pledged himself for the security of the journey, set out. He ventured
to say nothing to the government; had even entreated the _landgrave_ to
confine his request to the Privy Council. On the first day after his
departure, he began a letter to the Council, in which he apologises for
not communicating the request to them, and says in addition: "It was
not done with any intention to slight your Worships, but in order to
discharge my duties with greater fidelity to you, since I foresaw you
would not grant me permission, because of the interest you take in my
welfare; for the distance by the route we go is 60 miles,[7] and the
place strange to us on account of its religion, though secure enough,
being in the territory of the _landgrave_, and the learned there all
hostile to us, and our number is only three. So also friends, in whom
we could confide, are few, from Zurich until very far down the Rhine.
Yet it would not be right for me to remain away, since by this the
whole plan would be frustrated, and many excellent men of the
opposition brought thither on a fruitless journey. Then it would be
interpreted, as if we were afraid of a friendly conference. Therefore,
I pray your Worships, in the most humble manner, not to take my going
off amiss, for I was loth to hear others despise you; and remember too
that my staying away might result in injury to the truth and the
disparagement of your good name. Otherwise you may hope in God, that
we, by His aid, will give a faithful, undaunted support to the truth
and bring no scandal on our church." He then apologized likewise for
the departure of Collin, the professor of the Greek language, whom he
had taken with him asked, since Basel had granted a member of the
Council to [OE]colampadius, that the same might be done for his
assistance; and nominated the treasurer, Ulric Funk, on account of his
cleverness and knowledge of the Latin language, who, as soon as he had
received permission, hastened to join him. Immediately after his
departure from Zurich, his enemies crept out of their hiding-places.
Nonsensical reports were circulated. "He has run away with a party of
rogues," said some; the "Devil has carried him off," said others. In
Basel they met [OE]colampadius and the deputy of the Council, Rudolph
Frei. The plan was, that from thence he should proceed along with
[OE]colampadius by water to Strassburg. He asked for a moderate advance
of money; because riding "on a hired horse cost a great deal," he would
be obliged to buy one at Strassburg, which would leave him little for
the expenses of the journey, and then, being compelled to borrow, would
"become a laughing-stock." "To my wife," he concluded, "let Master
Stall tell as much of the matter as a woman ought to know, for when I
left her, I said no more than that I was going to Basel on business."
In Basel, where he tarried nearly two weeks, he preached to a great
concourse of people. The time was also employed by him in political
negotiation. This imperial city desired then admission into the
Christian _Buergerrecht_ on the same terms as Constance. The mayor,
Sturm, likewise invited to the Conference by the _landgrave_, along
with Bucer and Hedio, was an experienced statesman, and not without
influence at the Imperial Diet. He had connections in France. Reports
had been received concerning the reconciliation of the Emperor with the
Pope, against whom he had been carrying on war, and his arrival in
Italy and the general sweeping measures toward the Protestants, to be
apprehended from this combination of spiritual and temporal power. They
were communicated confidentially to the Zurichers. Some of them Zwingli
wrote down. The most important he sent to the Privy Council with the
postscript: "This comes from the real cabinet of art." "Were it not
wicked," he again wrote from Strassburg, "we might encourage the
Venetians to withstand them so boldly, that the Emperor would be
finished in Italy, and not able to escape over the mountains." On the
18th of September they left the city and, by a circuitous route, which
they had to choose for safety, reached Marburg on the 29th. The day
after, the Saxon scholars, Luther, Melanchton, Justus Jonas, from
Wittemberg, and several others, made their appearance. From Nuremberg,
came Andrew Osiander; from Swabian Halle, John Brenz; from Augsburg,
Stephen Agricola; all likewise invited by the _landgrave_. In an humble
letter, signed "Your Princely Grace's obedient servant and poor little
worm," Carlstadt also begged for admission, but received a polite
refusal. The entire company was lodged in the castle. A Latin poem
written by Professor Curicius conjured them to begin the Conference
with such calmness, and prosecute it with such dignity, that the world
may know the Spirit of God had presided over it.
