted the seat of
government. He was the bearer of a letter of introduction from the Duke of
Northumberland to the Mohawk Chief, Thayendanegea. The Duke, who had
served in the Revolutionary war as Lord Percy, had been adopted by the
Mohawks as a warrior of their nation, under the Indian name, conferred by
Brant himself, of _Thorighwegeri,_ or _The Evergreen Brake._ The name
involves the very pretty conceit that a titled house never dies. Like the
leaves of this peculiar species of the brake, the old leaf only falls as
it is pushed from the stem by the new; or rather, when the old leaf falls,
the young is in fresh and full existence. The following is the letter,
which the character of the parties and the circumstances of the case
render worthy of preservation:--
"The Duke of Northumberland to Captain Brant
"_Northumberland House, Sept._ 3d, 1791
"My Dear Joseph,
"Colonel Simcoe, who is going out Governor of Upper Canada, is kind enough
to promise to deliver this to you, with a brace of pistols, which I
desire you will keep for my sake. I must particularly recommend the
Colonel to you and the nation. He is a most intimate friend of mine, and
is possessed of every good quality which can recommend him to your
friendship. He is brave, humane, sensible, and honest. You may safely rely
upon whatever he says, for he will not deceive you. He loves and honors
the Indians, whose noble sentiments so perfectly correspond with his own.
He wishes to live upon the best terms with them, and, as Governor, will
have it in his power to be of much service to them. In short, he is worthy
to be a Mohawk. Love him at first for my sake, and you will soon come to
love him for his own.
"I was very glad to hear that you had received the rifle safe which I sent
you, and hope it has proved useful to you. I preserve with great care your
picture, which is hung up in the Duchess's own room.
"Continue to me your friendship and esteem, and believe me ever to be,
with the greatest truth,
"Your affectionate
Friend and Brother,
Northumberland,
_Thorighwegeri._
"Captain Joseph Brant,
_Thayendanegea._"
Thus strongly and affectionately introduced, by the head of the British
peerage to the head chief of a nation, a close intimacy was formed between
Governor Simcoe and Captain Brant, as will more clearly be disclosed in
the progress of these pages. The regular chain of history will now be
resumed.
On the 19th of February, 1793, pursuant to the arrangement made by the
Indians at the Au Glaize in the preceding Autumn, General Benjamin
Lincoln, Beverley Randolph, and Colonel Timothy Pickering, were
commissioned by the President, to attend the great council at the Miamis,
to be held in the course of the ensuing Spring.
Meantime the Indians of the confederate nations, dissatisfied with what
they considered the evasive reply which had been received from the
President to the address on their behalf, transmitted by the Six Nations,
held another council at the Glaize in February, at which a very explicit
address upon the Subject was framed, and transmitted to the Six Nations.
They were apprehensive that the Six Nations had either not understood
them, or, that in communicating with the Executive of the United States
they had not made themselves understood. Reminding the Six Nations that
when in council they had understood them to be of one mind with themselves
touching the boundary question, they now repeated that they would listen
to no propositions from the United States, save upon the basis of the Ohio
for a boundary and the removal of the American forts from the Indian
territory. This was the irrevocable determination of the confederates, and
they deemed it right and proper that the government of the United States
should be fully apprised of the fact before the commissioners should set
out upon their journey. They likewise advised the Six Nations, in this
address, of their determination to hold a private council at the Miami
Rapids before they would proceed to meet the American commissioners at
Sandusky, that they might adjust their own opinions, so as to be of one
mind, and speak one language in the public council. It was their farther
determination, before they would consent to meet the Commissioners at all,
to ascertain whether the Commissioners had been clothed with authority to
meet them upon the terms thus preliminarily prescribed. This letter, or
message, was concluded thus:--"Brothers: We desire you therefore, to be
strong, and rise immediately to meet us at the Miami Rapids, where we want
the advice and assistance of our elder brethren in the great work which we
are about. The western nations are all prepared and in daily expectation
of the arrival of our brothers, the Creeks, Cherokees, and other southern
nations, who are on their legs to join us, agreeably to their promise.
And we desire you will put the Seven Nations of Canada in mind of their
promise last Fall, to be early on their legs to join us, and that you will
bring them in your band. [_Four double strings of black and white Wampum_]
A postscript enjoined that the United States should send no messengers
into their country, except through the Five Nations." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Original document from among the Brant papers.
