for watching anxiously over those communities, in which the mass and
images were still retained, and for striving to prevent the entrance of
Reformed preaching, the influx of Zwinglian doctrines and writings? But
who, on the other hand, could take umbrage, if individual members of
congregations, in the wish to hear at least the new doctrines,
endeavored to win over their neighbors and friends, and thus gain a
majority, in order to call in a preacher? Such persons generally turned
to Zurich, where they found support, whilst the bailiffs made complaint
of it at the meetings of the Diet or to the Five Cantons; nor did they
complain the less also of their fierce invectives, mutual strife and
immunity from punishment. Here the will to punish was wanting; there
the power, especially if the offenders belonged to the distinguished
classes, as they frequently did. But the circumstances of the abbot and
monastery of St. Gall afforded the chief material for a new quarrel;
and these it will be necessary now to describe in detail.
The monastery of St. Gall, from its very origin, played an important
part in the history of our fatherland; in the first centuries by its
scientific reputation as a renowned and influential seminary of
learning, and afterward on account of its increasing possessions, its
political influence and the rank of its abbot as a prince of the
empire. The abbot ruled over that tolerably extensive district, lying
between Wyl and Roschach, on Lake Constance, under the title of the
"Old Province," and also, from the year 1469, over the County of
Toggenburg, under that of the "New Province." The abbacy of St. Gall
constituted the first and most considerable of the so-called Allied
Cantons; its deputies appeared at the sessions of the Diet, and its
armed soldiery marched out with the other confederates in their wars.
The County of Toggenburg enjoyed no mean privileges; it had the
choosing of its own general council (_landrath_), the right of
appointing lower courts, subject, it is true, to the sanction of the
abbot, and for the protection of these privileges stood under one
common law with the states of Schwyz and Glarus, to which, at a later
period, the abbot also was admitted for the security of its rights. He
had also formed an alliance with the four states, Zurich, Luzern,
Schwyz and Glarus, on behalf of his possessions, by which these cantons
were pledged to protect him and his abbey, with all his subjects, in
their rights and liberties. For this service, half the fines accruing
in the territories of St. Gall were paid over to them, and the
dependants of the abbot were bound to obey their call in time of war.
For the exercise of these rights and the performance of their duties,
the Four Cantons, each every two years in succession, placed a
governor-general at Wyl, who was _ex-officio_ a member of the abbot's
privy council, and took rank immediately after him.
This position had been filled, from the beginning of the year 1529, by
Jacob Frei, a member of the Zurich Council. The abbot, Francis
Geissberg, now for a long time an invalid, found it entirely beyond his
power to make any effectual resistance to the attacks, by which he saw
himself and his monastery threatened from the city of St. Gall, his own
subjects and the Preformed Confederacy. Every day the doctrine of the
unscripturalness of clerical dominion gained ground, and penetrated
even among the brethren of the convent, a part of whom threw off their
monkish garments. The majority, however, remained firm to their vows.
The abbot, already far gone in dropsy, had himself conveyed to
Roschach, where, in a fortified castle, he was more secure than in a
cloister standing open to invasion from the burghers of St. Gall.
There, on the 21st of March, he died, and this was the moment that
Zurich and the city of St. Gall had waited for, to take measures
against the monastery itself, but principally against its political
rights. Meanwhile eleven of the monks, one month before, had pledged
themselves under a solemn oath, even on compulsory removal from the
cloister, to renounce none of the rights of the convent, but rather to
uphold them in every possible manner. For six days, the death of the
abbot was kept secret even in Roschach, and his food carried into him
as though he were yet alive, whilst the monks assembled in
Rapperschweil and there elected one of their number, Kilian German, in
his stead. The news of this action awakened the liveliest displeasure
among the Zurichers, who had relied on the power of the burghers of St.
Gall to prevent it. But priestly cunning triumphed, and German
afterward succeeded in obtaining an acknowledgment, first from two
cantons of the protectorate, Luzern and Schwyz, and then with much
trouble from Glarus also. Three months later, the election was ratified
by Pope Clement the VII., and proofs of consideration and offers of any
amount of help received from Austria.
The new abbot, a man of talent, descended from a branch of the
distinguished family of the Toggenburgers, as soon as the choice had
fallen on him, made known his purpose plainly, not to rest until he and
his convent had come again into full possession of their rights; until
the religious usages were restored, and divine worship celebrated after
the old mode in the church of the foundation. But just as plainly did
Zurich and St. Gall declare that this should not be. The subjects of
the monastery were now roused up by Zurich, and many in Toggenburg
began to hope even for complete deliverance from all foreign rule.
