now developed itself in silence, but with no less energy. This became
manifest at the close of the year 1529. At the same time the adherents
of the Reformation had already gained so great a preponderance in
Glarus, that there, as in Bern, the sealed promise, given to the Five
Cantons, of fidelity to the old faith could no longer be upheld as a
law of the land. A number of parishes in the Thurgau and the valley of
the Rhine had applied to Zurich for Evangelical preachers. In spite of
the _landvogt_ of the Five Cantons, who had gone to prevent them, they
made their appearance there, and the church-regulations of Zurich were
introduced under the very eyes of the Catholic envoys. The
Toggenburgers also, through the undeniable influence of Zwingli, rose
up against the ecclesiastical supremacy of their liege-lord, the Abbot
of St. Gall. He sick and deserted by a portion of the members of his
convent had been carried to Rorschach, whilst the burghers of the city
began more freely to exercise a control and gradually to assume the
command in the monastery, and even in the cathedral. In Graubuenden, the
Abbot of St. Lucien, one of the most powerful supports of the Bishops
and the Catholic party, had been executed for bribery and criminal
intrigues, and in Schænnis, in the very presence of a threatening
embassy from Schwyz, the wooden images of the Saints were brought out
into the street. "See," cried the excited youth to them, "here is the
road to Schwyz; here to Glarus; here Zurich. Choose which you will
take; you have a safe-conduct. If you cannot travel you must burn."
When the Catholic rulers wished to avenge this outrage, the burghers of
Wesen sought aid from Zurich, which, because she had no jurisdiction in
that region, was denied them.
If the Reformation should continue to spread in this way, what was left
for the Five Cantons, except to throw open at last their own territory
for its entrance, or, surrounded by opponents, to see themselves
overwhelmed in case of war, and reduced, perhaps, to the most fearful
want by the obstruction of commerce? Under these circumstances many,
whose ideas of affairs were just, gradually yielded, and what had for a
long time been secretly hoped for by a few, an alliance with their
powerful neighbor, Austria, who likewise remained loyal to the faith,
found increasing favor among the rulers of the people. On the 14th of
February, 1529, deputies of the Five Cantons met the Austrian
authorities at Feldkirch. Whether they had invited them thither, as a
historian of Luzern informs us, or whether, as said by several
reporters of the opposite party, one of whom was himself present as a
spy, the suit of the Austrian counsellors at first foiled through the
great coldness with which it was received by the Confederates, can
scarcely be ascertained now. The records afford no proof for either
view. In the meantime, a draught of a mutual treaty was made, which, if
approved by the Archduke Ferdinand, King of Hungary and Bohemia, as
well as by the Councils and parishes of the Five Cantons, was to be
published and ratified as a definitive alliance in Waldshut. This took
place in April, and in the same month King Ferdinand himself handed
over a copy of the document to the Diet of the collective states
assembled in Baden, with the explanation that the alliance was intended
neither to aggrieve, nor attack or injure, but simply to protect the
old, true faith, to uphold peace and order, and was open to every
Christian government, which desired to enter it. At the same time,
the Zurichers and Bernese must have clearly seen, that it was a
counter-part, and a suspicious one, of the Christian _Buergerrecht_. On
the side of the Reformed only one imperial city came forward, whilst on
that of the Catholics stood the mightiest of the neighboring states,
and that with articles capable of a far wider application than any in
the Christian _Buergerrecht_. They commenced by declaring, that every
reform in matters of faith, yea even the representation of the
necessity of such a thing was interdicted in the territories of the
allies, and that whosoever "would undertake to raise up and form new
lawless sects among the people," he should be taken by the magistracy,
supported of course by the allies, and punished "in honor, body and
life, or according to the form laid down for that crime." What was now
to be done in the territories held by Zurich and Bern in common with
the Five Cantons? Could the former permit the inhabitants, who wished
for reform and sought aid for its introduction, to be punished by the
_vogts_ (bailiffs) perhaps with fire and sword, merely because their
religious convictions were not those of a part of their rulers? Then
the possibility of a war, even within the limits of the Confederacy,
was expressly provided for, and in that event the Austrian quota was to
be 6,000 foot-soldiers, 400 horsemen and a supply of artillery. Other
associates beyond the Confederacy had likewise permission to join the
alliance and "march against the enemy and rebels within, in full force
and at their charges." Finally, what was afterward regarded as an act
of special injustice to the cities of Zurich and Bern and the chief
cause of the unhappy turn of the religious war, the prohibition of the
necessaries of life was made also a principle of this alliance, a
lawful mode of fighting, and preferred and recommended in case strife
should break out.