The communication was dated February 27th. On the same day the
Commissioners left Philadelphia for Buffalo Creek, accompanied, as the
Indians had requested, by several members of the society of Friends--so
strongly had the nations become attached to the disciples of the
beneficent Penn. [FN] Colonel Pickering and Mr. Randolph proceeded
directly across the country, while General Lincoln took the route via
Albany, to superintend the forwarding of supplies. General Wayne, now in
command of the North-western army, had been instructed in the meantime to
issue a proclamation, informing the people of the frontiers of the
proposed treaty, and prohibiting all offensive movements on the part of
these people until the result of the council should be known.
* * * * *
[FN] The names of the Quaker gentlemen who went upon this benevolent
errand were, John Parish, William Savory, and John Elliott, of
Philadelphia; Jacob Findlay, of Chester County; and Joseph Moore and
William Hartshorn, of New-Jersey. It may be noted as a singular fact,
that while the Quakers solicited the appointment on this pacific mission
at the hands of the President, the Indians, at about the same time, and
evidently without consultation or arrangement, requested of some of the
American agents, that some Quaker might be appointed on the Commission to
treat with them.
Messrs. Randolph and Pickering arrived at the Queenston landing, (Niagara
river,) on the 17th of May. Governor Simcoe, who was at home, had no
sooner heard of their arrival in his vicinity, than he sent invitations
insisting that they should consider themselves his guests during their
stay at that place. He treated them with great hospitality, and at their
request readily despatched a vessel to Oswego, to receive General Lincoln
and the stores for the expedition. The latter gentleman did not reach
Niagara until the 25th.
On their arrival at that place, the Commissioners were informed that
Captain Brant, with a body of Mohawks, had set off for the west about the
5th of May. There was a preliminary council to be held at the Miami
Rapids, which it was the purpose of that Chief to attend. The United
States had fixed the 1st of June for the time of meeting; but Colonel
McKee had written to Niagara, stating that that period would be quite too
early, since the Indians were ever slow in such proceedings, and withal
would not then probably have returned from their hunting. The Indians,
however, were collecting at the Au Glaize, and Colonel McKee advised
Governor Simcoe that the conference with the American Commissioners would
probably be held at Sandusky. In the meantime it was proposed that the
Commissioners should remain at Niagara until all things were ready for the
conference.
Such being the position of affairs, the commissioners were detained with
Governor Simcoe--occasionally visiting some of the Indian towns in that
region--until near the middle of July. Every hospitable attention was
bestowed upon them by the Governor, who spared no pains to render their
sojourn with him agreeable. On the 4th of June, the King's birth-day was
celebrated, on which occasion the Governor gave a _fete_, ending with a
ball in the evening, which was attended by "about twenty well-dressed and
handsome ladies, and about three times that number of gentlemen. They
danced from 7 o'clock until 11 when supper was announced, and served in
very pretty taste. The music and dancing were good, and every thing was
conducted with propriety. What excited the best feelings of the heart,
was the ease and affection with which the ladies met each other, although
there were a number present whose mothers sprang from the aborigines of
the country. They appeared as well dressed as the company in general, and
intermixed with them in a manner which evinced at once the dignity of
their own minds and the good sense of others. These ladies possessed great
ingenuity and industry, and have great merit; for the education they have
received is owing principally to their own industry, as their father, Sir
William Johnson, was dead, and the mother retained the manners and dress
of her tribe." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Private Journal of General Lincoln--Massachusetts Historical
Collections. This incident has been preserved in the text by the author,
as a curiosity; it being the first gala of a representative of royalty
in the western woods.
Thus far the deportment of Governor Simcoe was conciliatory, and in all
respects indicative of any thing rather than a hostile spirit. Reports
having reached the ears of the Commissioners, that the Governor had
qualified the expressions of his desire that the Indians might determine
upon a peace with the United States, by advising them that they should not
relinquish any of their lands to obtain it, those gentlemen addressed him
a note upon the subject. The imputation was promptly and satisfactorily
disclaimed; and at the request of the Commissioners, several British
officers were detailed to accompany them to the council. Colonel Butler,
the British Indian Superintendent of that station, [FN] had already
departed with a large number of the Six Nations residing at the Buffalo
Creek, to attend with Captain Brant the preliminary council at Miami.
* * * * *
[FN] The British commander at Wyoming.
Advices from Colonel McKee, at Detroit, having communicated the fact that
all was ready on the part of the Indians, and urged them forthwith to
repair to Sandusky and meet them, the Commissioners took their departure
from Niagara on the 26th of June. Reports had been bruited about, however,
that, should the council break up without making peace, it was the
determination of the hostile Indians to fall upon the Commissioners and
sacrifice them. In consequence of this intimation they were furnished with
a letter from the Governor, expressed in the strongest terms, enjoining
the officers in the Indian Department at the west to take care that they
should be neither injured nor insulted by the savages; adding, "that an
injury to them I would greatly affect him, the Commander-in-chief, the
British nation, and even the King himself." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] General Lincoln's Journal.