Strangers from various countries had arrived in considerable numbers;
but no one received admittance, except those who were invited; the Duke
of Wuertemberg, the Count of Fuerstenberg, several courtiers, the
professors of the University and the Hessian preachers. Zwingli's
request, that the proceedings should be written down by secretaries
under oath, and the Latin language used, was declined by the
_landgrave_; likewise the wish of Luther and Melanchton, for the aid of
respectable Papists. Immediately after his arrival, Luther had received
a visit of courtesy from [OE]colampadius, Bucer and Hedio; Zwingli
remained without a greeting from the side of his opponents. Justus
Jonas studied physiognomy and manners. He pretended "to see in Zwingli
a certain tincture of rustic arrogance; in [OE]colampadius a
wonderfully mild nature; in Hedio, no less humanity and liberal
culture; in Bucer, under the mantle of sagacity and penetration,
fox-like cunning."
On the 20th of September, the _landgrave_ first joined his guests at
the supper-table. Here he expressed the wish that on the following
morning Luther would hold a special conversation with [OE]colampadius
and Zwingli with Melanchton. He hoped by thus placing a vehement
character over against a gentle one in each case, to render the after
approach of the chief combatants more easy perhaps. The Saxons were the
complainants. They accused the Swiss of errors in various points. But
everything soon gave way to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper. For
three hours Luther tried his fortune with [OE]colampadius, and
Melanchton with Zwingli for six. Agreement continued impossible. Yet
Luther sent the news in a letter, that the conflict had been carried on
in separate chambers, in a friendly tone.
On the morning of the 2d of October, at six o'clock, the discussion
began in the presence of from 50 to 60 persons, invited or admitted, in
the Hall of the Knights. At a special table, opposite to Zwingli and
[OE]colampadius, sat Luther and Melanchton; in their immediate
neighborhood, the _landgrave_, surrounded by his courtiers; the others
rather behind. Feige, the chancellor of state, opened the Conference in
the name of the Prince, with an address. After unfolding the pure,
successful, grand beginning of the Reformation, he then continued: "but
now, some of the leaders themselves, animated by a schismatic spirit,
have hurried on too rashly, and been so far misled, that they, who were
bound ever to remain faithful at the head of the cause, and, by their
common power and mutual support, sweep away every vestige of error,
have now not only deserted their post, but even attacked each other, to
the great joy and delight of the enemy. Therefore, if they cannot find
sufficient reasons for concord in the Gospel itself, and their duty to
promote the welfare of the Church they ought not to give their
bitterest enemies occasion to rejoice and exhibit so sad a spectacle of
disunion. His Princely Grace wishes to prescribe neither aim nor
measure to this Conference; but would remind the members, that wherever
similar transactions have taken place, men of true learning, even if
they had written somewhat roughly and severely against each other
before, had then laid aside wrath and bitterness, so the unlearned
might the better perceive, that they sought truth and love more than a
mere defence of their own opinions with sharp and quick words. Those
who now take this course, cannot fail to win praise and thanks, whilst
the others, who do not like unity, but obstinately persist in a
delusion once embraced, from which all heresies spring, will thereby
give an undoubted proof, that the Holy Spirit does not reign in their
hearts, and has never been among them with his gifts. His Princely
Grace hopes that the present Conference will have a happier
termination, and closes with the gracious desire, that the very learned
Masters will understand and receive all this in the best spirit." On
their side thanks were now given to the _landgrave_ for his trouble,
and a promise made, to carry on the discussion without any bitterness,
in a respectful and friendly manner; but, although unity should be
sought with the most ardent zeal, this at the same time could not be
effected at the expense of divine and revealed truth, and Christ's
words would be preferred before all others.
After this, the discussion was commenced by Luther's writing on the
table with chalk, these words in the Latin language: "_Hoc est corpus
meum_" (This is my body). With great mildness and learning
[OE]colampadius now unfolded his view, which Luther, however, in spite
of every challenge, refused to contradict, falling back always upon the
verbal expression. "Beloved sirs," said he, "as long as these words
stand, I cannot really get over them, but must confess and believe,
that the body of Christ is there."--Springing up, Zwingli asked: "Is He
indeed _there_, Doctor, corporeally there? _There_ also in the
sacrament, is He daily broken anew? In what then do you differ from the
Papists?" The scene became more lively; Luther's replies more bitter.