As soon as the two cities had received certain information that the
alliance was concluded, before the documents were yet delivered to the
Diet by King Ferdinand, they instituted a convention of the collective
cantons, not embraced in the alliance. All, with the exception of
Freiburg, were present at it. A resolution was now passed to send an
embassy to Luzern and into the Five Cantons, praying for the
abandonment of a connection, which would necessarily shake the
Confederacy to its very foundations. This embassy of the seven states
was joined by delegates from the allied cities of St. Gall, Chur,
Muehlhausen and Biel.
But the animosity of the parties had already grown to such a height
that little was to be hoped for from conciliatory measures. Still many
were found on both sides, who continued to favor peaceful counsels and
desire a dispassionate, and, above all, a national discussion of the
questions at issue. Some months previous to this, the Council at Zug
had written to that of Zurich: They were not willing to believe in the
rumor of hostile intentions against the Zurichers and designs of
pillage among the peasantry on the further side of Lake Zurich: then
the letter proceeds--"for we have observed with great pleasure, what
friendly intercourse exists between our people and yours, who lie
together on the borders. So would we also act toward you, and spare
neither day nor night to bring about peace, reconciliation and unity."
Bern discovered a similar kind disposition among her Catholic neighbors
in Entlebuch "Every day"--it was written to the bailiff and commons of
that place--"the people of the Emmenthal speak of the friendly manner
in which you have behaved toward them, and how you lately cast into
prison one who defamed us. For this, accept our hearty thanks. And
although much may have been said to you, how we perhaps intended to
compel you or others to embrace the new faith, as it is called, we
freely declare that we never thought of such a thing, and would do it
on no account, for faith is the gift of God alone; but if any one would
force us from our resolution, we must defend it, as those who are bound
always to give an answer for our faith according to the Holy
Scripture." In Luzern itself, even among individual members of the
government, a friendly feeling was still found by the envoys of Zurich,
who in the beginning of the year were sent thither to lay complaints
against Thomas Murner. They wrote from this city to the Council at
Zurich: "It is the common talk at Luzern that the peasantry, who border
on us and the Bernese, are so well content with their neighbors, that
there is nothing like it, and they say together that they will have no
war with each other, but mutually agree to pledge their persons and
their services and not trouble themselves about religion." This was
also confirmed by Von Knonau, the Zurichan _landvogt_.
Relying on this spirit, which still survived, at least among a portion
of the people even in the other Catholic cantons, a full statement was
drawn up, to be laid by envoys before the Councils, and if permitted,
before the general assemblies (_landgemeinen_) of the Five Cantons. "No
doubt," so it ran, "there is still, dear Confederates, many a good
honest man among you, who may justly consider what injury, reproach and
danger to us all and our common fatherland must spring from such an
alliance, and into whose hands and power we will fall--those namely,
who have never favored, but always hated us, and even taught their
children to hate us from the cradle. Indeed, many a dwelling will
become desolate, if they, who began this, persevere in their
undertaking. But how can they do it, when we, on our part, yet desire
to remain your true and faithful Confederates; to adhere to our
treaties and oaths with you, and to prove to you our friendship, love
and duty without stint of life or property? And since many and various
slanders, about our two cities Zurich and Bern, have circulated among
you, as though they had made a special agreement to arm themselves
against you with artillery, guns, ships, marchings and other warlike
devices, placed the bell over you and used foul words to your
disparagement; O do not lend a ready ear to such fables! for indeed
such a thing has never entered our heart or mind, much less have we
ever attempted to do it."