The Commissioners were detained by contrary winds at Fort Erie, at which
point they were to embark, until the 5th of July. Here another serious
interruption to their progress took place. The extreme jealousy of the
Indians naturally prompted them to magnify every thing bearing a hostile
appearance; and they had been watching with much suspicion, during the
whole season, the movements of General Wayne, who was then occupying the
country about Fort Washington. It was understood that he was not to
advance beyond that position pending the negotiations. But the Indians
were nevertheless suspicious lest he should avail himself of the absence
of their chiefs and warriors at the council, and fall upon their towns.
Governor Simcoe had called the attention of the Commissioners to this
subject, and they, in turn, had urged the consideration, through the
Secretary of War, upon General Wayne. But, notwithstanding every
precaution that could be adopted, the Indians at the preliminary council
became alarmed; and, greatly to the surprise of the Commissioners, while
waiting to embark at Fort Erie, on the 5th of July a vessel arrived from
Miami, having on board Captain Brant, Colonel Butler, and a deputation of
about fifty Indians from the north-western tribes, attending the council,
with instructions to have a conference with the American Commissioners in
the presence of Governor Simcoe. The object of their visit was twofold;
first, they were desirous of being enabled "to possess their minds in
peace in regard to the movements of General Wayne with the army; secondly,
they were desirous of obtaining information whether the Commissioners were
empowered to establish a new boundary line, or rather to stipulate that
the American settlers should fall back upon the Ohio--since the great
majority of the Indians had uniformly disclaimed the boundary specified in
the treaty of Fort Harmar. An immediate interview between the deputation
and the Commissioners was arranged, at the request of the former, at which
a Shawanese chief, called Cat's-Eyes, addressed them as follows:--
"Brothers: We are sent by the nations of Indians assembled at the Rapids
of Miami, to meet the Commissioners of the United States. We are glad to
see you here. It is the will of the great chiefs of those nations that our
Father, the Governor of this province, should be present, and hear what we
have to say to you, and what you have to say to us.
"Brothers: Do not make yourselves uneasy that we did net meet you at the
time you proposed, at Sandusky. The reasons thereof will be mentioned at
another time.
"_Four strings of black and white wampum._"
To which the Commissioners replied:--
"Brothers: The Commissioners are glad to see you. We will confer with you
in presence of your Father, the Governor of this province, at any time and
place which shall be convenient to you and him.
"_Returned the four strings._"
The parties then separated; but the Indian deputation, after a brief
consultation, requested another interview, and proposed that the meeting
with Governor Simcoe should be at his own house at Niagara. To this
arrangement the Commissioners assented, and agreed to return thither on
the following day. Accordingly, on the 7th of July, a conference was held
at the council-house at Niagara. The Governor and the Indians having
arrived at the council-chamber a few minutes in advance of the
Commissioners, Captain Brant addressed the former thus:--
"Brother: It being agreed at the Rapids that we should come and meet the
Commissioners in our Father's presence, we return our thanks to the Great
Spirit for seeing your Excellency well this day. Our intention and
business is peaceable, and our inclination is to do what is right and
just. We are all of one mind, and wished your Excellency to be present.
"_A belt of wampum._"
His Excellency replied:--
"Brothers: I am happy to see you so well. The Commissioners have expressed
a wish to meet you in my presence, and I shall be happy to hear what they
have to say.
"_Belt returned._"
The Commissioners having arrived, the conference commenced, in the
presence not only of the Governor, but also of a large number of the civil
and military officers of that station. The proceedings were opened on the
part of the Western deputation by Captain Brant, who rose, with a belt
and string of wampum, and said:--
"Brothers: We have met to-day our brothers, the Bostonians and English. We
are glad to have the meeting, and think it by the appointment of the Great
Spirit.
"Brothers of the United States: We told you the other day, at Fort Erie,
that at another time we would inform you why we had not assembled at the
time and place appointed for holding the treaty with you. Now we inform
you, that it is because there is so much the appearance of war in that
quarter.
"Brothers: We have given the reason for our not meeting you, and now
request an explanation of these warlike appearances.
"Brothers: The people you see here are sent to represent the Indian
nations who own the lands north of the Ohio as their common property, and
who are all of one mind--one heart.
"Brothers: We have come to speak to you for two reasons: one, because your
warriors, being in our neighborhood, have prevented our meeting at the
appointed place; the other, to know if you are properly authorized to run
and establish a new boundary line between the lands of the United States
and the lands of the Indian nations. We are still desirous of meeting you
at the appointed place.