He complained that Zwingli wished to trip him, to give his words
wantonly another meaning than he had intended. The latter controlled
himself somewhat, brought up passages of Scripture for explanation,
came forward with remarks on the grammar, with interpretations of the
Church Fathers and carried the discussion even into the sphere of
philosophy and physics. In no way did Luther permit himself to be
caught; turned back always to the letter, and declared, that he would
do it; that we durst not in this case deviate therefrom, because the
Lord had so expressed himself; and unconditional faith must transcend
all doubt; and "if the Lord God placed crab-apples before me and
commanded me to take and eat, I durst not ask, wherefore?" "God
commands us to eat neither dirt nor crab-apples," said Zwingli.--When
it came to such sharp words, the _landgrave_ interposed somewhat, or
one of the others present, [OE]colampadius occasionally relieving his
friend, and Melanchthon Luther. For two whole days the discussion
lasted, with a diminishing prospect of agreement. The Saxons were
evidently irritated by Zwingli's unconstrained behavior and bold
language. He gave them plainly to understand, that he feared in Luther
a sort of new Pope. "I will not have it," once dropped from the lips of
the latter, "Must you then have everything just as you wish?" asked
Zwingli.
It had become clear to the _landgrave_ that a mutual understanding was
impossible, and still more clear, when the Mayor of Strassburg rose up
with a complaint, that Luther had also charged the preachers of his
city with teaching error. This accusation should not be permitted to
lie against them; he could not return home with such news. Bucer and
Hedio themselves desired Luther to speak out decidedly, and prove
wherein they taught falsely; but he would not do it, nor testify that
they were true pastors. "I am," said he, "neither your lord nor your
judge; you wish neither me nor my doctrines; our spirit and yours do
not accord; therefore I will give you no testimonial. You also do not
need it, for you boast everywhere, you have learned nothing from us.
This, moreover, every man can see for himself, and we would not have
such disciples."
"No!" exclaimed the _landgrave_ with warmth, "you shall not separate in
such a fashion, my Lords. You must draw up certain points, acceptable
to both, and give them your common signature, so that an evidence, at
least, of your external agreement is at hand, if that which is internal
cannot be reached. Confer among yourselves how and as long as you
please; but before this I cannot suffer you to depart." The theologians
came together, and on the 4th of October produced fifteen articles on
the chief doctrines, which were signed by Luther, Melanchton, Jonas,
Osiander, Brenz, and Agricola, on the one side, and [OE]colampadius,
Zwingli, Bucer and Hedio on the other. The last words of it ran thus:
"and although we have not been able now to agree, as to whether the
true body and blood of Christ are corporeally present in the bread and
wine, yet one party ought to exercise Christian charity toward the
other, as far as each conscience can possible allow it, and both
parties ought to beseech Almighty God fervently, to lead us by His
Spirit to a right understanding. Amen."
In conclusion, the _landgrave_ exhorted them to part as brethren. "Then
Zwingli said," as Bullinger narrates, "there were no people on earth,
with whom he would rather be united than the Wittenbergers, and he
would cheerfully acknowledge Luther and his friends as brethren.
[OE]colampadius, Bucer and Hedio had also the same feeling; but Luther
was by no means willing to acknowledge them as brethren in return, and
said: It took him by surprise, that they would call him brother, whose
doctrine on the sacrament they esteemed false; they could not
themselves think much of their own." In regard to the same event, he
wrote to Jacob Probst of Bremen: "They promised with many words, they
would yield this much to us, that the person of Christ was really,
though spiritually, present in the Holy Supper, if we would only esteem
them worthy of the name of brother, and in this way feign a
reconciliation. Zwingli begged it with tears in his eyes before the
_landgrave_ and all present, whilst he added: 'There are no men with
whom I would rather be united than with the Wittenbergers.' With the
greatest zeal and as urgently as possible they endeavored to appear in
harmony with us and never could endure my saying: 'You have another
spirit than we.' As often as they heard it they were inflamed. Finally,
we granted so much, that it might stand at the conclusion of the
article, not indeed that we were brethren, but that we would not
withdraw from them our love, which is due even to an enemy. So now, the
shame rests on them, that they would not receive the name of brother
and must separate as heretics; meanwhile we agreed, in our
controversial writings, no more to make war on each other, in the hope
that the Lord would open their hearts. Thou canst tell this
confidentially. As a preacher of Christ, who is the Truth, I write the
truth. By it thou canst quietly oppose all liars and disturbers. They
behaved toward us with incredible humanity and compliance. But, as it
now appears, all was show, in order to bring about a hypocritical
concord and make us the partners of their errors. O how cunning Satan
is! But Christ is still wiser. He has preserved us. I am no longer
surprised, if they lie shamelessly. I see that they could not do
otherwise, and am glad of it; for they have reached this point under
the guidance of Satan, that they betray themselves not merely by their
secret intrigues, but openly before all the world."