The reception of the embassy was of a more friendly character in
Schwyz, and that before a full meeting of the general assembly. They
heard the message calmly. A written answer was promised and given not
without cordiality. This, however, may have been partly due to the
secretary.
The event in Zug was not quite so peaceful. Open discord reigned among
the counselors, a majority of whom were zealous advocates of the
alliance. Admission to the general assembly (_landsgemeine_) was not
granted to the deputies. We are told in their report: "They pretended
they had an excitable population, and were concerned lest our presence
would create great confusion; for they were much more passionate and
intolerant in the assemblies than the councils." In Altorf a difference
was made between Zurich and Bern; between the decided cantons and those
that were more accommodating.--The former were thanked; the latter, and
Zurich especially, were charged with interfering in matters of faith,
where they had no business so to do. Of the new faith, they said:
"Would to God it were buried!" Then an attempt was made, as had been
done before by Schwyz, to maintain it as a principle in the government
of the Common Territories, that even in ecclesiastical affairs the
majority of votes among the ruling cantons should decide. Of all the
points at issue this was the most difficult. Over it the strife
continually broke out anew.--Proudly and piously spoke the Luzerners:
They would follow their forefathers in everything, in adherence to the
Federal Compact, and in love, but only when it did not deviate from the
faith. Seditious persons now try to undermine this, as once the serpent
sneaked around our first parents in Paradise. From such poison they
would preserve their children and children's children. They had been
prompted to do what they now did, in the face of censure, by the
intrigues, embassies and negotiations of other cantons among
themselves, in the territories as well as with foreigners, the defiance
with which their just complaints had been met and the arming of the
Zurichers. In Obwalden a very hostile disposition at last revealed
itself. Here a bitterness of spirit had been left behind by the
unsuccessful inroad into the Haslithal, which was essentially increased
by the claims of Bern for indemnification, the sojourn of fugitive
Oberlanders and the execution of Hans im Sand, who had enjoyed special
favor in Obwalden. With all their efforts the mediating cantons had not
yet been able to restore peace, but only to prevent the outbreak of a
second war. The deputies of Obwalden and those of the Reformed cities
still gave each other short words and exchanged sullen looks, when they
met at the Federal Diet. But in Sarnen the most unfriendly reception
awaited the embassy of the Confederates. Only the envoys of those
cantons, which had not yet spoken out decidedly for the Reformation,
were treated with a certain moderation, and notified that the sharp
language, which must be used, had but a partial reference to them. Then
the Federal Compact was revoked with all apostates from the true faith,
and pity expressed that it had not been done before. They and the other
Forest Cantons were the true, old Confederates, they had won the prize
of liberty, they had admitted the rest of the cantons into the
Confederacy. Why should these now wish to be their masters? But the
Emperor, Austria, France, Savoy and Wallis (_Valais_) will indeed help
them to prevent it. A written answer was refused. On the other hand
they got a sight of the escutcheons of Zurich, Bern and Basel painted
on a gallows in the house of the secretary of state (_landschreiber_)
and when they complained of it, the excuse was, it meant nothing,--a
foolish fellow had daubed it there.