"Brothers: We wish you to deliberate well on this business. We have spoken
our sentiments in sincerity--considering ourselves in the presence of the
Great Spirit, from whom, in times of danger, we expect assistance." [_With
this speech a belt of twelve rows, and thirty strings of wampum, in five
bunches, were presented._]
The Commissioners answered:--
"Brothers: We have attended to what you have said. We will take it into
our serious consideration, and give you an answer to-morrow. We will
inform you when we are ready."
Captain Brant rejoined:--
"Brothers: We thank you for what you have said. You say that you will
answer our speech to-morrow. We now cover up the council-fire."
On the next day the Commissioners replied at length, in the Indian form of
speech. In regard to the warlike indications of which the deputation
complained, the Commissioners assured them that they might "possess their
minds in peace;" and stated to them the orders that had been transmitted
to General Wayne, and the other precautionary measures adopted by the
Great Chief, General Washington, to prevent any act of hostility during
the negotiations. On the subject of the second query of the Indians, the
Commissioners replied explicitly, that they had authority to run and
establish a new boundary. This question, they were aware, was to be the
great subject of discussion at the council, and they hoped that the result
would be satisfactory to both parties. But, in saying this, they reminded
the Indians, that in almost all disputes and quarrels there was wrong upon
both sides, and consequently that in the approaching council both parties
must be prepared to make some concessions. The Commissioners requested
information as to the names of the nations, and the number of the chiefs
assembled at the Rapids of the Miami; and in conclusion re-assured the
chiefs of the groundlessness of their apprehensions respecting the
movements of General Wayne, and explained to them that they might place
themselves perfectly at rest upon this point; promising, moreover,
immediately to send a messenger on horseback "to the Great Chief of the
United States, to desire him to renew and strongly repeat his orders to
his head-warrior, not only to abstain from all hostilities against the
Indians, but to remain quiet at his posts until the event of the treaty
should be known." Having returned the Belt, Cat's-Eyes, the Shawanese
leader, replied:--
"Brothers, the Bostonians, attend! We have heard your words. Our fathers,
the English people, have also heard them. We thank God that you have been
preserved in peace, and that we bring our pipes together. The people of
all the different nations here salute you. They rejoice to hear your
words. It gives us great satisfaction that our fathers, the English, have
also heard them. We shall for the present take up our pipes and retire to
our encampments, where we shall deliberately consider your speech, and
return you an answer tomorrow."
The conference was re-opened on the 9th, when Captain Brant arose, with
the belt and strings in his hands which had been presented by the
Commissioners on the preceding day, and addressing himself to the English
and Americans, said:--
"Brothers: We are glad the Great Spirit has preserved us in peace to meet
together this day.
"Brothers of the United States: Yesterday you made an answer to the
message delivered by us, from the great council at the Miami, in the two
particulars we had stated to you.
"Brothers: You may depend on it that we fully understand your speech. We
shall take with us your belt and strings, and repeat it to the chiefs at
the great council at Miami."
[_Laying down the belt and strings, the Captain took up a white belt, and
proceeded:_]
"Brothers: We have something farther to say, though not much. We are
small, compared with our great chiefs at Miami; but, though small, we have
something to say. We think, brothers, from your speech, that there is a
prospect of our coming together. We, who are the nations at the westward,
are of one mind; and if we agree with you, as there is a prospect that we
shall, it will be binding and lasting.
"Brothers: Our prospects are the fairer, because all our minds are one.
You have not spoken to us before unitedly. Formerly, because you did not
speak to us unitedly, what was done was not binding. Now you have an
opportunity to speak to us together; and we now take you by the hand to
lead you to the place appointed for the meeting.
"Brothers: One thing more we have to say. Yesterday you expressed a wish
to be informed of the names of the nations and number of chiefs assembled
at the Miami. But as they were daily coming in, we cannot give you exact
information. You will see for yourselves in a few days. When we left it,
the following nations were there, viz: Five Nations, Wyandots, Shawanese,
Delawares, Munsees, Miamis, Ottawas, Chippewas, Pottawattamies, Mingoes,
Cherokees, Nantikokes. The principal men of all these nations were there.
"_A white belt of seven rows._"
The Commissioners then replied:--
"Brothers: Our ears have been open to your speech. It Is agreeable to us.
We are ready to proceed with you to Sandusky, where, under the direction
of the Great Spirit, we hope that we shall soon establish a peace on terms
equally interesting and agreeable to all parties."