Reconciliation had become impossible. In a letter of advice, drawn up
by Zurich and St. Gall, it is expressly said: "Matters have come to
this pass, that either our Lords, together with our confederates and
christian fellow-citizens of St. Gall and the entire population of the
abbacy (_Gotteshauschente_), to whom our Lords have pledged life and
property, for the ministry of the Divine Word, or else Sir Kilian, the
pretended abbot, must bend and break."
In this business Zwingli took a very active part. His plans in relation
to it were so comprehensive that he did not look for entire approval in
Zurich herself. Not only were the lawful claims of the two cantons,
Luzern and Schwyz, to a share in the deliberations on the affairs of
St. Gall, wholly set aside, but Glarus also was not to be heard, except
in so far as she agreed with Zurich in the fundamental principle laid
down by him. This principle, that all spiritual lordship is
unscriptural, and therefore unjust--a principle, which he was ready to
avow, defend and prove clearly on the field of science, he carried
over, as already shown, into the sphere of politics and wished to apply
it to a treaty made in times, when men knew nothing of it, and with
parties, who did not even yet recognize it. Hence an opinion drawn up
by him has this heading: "Advice how the deputies ought to treat,
either with or without the deputies of Glarus, so that the monastery of
St. Gall, its abbot and its monks may be surprised, overcome and put up
at auction with their monkhood and lordship, and knocked down to the
Four Cantons." On the margin is added: "Not to be read before the
burghers" (Great Council).
It was then proposed, in plain language, to send full orders to the
governor-general to call together the subjects of the abbey everywhere
in their several parishes, and announce to them that Zurich was
resolved, as far as lay in her power, to prevent the acknowledgment of
the abbot elect and the choice of any successor; since there could be
no concord between monkery and the Gospel--that she had no desire to
invade the rights of the Four Cantons in their character of common
wardens, and hence would act not merely in her own name, but in
conjunction with Glarus, in case the latter were willing, with the
proviso also of a full report to the other two cantons, "until God
would make them of the same mind"--and, that it was just as much her
intention to respect the rights of the people of the abbacy, with whom
"she would cheerfully sit down, hear their grievances and judge therein
with moderation and dispatch, as is becoming in such affairs, meanwhile
pledging person and property not to suffer them to be injured or
oppressed, so far as life and property can reach. Let it be known too
in what a friendly and brotherly manner Zurich and Glarus have ever
behaved toward their subjects, and that up to this time their rule has
never been dreaded. Letters and seals should also be prepared, which,
if God please, no one shall break in all coming time. All this done,
the serious question should be put to the people of the abbacy, whether
they will agree to break up the monastery, and if so, it shall be done
promptly and peacefully, unless resistance is offered." It appears,
however, that this was not anticipated, for several other doubtful
points are added to the opinion, with the express injunction: "These
must not be made known to the people of the abbacy, until the business
is finished." But if peaceful measures did not suffice to carry out the
plan, compulsion was to be used: "If any one wishes to fight, an appeal
for help shall be made to our confederates of St. Gall and the people
of the abbacy, and with God's favor the places shall be taken by force
of arms." As soon as they are taken, Luzern and Schwyz shall be written
to, and the proceeding justified on the score of necessity, the
hostility of the abbot against Zurich, and the urgent need of the
people of the abbacy. Meanwhile those monks, who can be caught, shall
be thrown into prison, a thorough search made, inventories drawn up,
and "if the treasure cannot be found, the monks who know anything about
it, shall be further questioned upon oath, until the whole truth come
to light. When everything is finished and sealed before the government
at Zurich, the people of the abbacy shall take the oath of allegiance,
whilst Toggenburg is silenced by hopes of greater freedom." In fine,
the opinion gives it as the aim of all these counsels, "that the monk
may no longer be a stallion to beget more of his kind, but bridled,
harnessed and taught to obey the rein."
This plan was certainly radical, but not evangelical. It was not
possible that Luzern and Schwyz; not possible that the Catholic cantons
generally, could suffer these violations of Confederate faith, and of
sealed treaties to pass by unheeded. And Glarus, although the majority
of her people sympathized in Zwingli's views of the unscriptural
character of spiritual lordship, and were by no means favorable to the
abbot and his rule, nevertheless felt hurt by the arbitrary action of
Zurich and the air of guardianship which she assumed even toward her.