Great was the exasperation at this news, particularly in Zurich. Now
openly and earnestly they set about arming themselves, refused peace
beforehand without the humiliation of Obwalden, and called upon Bern by
letters and an embassy not to make the least abatement in its unsettled
grievances against that district, but rather to insist with redoubled
zeal on satisfaction and the fullest indemnity. Indeed, Zwingli wished
to go yet further. He had expressly desired, in the Privy Council, by
which all the more important business of state was again disposed of,
that no peace would be concluded with Obwalden, if she would not
renounce all pensions, abandon the alliance with Austria and give up
all the bailiwicks for a term of office. But Bern was by no means so
ready for war. In the Council, jealousy or mere political shyness of
the often hasty interference of Zurich, appears to have given new
animation to the party opposed to her. "We are," wrote Haller to
Zwingli, "as unsound as ever in our government; and though we now at
Easter possess the Small and Great Councils, yet we are fearful that
nothing good will be done here, because all those, who have hitherto
shown themselves hostile to the word of God, are returning to power,
and if that happen, then you may expect nothing else from us, than that
nothing good will be undertaken." Under seal of the strictest silence
he communicated to him the fact, that in eight days at furthest no more
than a crown would be found remaining in the public treasury. "If the
Oberlanders knew this," he added, "do you suppose they would leave us
unmolested?" It appears also, when Zurich became still more urgent, and
earnestly declared she would not suffer it, but prevent it by force of
arms, if necessary, that the new _landvogt_ of Baden, an Unterwaldner,
entered the city on horseback about the time of the election of public
officers, and an embassy from Bern with prayers for more peaceful
deliberation and more moderate councils, uttered the assurance that she
was less inclined than ever to such a course. "In the opinion of my
Lords," said its spokesman, "it would be better yet to prevent by
friendliness an unpleasant issue. They are not willing to begin war
before they know more certainly the disposition of their people, who
are ready for an outbreak, now when the sun shines, but when it rains,
their courage falls. A part of our peasantry have concluded a formal
treaty with their neighbors of Luzern not to injure one another. We
would not compel them to do so. You know very well that the Word of God
enjoins nothing else but peace and quiet. True, dear Confederates and
Christian townsmen of Zurich, you yourselves at first desired to
accomplish everything by kindness. Indeed, faith cannot be administered
at the point of the spear and halberd. And then remember, the Emperor
has not so much to do, that if we attempt anything, he cannot march out
against us. Then we have the Wallisers (people of the canton of
_Valais_) with us, who are waiting, and if we would undertake anything
with the Confederates, they would march homo again in an hour, even if
they had to leave their beds; and who could hinder them? Lastly, there
is the negotiation with the Duke of Savoy not yet settled, and we know
not where we are. Therefore, we pray you, for the sake of Christ's
passion, not to be so violent."
But this language availed nothing; for on the same day dreadful tidings
arrived. Jacob Kaiser, surnamed the Locksmith of Utznach, the place of
his birth, had a benefice and settlement given him at Neftenbach, in
the canton of Zurich. Now he received a call as a preacher to
Oberkirch, in Gaster. Before he resigned his former charge, he
sometimes visited his new parish. Being much hated by the Schwyzers,
because when pastor at the Ufnau he had declared himself strongly
opposed to image-worship, the bailiff (_vogt_) in Utznach, which was
under the dominion of Schwyz and Glarus, caused him to be apprehended,
as he journeyed through, and brought to Schwyz.[2] This was done in
pursuance of an order, which all the bailiffs of the Five Cantons had
received, to keep an eye on innovating preachers in the Territories,
and seize them, and hand them over to justice. Like an earlier victim
in Schwyz, another in the Thurgau, and three preachers delivered to the
Bishop at M[oe]rsburg, by Catholic bailiffs of that place, Kaiser was
condemned to die at the stake. In vain did Zurich intercede for him; in
vain did she write more earnest letters; in vain did she send the
treasurer Edlebach to Schwyz. On the day of his execution the Schwyzers
answered: "The territory of Utznach belongs not to you it is a property
bought by us and our Confederates of Glarus. For what we do there you
have no right to call us to account. And if the parson is so dear to
you as you say in your letter, then you should have kept him at home,
and not suffered him to come among our people. This would have been
most agreeable to us, and certainly much better for him." Such scorn
and the flames of the faggot were decisive. War was determined on.
FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER SIXTH:
Footnote 1: It is printed at large in _Escher_ and _Hottinger_, fuer
Schweizerische Geschichte und Landeskunde. Bd. II. S. 263 ff.
Footnote 2: So it is expressed in the verbal process of the Privy
Council; that he was once pastor at Schwerzenbach in Greifensee,
Bullinger informs us.
CHAPTER SEVENTH.