While these deliberations were in progress, a deputation from the Seven
Nations of Canada arrived at Niagara, to the number of two hundred and
eighty. The proceedings were terminated with a confident expectation on
all hands that the result of the mission would be a pacific arrangement.
With the public dispatches transmitted to the Secretary of War from this
place, however, General Lincoln addressed a private letter to that
officer, advising him that if the reports in circulation were in any
degree true, General Wayne must have violated the clearest principles of
a _truce,_ and expressing great solicitude for the result--less, however,
on account of the personal safety of the Commissioners, whose lives would
be thereby jeoparded, than for the apprehensions felt for the honor of the
country. Captain Brant had given information as to the movements of Wayne,
of the certainty of which there could be but little doubt; and those
movements caused the Commissioners as much uneasiness as they did the
Indians; being moreover viewed by the British officers at Niagara as
unfair and unwarrantable.
Captain Brant and the Indian deputation proceeded on their return to
Miami, in advance of the Commissioners, the latter embarking from Fort
Erie on the 14th. On the 21st they arrived at the mouth of the Detroit
river, where they were obliged to land--the British authorities at Detroit
forbidding their approach farther toward the place of meeting. They were,
however, hospitably entertained at the landing-place by Captain Elliot,
Colonel McKee's assistant in the Indian Department. The latter officer was
in attendance upon the council at the Rapids, to whom the Commissioners
lost no time in addressing a note, apprising him of their arrival, and of
their design to remain there until the Indians should be ready to remove
the council to Sandusky. They also requested the good offices of Colonel
McKee in expediting the proceedings of the Indians. This dispatch was
borne by Captain Elliot himself, who returned on the 29th, bringing an
answer from the Colonel, and attended by a deputation of upward of twenty
Indians from the different nations in council. An audience of these
Indians was had on the day following, at which a Wyandot Chief, whose name
in English was _Carry-one-about,_ opened their business with the following
unexpected address:--
"Brothers, listen! We are glad to see you here in peace, and thank the
Great Spirit that has preserved us to meet again.
"Brothers: We were sent to speak with you some time ago at Niagara. Some
chiefs are now here who were then present.
"Brothers: We did not explain ourselves to each other, and we did not
rightly understand each other.
"Brothers: We desire that we may rightly understand each other. We have
thought it best that what we had to say should be put into writing, and
here is the meaning of our hearts."
Saying which, the Wyandot chief put a paper into the hands of the
Commissioners, which read as follows:--
"To the Commissioners of the United States.
"Brothers: The Deputies we sent you did not fully explain our meaning. We
have therefore sent others to meet you once more, that you may fully
understand the great question we have to ask you, and to which we expect
an explicit answer in writing.
"Brothers: You are sent here by the United States in order to make peace
with us, the Confederate Indians.
"Brothers: You know very well that the boundary-line, which was run by the
white people and us, at the Treaty of Fort Stanwix, was the river Ohio.
"Brothers: If you seriously design to make a firm and lasting peace, you
will immediately remove all your people from our side of that river.
"Brothers: We therefore ask you, Are you fully authorised by the United
States to continue and fix firmly on the Ohio river as the boundary-line
between your people and ours?
"Done in General Council, at the foot of the Miami Rapids, 27th July,
1793. In behalf of ourselves and the whole Confederacy, and agreed to in
full council."
This missive was signed by the Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanese, Miamis,
Mingoes, Pottawattamies, Ottawas, Connoys, Chippewas, and Munsees; but not
by the Six Nations. The Commissioners replied to them at great length in
the afternoon. They began, after the Indian custom, by repeating their
speech and then gave a succinct statement of the conferences at Niagara,
and the perfect understanding then had, that some concessions would be
necessary on both sides, and of which they were to speak face to face.