Bern also was far from sharing in the unbridled zeal of her sister city
on the Limath, whose intervention in the affairs of St. Gall was not
the least among the reasons, that held her sword in the scabbard,
during the first campaign, in the summer of the year 1529. But then
Zurich endeavored to defend the steps she had taken against the abbot
by the articles of the _Landfriede_; this treaty, it was said, would
secure the city of St. Gall from punishment for what she had permitted
in regard to the monastery, for its occupation, the disorders which had
ensued, and the removal of the images from the churches, as well as
confirm and guarantee peace to those parishes in Toggenburg, where the
preaching of the Gospel and a synodical rule had been introduced by the
advice of Zwingli. The political relations, both of the people of the
abbacy and of the Toggenburgers remained in an unsettled state. Had the
Five Cantons known it, they never would have approved of conditions, by
which the abbot could be deprived of his territorial rights.
During the campaign he had fled to Bregenz and Ueberlingen, carrying
along the archives and jewels of the monastery. With his conventuals,
who had found refuge at Einsiedeln in Schwyz, he kept up a constant
correspondence. Through his relatives he secured a devoted party in
Toggenburg, and, by means of the monies at his command, adherents in
various parts of Switzerland to undertake and further his cause. After
the conclusion of the _Landfriede_ (General Peace) he ventured to
return home again, and even rode through a portion of the Zurichan
territory in disguise. Zwingli's stay in Marburg was of great service
to him. He furnished the different parishes in Glarus with his
authentic titles. There was a powerful movement amongst the people, but
the Reformed majority triumphed in the end. The deputies to a
conference of the four protectorate cantons at Wyl received a
commission to act in harmony with Zurich; but numbers of the opposite
party withdrew reluctantly from the assembly, lamenting "that old
letters and seals had no more value, since many a Saint Friedli[1] hung
miserable, naked and bare on the rolls of parchment."
At this conference of the protectorate cantons held at Wyl, the abbot
wished to conduct his cause in person. Zurich, to whom his absence was
all-important, sent an order to the governor-general secretly to fill
the castle with a garrison of trusty men. Kilian, learning this and
fearing an ambuscade, staid away; but the people of the abbacy appeared
before the deputies of the cantons with a petition, which showed that
they knew how to carry out the doctrine of the unscriptural character
of spiritual lordship to a further extent than was pleasant even to
Zurich herself. "Accordingly, since the Holy Word of God does not
direct or oblige us, we do not wish henceforth to have this or any
other abbot; and because we are without court or council, and so
exposed to outrage that no one scarcely is safe, we desire permission
to have a chief-bailiff, a court, a council and similar officers _of
our own_, so that crime may be punished, the peaceful and good
protected, evil-doers suppressed, and a happy life led; for, as we pay
rents and tithes we ought not to be left without law; and that you may
see we do not ask for anything unreasonable, aged persons can yet be
found, who remember that such a chief-bailiff and council, as we now
desire, formerly existed among the people of the abbacy."
None of the Four Cantons was at all willing to grant this petition. The
deputies of Luzern and Schwyz simply defended the rights of the abbot,
complained to the Zurichers of the tyrannical proceeding of their
governor-general and requested the removal of the garrison from the
castle. Zurich and Glarus endeavored to quiet the people of the abbacy
by promising to send home a report and afterward to communicate the
views of their governments. The resolution now passed by the privy
council of Zurich plainly unfolds its policy in this affair.--"Whereas
you, our worthy deputies," so it reads, "cannot but see and regard the
petition of the people of the abbacy as a desire, under show of a good
spirit, to obtain the liberty of the flesh, to shake off authority, to
lay hold of the rein with their own hands and appropriate to themselves
power and rule, and the administration of the higher offices; and as
you also cannot presume, that either you or we of the two cantons
(Zurich and Glarus) have a right to act in this matter without the
knowledge and approval of the other cantons; you will perceive that it
is not advisable to grant them, just at this time, a chief bailiff,
judge, council and high courts of dignity and appeal; we are only able,
in order that they may have no reason to complain about justice and
law, to allow them now, in the beginning, to fill the lower courts, as
they have come down from antiquity, with honest, upright, sensible and
God-loving men, but the principal posts of government, the high
offices, to which sovereignty pertains, must continue as they are,
until it is seen what course the abbot and the two cantons, who support
him, will take." It was then proposed, to place the chief power in the
hands of the governor-general for the interim, to associate with him
for this purpose able men, and appoint them a court of appeal in
judicial cases; but for the final settlement of affairs, to call
together a second conference of the four protectorate cantons, and
should Luzern and Schwyz refuse to take part in it, to signify to them,
that they were determined to proceed without them. "It is then to be
presumed," continues the letter of advice to the deputies, "if they
thus see, that the abbot cannot be restored, they will quietly agree
with us of the two cantons to take charge of the government. But should
they persevere in their opposition and attempt to use any force on
behalf of the abbot against our purpose and that of the honest people,
it will then be our duty to curb force with force, until honest people,
perchance our Confederates of Bern and others shall interpose and help
to make a treaty of peace. And then indeed it will be discovered, whose
shall be the rule and authority, and who shall be lord or servant, and
thereby the desire for self-government among the people of the abbacy
shall be broken and every thing rightly settled, ordered and secured by
charter, how and in what form, henceforth, court, law, dignities,
offices and all authorities shall be held, and how and what grievances
shall be redressed for the honest people."