Sad of heart, the _landgrave_ left Marburg before Luther and
Melanchton. Since concord was not to be restored among the theologians,
it became so much the more necessary to secure a closer connection of
the governments. He held various consultations on this subject with
Zwingli, Sturm and several of their associates. The political
consequences flowing from the Conference, will be detailed in the next
chapter; concerning those of a religious and scientific nature, this
much may be yet said:
The enemies of the combatants alone derived gain from it. Their hatred
against the Reformation appeared now to be wholly justified. "Here you
have," said they, "the effects, when children tear loose from the
Everlasting Mother. They now turn against themselves the intellectual
weapons, so highly bepraised, which they have used against us. What
others are left for them against us, save those of iron?" Now, to these
neither Luther nor Melanchton would have recourse. But Zwingli tried
it, and--fell. The Reformation seemed about to go backward. Paralyzing
formulas took the place of the living Gospel: first, the Augsburg
Confession; then, the Helvetic, and for others again, the XXXIX
Articles of the Episcopal Church of England. Protestant Popes rose up
beside the Catholic, who, from this time forth, wore his triple crown
with greater security. It is true, indeed, that Zwingli also handed in
a confession of faith at the Imperial Diet, but only in defence, not to
force it upon others. He expressly said, in the letter to the Emperor,
which accompanied it: "I _alone_ deliver it, without encroaching on the
rights of my people." According to his view the Gospel only is
unassailable. Whatever of true or false man adds to the interpretation
of the Divine law, he does it on his own responsibility. With this view
tolerance and love, as well as progressive science, are possible; all
others lead to stiffness and intolerance, and such was the result then
on all sides. Or is it perchance an evangelical spirit, which breathes
in Calvin's article: "That the heretic should be punished with death,"
and in the funeral pile of Servetus? Were the rack-chambers of Queen
Elizabeth[8] much more Christian than the dragonades of Louis XIV., and
did Ireland live more happily under the yoke of a High Church forced
upon her, than Spain under the Inquisition? Were the persecutions begun
at the Synod of Dort, justified by the anathemas, with which the
Council of Trent disgraced itself?
All have erred. Instead of kindling new passions, the call of our age
goes forth, to unite rather in a common acknowledgment of sin. This is
the confession in which all can again find themselves; but the Gospel
is the light that shows the way to reconciliation. What is there yet to
hinder it? Two enemies, and in two verses a spirited poet (Goethe) has
thus portrayed them:
Thou must reign through victory,
Or a servant kneel and lose,
Suffering or triumph choose,
Th' anvil or the hammer be.
This is the one; the principle of the absolutist, in a spiritual or
worldly mantle; and the other, the principle of the demagogue in the
Jacobin's cap, as well as in the Jesuit's garb, forms the counter-part:
'Tis foolish to wait for improvement in fools;
Ye children of prudence, make them your tools.
Of such wisdom the Gospel knows nothing; it demands fraternal
assistance and love, and does not permit rank without humility,
requiring from those, who stand in the highest places, subordination
under God. Perhaps (for who can fathom the ways of Providence?) the
adherents of the above-named principles will yet again reach out the
hand of friendship to each other. Then will begin the last, severest
battle; but the Gospel must triumph, for the Church of Christ, under
her _one_, _Divine_ Head, perpetually revealing himself in history and
the power of love, is founded upon a rock; then also will all _human_
order be custom refined by science and ennobled by art and nature, a
unity in substance, with endless diversity in form--the adversary of
all revolutions.
FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER SEVENTH:
Footnote 1: Which, according to the Gospel and Zwingli's views
elsewhere unfolded, (see M. Huldr. Zwingli's Schriften im Auszug v.
_Usteri_ und V[oe]glin, Bd. I. Abth. 2, S. 387,) is one with Love.
Footnote 2: For the German translation of this passage from the Latin
of Zwingli, the author was indebted to the above-mentioned work of
_Usteri V[oe]glin_.
Footnote 3: All activity of the understanding is in its nature
formal. Hence in order to pass over into reality, if it would become
more than an exercise of the mind, which can be endlessly prolonged, it
needs positive material. As soon as it transcends the positive and
enters the region of so-called pure ideas, the dominion of the
intellect, it runs into nothing, becomes a negation. The natural
consequence of this _dominion_ of the intellect, of which many now
dream, is the popular doctrine: "Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we
die." To this the very wisest legislation of all nations has given too
little attention.
Footnote 4: _De Eucharistia_. Zwingli's Works, by Schuler and
Schultheiss, _Latinorum scriptorum pars prima_, p. 341.
Footnote 5: Thursday of Passion-week, 1525.
Footnote 6: Martin Luther's Works, edited by Pfizer, p. 600.
Footnote 7: Equal to 270 English miles.--_Translator_.
Footnote 8: Lingard's History of England, Vol. VIII. Ch. 3 and 6.
CHAPTER EIGHTH.
INTERNAL CONDITION OF SWITZERLAND AFTER THE FIRST CAMPAIGN.
THE ABBOT OF SAINT GALL. POLITICAL RESULTS OF THE
MARBURG CONFERENCE.
Zwingli's absence had lasted seven weeks, from the 3d of September to
the 19th of October, 1529. On his return home, he did not find the
country in that peaceful condition, which the well-disposed and the
short-sighted had hoped for from the conclusion of the _Landfriede_
(General Peace), and his arrival in no wise tended to lessen the
agitation. The _Landfriede_ granted the choice of their own
ecclesiastical system to the inhabitants of the Common Territories.
Where the mass had been abolished and images burned or carried away,
according to its letter, they who did these things could not be
punished, either in person, standing or property; but just as little,
on the other hand, in places where they still existed, could those who
preached a different doctrine enter, until invited by a majority of the
parishioners. Special conferences between cantons were interdicted, in
so far as they had reference to the affairs of the Confederacy, but
allowed to those who were authorized to transact business for the
_Buergerrecht_ and alliances of like character. The following
injunction was issued by the deputies of all the Thirteen Cantons: "In
order that we may not be again plunged into disunion and greater
discord, through reviling and recrimination, all and every one shall be
specially forbidden, on pain of severe punishment, to deal in
unbecoming scandal, wanton, useless and injurious words of shame,
abuse, filth and insult, scornful expressions, disparagements and
taunts, such as human ingenuity knows how to devise; no one shall any
longer venture to pick at, assail or blacken his neighbor with
slanders, books of libel, prints, sayings, songs, verses and other
means of provocation; but each one shall suffer his neighbor to remain
quiet, undisturbed and in every way unmolested in the enjoyment of
peace." The summer of the following year was fixed upon as the time of
payment for the indemnity to cover the additional expenses incurred by
the war and the support of the surviving relatives of the pastor
Kaiser, who was burned at the stake, and authority was given to the
Reformed Cities to stop the export of provisions into the Five Cantons,
in case of refusal. In regard to the rents, tithes and revenues of the
monasteries and clerical foundations, they could either continue as
heretofore, be allowed under changed conditions, or abolished
altogether. Every one of these articles contained material for a
future explosion. It was impossible to comply with them fully, because
on the one side a conviction of their justice or expediency was
wanting, and on the other they were considered as far too lax in their
requirements--because individual cases usually occurred in such a shape
that their conditions were not applicable in every particular, and
finally, because the embers of passion still glowed in the bosoms of
those who were in power; and among the leaders of both parties, the
desire of carrying out their own ecclesiastical system or political
plans outweighed their interest in the welfare of their common
fatherland.