They had already been detained sixty days beyond the time appointed for
the meeting, and were desirous of proceeding to business in council
without farther delay. The Commissioners next recited briefly the history
of all the treaties that had been formed with the north-western Indians,
from the treaty of Fort Stanwix, held before the Revolution, to that which
was commenced at the falls of the Muskingum, by General St. Clair, and
completed at Fort Harmar. At this treaty the Six Nations renewed their
treaty of Fort Stanwix, of 1784, and the Wyandots and Delawares renewed
and confirmed the treaty of Fort McIntosh. There were also parties to this
treaty from the Ottawas, Chippewas, Pottawattamies and Sacs. Under these
treaties the United States had acquired the territory, now claimed by the
Indians, north of the Ohio, and on the faith of these, settlements had
been formed, that could not now be removed; and hence the Commissioners
replied explicitly to the first question, that the Ohio could not be
designated as the boundary. After attempting to explain the impossibility
of uprooting the settlements beyond the Ohio, and the great expenses
incurred by the people in forming them, they spoke again of the promised
"mutual concessions," and proposed, as the basis of negotiation, that the
Indians should relinquish all the lands ceded by the treaty of Fort
Harmar, and also a small tract of land at the Rapids of the Ohio, claimed
by General Clark; in return for which they proposed to give the Indians
"such a large sum in money or goods as was never given at one time for any
quantity of Indian lands since the white people set their foot on this
island." They likewise proposed a large annuity in addition to the amount
to be paid in hand. Originally, under the treaty of peace with England,
the American Commissioners had claimed the right to the soil of all the
lands south of the great lakes; but this claim, the Commissioners said
they thought, was wrong; and as a farther concession, if the lands already
specified were relinquished by the Indians, the United States would
relinquish all but the right of preemption to the vast tracts that
remained. In conclusion, the Commissioners said:--
"Brothers: We have now opened our hearts to you. We are happy in having
an opportunity of doing it, though we should have been more happy to have
done it in full council of your nations. We expect soon to have this
satisfaction, and that your next deputation will take us by the hand, and
lead us to the treaty. When we meet and converse with each other freely,
we may more easily remove any difficulties which may come in the way.
"_A white belt with thirteen stripes of black wampum._"
The speech having been interpreted fully to the deputation, the council
was adjourned until the next day, when, having reassembled, the Wyandot
chief rose, and replied as follows:--
"Brothers: We are all brothers you see here now. Brothers, it is now three
years since you have desired to speak with us. We heard you yesterday, and
understand well, perfectly well. We have a few words to say to you.
"Brothers: You mentioned the treaties of Fort Stanwix, Beaver Creek, and
other places. Those treaties were not complete. There were but few chiefs
who treated with you. You have not bought our lands; they belong to us.
You tried to draw off some of us.
"Brothers: Many years ago we all know that the Ohio was made the boundary;
it was settled by Sir William Johnson. This side is ours; we look upon it
as our property.
"Brothers: You mention General Washington. He and you know you have houses
and people on our lands. You say you cannot, move them off; and we cannot
give up our lands.
"Brothers: We are sorry that we cannot come to an agreement. The line has
been fixed long ago.
"Brothers: We do not say much. There has been much mischief on both sides.
We came here upon peace, and thought you did the same. We wish you to
remain here for an answer from us. We have your speech in our breasts, and
shall consult our head warriors."
From the 1st to the 14th of August the Commissioners were detained at the
place of their first landing, in the daily expectation of receiving an
invitation to join the council at the Rapids. They had information from
thence several times, and on the 8th were informed that all the nations
were disposed for peace, excepting the Shawanese, Wyandots, Miamis, and
Delawares. The Six Nations, and the Seven Nations of Canada, exerted
themselves strongly to bring about a pacification. It was understood,
however, that the debates had been long and animated. Captain Brant and
the Corn-planter were unwearied in their efforts to accomplish this
desirable object, and both spoke much in council. The discussions being
thus protracted, the former availed himself of the time to endeavor to
enlist the direct interposition of Governor Simcoe to bring the Indians
into a more pacific temper. For that purpose the Captain dispatched
messengers to York, at which place [FN-1] the Upper Canadian Government
was about being established, with letters to the Governor, informing him
of the intractable disposition of the Indians, and soliciting his
influence to induce them to compromise the boundary question. Governor
Simcoe wrote back on the 8th of August, declining any interference. His
Excellency declared in this letter, that, as his correspondent (Brant)
well knew, he had always, both in private conversation and in public
messages, endeavored to impress a disposition and temper upon the Indians,
that might lead to the blessing of peace. Still, he thought the Indians
were the best judges as to the terms upon which a treaty of peace should
be negotiated; and at their request he had directed the Indian Agents to
attend their councils, and explain to them any circumstances which they
might not clearly understand. There was another circumstance which
Governor Simcoe thought would render it improper for him to interfere,
which will be best understood by quoting his own words from the
letter:--"Since the Government of the United States have shown a
disinclination to concur with the Indian nations in requesting of his
Majesty permission for me to attend at Sandusky as mediator, it would be
highly improper and unseasonable in me to give any opinion relative to the
proposed boundaries, with which I am not sufficiently acquainted, and
which question I have studiously avoided entering into, as I am well aware
of the jealousies entertained by some of the subjects of the United
States, of the interference of the British Government which has a natural
and decided interest in the welfare of the Indian nations, and in the
establishment of peace and permanent tranquility. In this situation I am
sure you will excuse me from giving to you any advice, which, from my
absence from the spot, cannot possibly arise from that perfect view and
knowledge which so important a subject necessarily demands." [FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Now Toronto, the capital of Upper Canada.