Zurich acted from this time forward, in accordance with these
views, and at the close of the year, after Luzern and Schwyz had
repeatedly declined to take part in a second conference, she issued, in
connection with Glarus, an ordinance, of which the following is the
substance: "Henceforth the governor-general is the chief ruler of the
abbey-territory. As heretofore he shall be appointed for a term of two
years by each of the four protectorate cantons in succession. He shall
take an oath to favor the Divine Word and protect the same. Only then
are his subjects bound to obey him. This governor is to be supreme
judge, instead of the imperial bailiff. The high court shall consist,
besides him, of twelve men, of whom he has the selection of four, and
the territory of the other eight. In conjunction with these, or a
majority of them, he shall appoint also the officers of the territory.
The parishes shall be left free to choose their own preachers, who,
however, must be examined and approved, either at Zurich, St. Gall or
Constance. Only with the consent of the governor and the twelve can
they be removed, or suspended from office. Rents, tithes and other
lawful taxes, which are to be applied according to a former resolution,
shall be paid over to a receiver, appointed by the city of St. Gall,
who shall render a faithful account of the same. Whatever unchristian
burdens have been laid upon the poor inhabitants by superstition or
monkish rule, shall be abolished, and in order that the honest people
may be the better able to help the poor in these dear times, the two
cantons cheerfully authorize them to appropriate the ornaments and
jewels of the churches to this more christian purpose."
In vain did the abbot protest against these arrangements; in vain did
he threaten to look out for other protectorate cantons; in vain did he
beg for active interference on the part of Luzern and Schwyz. Still
discouraged by the untoward issue of the first campaign, they advised
him to yield for a while, in hope that affairs would take a more
favorable turn, and indeed thought it best that he should withdraw for
a time. This he did, and went to Ueberlingen, where, in the beginning
of the year 1530, amid much rejoicing, he found the object of his
desires.
The proceeding of Zurich against the abbot and the monastery was
carried on mainly by Zwingli; and that with increased zeal since his
return to the fatherland. More and more, after the Marburg Conference,
did he display the character of a politician--sometimes daring in the
choice of his means. Thus he was to show himself to be only a man; and,
as the most influential statesmen are very often obliged to do, as a
vehement man; forever striking must the contrast remain between the
greatest of all ages and all countries, and Him, who was indeed tempted
in all things like as we are, but who alone was never overcome.
Without doubt the Savior of the world directed his attention to
political life, and Christianity and politics are in no wise
antagonistic. On the contrary, it is the aim of Christianity to elevate
and ennoble even earthly relations; it is the true religion of the
people. No saying is so misunderstood, so entirely twisted from its
real meaning, as that uttered by Christ: "My kingdom is not of this
world." This earth, the theatre of divine love and power, is
represented as a vale of tears--a welcome doctrine to all secular and
spiritual lords, who, through its spread, have only the less opposition
to fear against their iron rule; and, only the more secure in the
enjoyment of their state, agree in making it truly an abode of sorrow
to millions of their subjects. There is no doubt that Christianity
teaches us to bear and suffer; no doubt that it says: "Whosoever shall
smite thee on the right cheek, turn to him the other also," and
"whosoever shall compel thee to go with him one mile, go with him
twain;" no doubt that it teaches the duty of submission to rulers, and
has no sympathy with rebellion and self-aid, by resort to arms; yet far
more strongly and impressively does this same Christianity speak to
magistrates and rulers, and tell them? that men are not born lords and
slaves, but brethren, and that they are the greatest who are the
servants of all. Christianity wishes no forms of government, nor will
it make them lawful, yea necessary, whilst overgrown wealth may find
out means to chain down despairing poverty, by which reckless
debauchery may riot in palaces, whilst in the hut, hard by, the
restless laborer cannot earn bread enough to prolong his miserable
existence. It will have the right to moderate enjoyment purchased by
self-control and self-denial, and the capability to govern proven by
the capability and practice of obedience; along with greater rights it
places greater duties; with greater advantages it invariably connects
greater burdens--and whilst it enjoins submission to God as an equal
duty upon all, it does not make order in the state rest upon parchments
or voluminous codes of laws, upon standing armies or public prisons,
but upon the law written in the heart, upon love and a sense of duty.