FIRST CAMPAIGN. ZWINGLI AND LUTHER.
Two primal forces live and move in man, the one more in this
individual, the other more in that one; they both spring from above:
Feeling and Understanding. Original, childlike Feeling _is_ the inner
law; but it does not know itself. The awakening Understanding _seeks_
the law, but finds it not; for around them and between them settle the
mist of earth, the smoke and vapors of passion. Power is needed to work
their way up out of the mist; a celestial sun to scatter it. That sun
is Love. In Love, as well as in Power, God has revealed himself. Only
in the loving act, in revelation, are Feeling and Understanding able to
find each other, to understand each other, and then also first to
understand themselves. Now, and in this way alone, does growth in true
knowledge begin. With it disunion, discord is no longer possible; all
discord, even that which is internal, springs from want of knowledge.
The error is most lamentable, when Feeling fears the Understanding, and
the Understanding hates Feeling. This it is, which can lead to war for
religion. No war for religion is permitted to end with the overthrow of
one of these. God will not have it so; for he has created Feeling and
Understanding as immortal, mutually completing sisters. Did Zwingli not
know this? Was he perchance a man of a one-sided understanding,
imprisoned in mist, who sought knowledge in his own strength, but for
this very reason was never able to discover the truth? Did he desire to
subject Feeling to the Understanding, to subdue faith to the yoke of
the letter--of the letter, which men invented to express _their_
thoughts, whilst the Spirit, who proceeds from the Father, does not
reveal himself in _words made of letters_, but in _the Word_ of Love,
the loving act? They tried it, who came after him, who were not able to
comprehend him; but they have been shamefully wrecked with their ever
swelling formulas of confession. The church of Zurich under Zwingli,
and then under the _antistes_ Klingler (1688-1713)--what a sad
contrast! Yet here is not the place to speak of it.
Faith, that feeling of the Divine will, of the Divine revelation,
transformed into knowledge, had struck its roots as deep into the
nature of Zwingli as into that of Luther. Who can doubt it, when he
reads thus in his Explanation of the Christian Faith, as preached by
him, which in the year of his death was dedicated to the King of
France: "Faith must be the source of our works. If it go before, then
the work is acceptable to God. If it be wanting, then all that is done,
is false, and hence not only displeasing to God, but an abomination.
Therefore Paul says: 'Everything, which is not of faith is sin.' Now
faith comes only from the Spirit of God; hence they, who have faith,
look to the will of God as to a perfect rule. For this reason, not only
those works, which are done contrary to the law of God, are blameable,
but those also which are done without regard to it. Whatever is done
thus without the law, _i.e._ with no regard to the Word and will of
God, is also not done of faith; what is not done of faith is sin, and
sin God abhors. Thus it comes, that even if any one performs a work
which God has commanded, giving alms, for example, but without
faith,[1] such a work is not pleasing to God; for when we go back to
the source from whence the almsgiving springs, which is not done of
faith, then we find that it has proceeded either from vain-glory, or a
desire to receive more in return, or from some other bad motive. And
who is not convinced that such a work is unacceptable to God?"[2]
After such expressions of the Reformer every one will be readily
convinced, that Zwingli wished to create no controversy, to achieve no
victory of the understanding, which only regulates and analyzes, at the
expense of pious feeling.[3] That war, which can only be called
religious, because the parties themselves very wrongly believed they
served religion thereby, was not allowed by Christianity, as it came
from the hands of its founder, not by the Church established by Him,
not by the unity of this Church, unity in her Master and Exampler
abiding yet in the Gospel and the hearts of all true believers. It was
actually of a political more than of a religious nature; for a Church
which exercises temporal authority, whose heads rule over land and
people, set up compulsory dogmas of faith and deliver to judgment
those, who do not submit to them, is also a political, a worldly power.
Or ought we regard the nuncios, who drive along in carriages drawn by
four horses, to be received by the thunder of cannon, as apostles, when
Christ would send them forth, staff in hand, without money, without
change of raiment?