[FN-2] From the original letter among the Brant papers.
This letter contains the only authority extant for the fact that Governor
Simcoe himself had been proposed as the mediator, and rejected, and he may
have been piqued thereat. Still, although he cautiously abstained from the
remotest interference, there was nothing in this communication calculated
to defeat a pacific determination of the council. The Commissioners were
yet anxiously awaiting the result at the mouth of the Detroit River. On
the 11th of August they were informed that the debates were still running
high in council; that the chiefs of the Six Nations had spoken twice, and
were about to speak a third time. Indeed, so desirous were they now of
effecting a pacific arrangement, that Thayendanegea was determined to
transcend the ordinary rules of an Indian council, and speak a fourth
time, should it become necessary. [FN] It was added, that nearly half the
four tribes, who were persisting for war, had been won over; and hence,
when the messengers left the council, they even anticipated that runners
with pacific news would overtake them. Having waited, however, until the
14th, and receiving no farther news, the Commissioners proposed to repair
to the council in person--but were prevented by the British authorities,
who would not suffer them to move in that direction, unless by special
invitation from the council. Impatient of longer delay, their next measure
was to send a speech to the council, with a request to Captain Brant to
bring it before them, urging upon them the necessity of a speedy
determination of the question of peace or war, one way or the other. The
conclusion of this address was thus:--
* * * * *
[FN] What a pity that at such an Indian Congress, where the great
warriors and rulers of so many nations were assembled to discuss subjects
at once the most {illegible word--"exciting"?} and of the deepest
moment to them, a bench of stenographers could not have been present!
What bursts of thrilling eloquence--the unsophisticated{?} language of
nature--gathering all its metaphors fresh and glowing from her own rich
store-house--the flowers, the forests, and the woods{?}--the sun, the
stars, and the blue sky--the winds, the earthquake, and the storm--must
there have been poured forth but to die away upon the ears that heard
them.
"Brothers: We have waited fourteen days, and no answer has arrived.
"Brothers: It is time to bring the business to a conclusion. The summer
has almost passed away, and we do not yet even know whether we are to have
a treaty.
"Brothers: You know that we came to treat with you of peace. We again tell
you, that we earnestly desire to make peace; and in the terms of peace we
are disposed to do you ample justice. But if no treaty is to be held, if
peace is not to be obtained, we desire immediately to know it, that we may
go home."
But all the anticipations of a pacific adjustment of the difficulties
proved fallacious. Two days after this address had been dispatched to the
care of Captain Brant and the Corn-planter, the Commissioners received a
long address from the council, in writing, in answer to their own speech
of July 31st, which put an end to the negotiation. It was addressed,
"To the Commissioners of the United States.
"Brothers: We have received your speech of the 31st of last month, and it
has been interpreted to all the different nations. We have been long in
sending you an answer, because of the great importance of the subject. But
we now answer it fully, having given it all the consideration in our
power."
In their address the council entered upon an extended review of the
negotiations heretofore referred to, and the circumstances under which the
treaties of Fort McIntosh and Fort Harmar were made. They contended that
these treaties had not been properly obtained, and were not binding upon
the Indians, inasmuch as but few of their chiefs and warriors had been
present at the councils, and those few were not empowered to cede away any
of their lands. Of this fact they said they had apprised General St. Clair
before the treaties were made, and admonished him not to proceed. But he
persisted in holding councils in which their nations were not consulted,
and in receiving cessions of an immense country, in which the few who,
under constraint, had signed the treaty, were no more interested than as
a mere branch of the General Confederacy, and had no authority to make any
grant whatever. In reply to the remarks of the Commissioners respecting
the impracticability of breaking up the settlements on the disputed
territory, and their offers of large sums of money for a confirmation of
the grant under the treaty of Fort Harmar, the speech of the Council was
ingenious and forcible. Indeed, the residue of this document is worth
transcribing entire:--
"Brothers: Money to us is of no value, and to most of us unknown; and as
no consideration whatever can induce us to sell our lands, on which we get
sustenance for our women and children, we hope we may be allowed to point
out a mode by which your settlers may be easily removed, and peace thereby
obtained.
"Brothers: We know that these settlers are poor, or they never would have
ventured to live in a country which has been in continual trouble ever
since they crossed the Ohio. Divide, therefore, this large sum of money
which you have offered to us among these people; give to each also a
proportion of what you say you would give us annually, over and above this
large sum of money; and we are persuaded they would most readily accept of
it in lieu of the lands you sold to them. If you add, also, the great sums
you must expend in raising and paying armies with a view to force us to
yield you our country, you will certainly have more than sufficient for
the purposes of repaying these settlers for all their labor and
improvements.
"Brothers: You have talked to us about concessions. It appears strange
that you expect any from us, who have only been defending our just rights
against your invasions. We want peace. Restore to us our country, and we
shall be enemies no longer.
"Brothers: You make one concession to us by offering to us your money, and
another by having agreed to do us justice, after having long and
injuriously withheld it; we mean, in the acknowledgment you have now made
that the King of England never did, nor ever had a right to give you our
country by the treaty of peace. And you want to make this act of common
justice a great part of your concession, and seem to expect, that because
you have at last acknowledged our independence, we should for such a favor
surrender to you our country.
"Brothers: You have also talked a great deal about preemption, and your
exclusive right to purchase the Indian lands, as ceded to you by the King
at the treaty of peace.
"Brothers: We never made any agreement with the King, nor with any other
nation, that we would give to either the exclusive right to purchase our
lands; and we declare to you, that we consider ourselves free to make any
bargain or cession of lands whenever and to whomsoever we please. If the
white people, as you say, made a treaty that none of them but the King
should purchase of us, and he has given that right to the United States,
it is an affair which concerns you and him, and not us. We have never
parted with such a power.
"Brothers: At our general council held at the Glaize last Fall, we agreed
to meet Commissioners from the United States, for the purpose of restoring
peace, provided they consented to acknowledge and confirm our boundary
line to be the Ohio; and we determined not to meet you until you gave us
satisfaction on that point. That is the reason we have never met.
"Brothers: We desire you to consider that our only demand is the peaceable
possession of a small part of our once great country. Look back and view
the lands from whence we have been driven to this spot. We can retreat no
farther, because the country behind hardly affords food for its present
inhabitants; and we have therefore resolved to leave our bones in this
small space, to which we are now consigned.
"Brothers: We shall be persuaded that you mean to do us justice, if you
agree that the Ohio shall remain the boundary line between us. If you will
not consent thereto, our meeting will be altogether unnecessary. This is
the great point, which we hoped would have been explained before you left
your houses; as our message last Autumn was principally directed to obtain
that information.
"Done in General Council at the foot of the Miami Rapids, on the 13th day
of August, 1793."
This address was signed by the Wyandots, the Seven Nations of Canada, the
Delawares, Shawanese, Miamis, Ottawas, Chippeways, Senecas (of the
Glaize), Pottawattamies, Connoys, Munsees, Nantikokes, Mohegans,
Missisaguas, Creeks, and Cherokees--the name of each nation being written,
and its emblem or escutcheon rudely pictured opposite the name. [FN] The
Six Nations did not sign it. Indeed, it is believed that Captain Brant and
the Six Nations "_held fast together_" in their efforts to make peace, to
the last; and that the character of the final answer of the council was
not communicated to them previous to its being sent off. On the contrary,
they were told that it was a proposition to meet the Commissioners on the
Miami instead of Sandusky, about five miles below their then place of
sitting; and so well assured were they of the fact, that they proposed
removing thither the day after the runners were dispatched from the
council-fire.
* * * * *
[FN] Thus, according to the original communication in the author's
possession:--
Wyandots, A Bear. Senecas of the Glaize, A Turtle.
Seven Nations of Canada A Turtle. Pottawattamies, A Fish.
Delawares, A Turtle. Connoys, A Turkey.
Shawanese, Munsees,
Miamis, A Turtle. Nantikokes, A Turtle.
Ottawas, A Fish. Mohegans {A Turtle.
Chippeways, A Crane. {A Turkey.
Nothing could be more explicit than this ultimatum of the Indians. Their
_sine qua non_ was the Ohio for the boundary. To this proposition the
Commissioners could never assent, and they accordingly wrote to the chiefs
and warriors of the council at the Rapids, that "the negotiation was at
an end." So imperfect are the records of Indian history, preserved, as
they are, for the most part, only in the tablets of the brain, the memory
being aided by belts and other emblems--that it is a difficult matter to
determine the precise merits of the controversy sought to be terminated at
this council. Being the weaker party, belonging to a doomed race, the law
of the strongest was of course left to decide it in the end, and the
Indians were driven beyond the Mississippi. But an impartial survey of the
case, at the distance of only forty years, presents strong reasons for
believing that the Indians were the party aggrieved. Certainly, it would
form an exception in the history of their dealings with the white man, if
they were not; while it is very evident that they themselves solemnly
believed they were the injured party. And, thus believing, nothing could
have been more patriotic than the attitude assumed in their address, or
more noble than the declarations and sentiments it contained.