distribution of provisions? Who regulate matters pertaining
to public hygiene, the postal, telegraph, and railway services,
etc.? Who would direct public instruction? Who undertake those
great works of exploration, improvement on a large scale, scientific
enterprise, etc., which transform the face of the earth and augment
a hundredfold the power of man?
Who would care for the preservation and increase of capital,
that it might be transmitted to posterity, enriched and improved?
Who would prevent the destruction of the forests, or the irrational
exploitation, and therefore impoverishment of the soil?
Who would there be to prevent and repress crimes, that is,
anti-social acts?
What of those who, disregarding the law of solidarity, would
not work? Or of those who might spread infectious disease in
a country, by refusing to submit to the regulation of hygiene by
science? Or what again could be done with those who, whether
insane or no, might set fire to the harvest, injure children, or
abuse and take advantage of the weak?
To destroy private property and abolish existing government,
without reconstituting a government that would organize collective
life and secure social solidarity, would not be to abolish
privilege, and bring peace and prosperity upon earth. It would
be to destroy, every social bond, to leave humanity to fall back
into barbarism, to begin again the reign of "each for himself;"
which would establish the triumph, firstly, of brute force, and,
secondly, of economic privilege.
----------
Such are the objections brought forward by authoritarians,
even by those who are Socialists, that is, who wish to abolish
private property, and class government founded upon the system
of private property.
We reply:
In the first place, it is not true that with a change of social
conditions, the nature of the government and its functions would
also change. Organs and functions are inseparable terms. Take
from an organ its function, and either the organ will die, or the
function will reinstate itself. Place an army in a country where
there is no reason for or fear of foreign war, and this army will
provoke war, or, if it do not succeed in doing that, it will
disband. A police force, where there are no crimes to discover,
and delinquents to arrest, will provoke or invent crimes, or will
cease to exist.
For centuries, there existed in France an institution, now included
in the administration of the forests, for the extermination
of the wolves and other noxious beasts. No one will be surprised
to learn that, just on account of this institution, wolves
still exist in France, and that, in rigorous seasons, they do great
damage. The public take little heed of the wolves, because
there are the appointed officials, whose duty it is to think about
them. And the officials do hunt them, but in an _intelligent_
manner, sparing their caves, and allowing time for reproduction,
that they may not run the risk of entirely destroying such an
_interesting_ species. The French peasants have indeed little
confidence in these official wolf-hunters, and regard them rather
as the wolf-preservers. And, of course, what would these officials
do if there were no longer any wolves to exterminate?
A government, that is, a number of persons deputed to make
the laws, and entitled to use the collective forces of society to
make every individual to respect these laws, already constitutes
a class privileged and separated from the rest of the community.
Such a class, like every elected body, will seek instinctively to.
enlarge its powers; to place itself above the control of the people;
to impose its tendencies, and to make its own interests predominate.
Placed in a privileged position, the government always finds itself
in antagonism to the masses, of whose force it disposes.
Furthermore, a government, with the best intention, could never
satisfy everybody, even if it succeeded in satisfying some.
It must therefore always be defending itself against the
discontented, and for that reason must ally itself with the
satisfied section of the community for necessary support. And in
this manner will arise again the old story of a privileged class,
which cannot help but be developed in conjunction with the
government. This class, if it could not again acquire possession of
the soil, would certainly monopolize the most favored spots, and
would not be in the end less oppressive, or less an instrument of
exploitation than the capitalist class.
The governors, accustomed to command, would never wish to mix with
the common crowd. If they could not retain the power in their own
hands, they would at least secure to themselves privileged positions
for the time when they would be out of office. They would use all
the means they have in their power to get their own friends
elected as their successors, who would in their turn be supported
and protected by their predecessors. And thus the government would
pass and repass into the same hands, and the _democracy_, that is,
the government presumably of the whole people, would end, as it
always has done, in becoming an _oligarchy_, or the government of a
few, the government of a class.
And this all-powerful, oppressive, all-absorbing oligarchy would
have always in its care, that is, at its disposition, every
bit of social capital, all public services, from the production and
distribution of provisions to the manufacture of matches, from
the control of the university to that of the music hall.
----------
But let us even suppose that the government did not necessarily
constitute a privileged class, and could exist without forming
around itself a new privileged class. Let us imagine that it
could remain truly representative, the servant--if you will--of
all society. What purpose would it then serve? In what particular
and in what manner would it augment the power, intelligence,
spirit of solidarity, care of the general welfare, present and to
come, that at any given moment existed in a given society?
It is always the old story of the man with bound limbs, who,
having managed to live in spite of his bands, believes that he
lives by means of them. We are accustomed to live under a
government, which makes use of all that energy, that intelligence,
and that will which it can direct to its own ends; but which
hinders, paralyzes and suppresses those that are useless or
hostile to it. And we imagine that all that is done in society is
done by virtue of the government, and that without the government
there would be neither energy, intelligence, nor good will
in society. So it happens (as we have already said) that the
proprietor who has possessed himself of the soil, has it cultivated
for his own particular profit, leaving the laborer the barest
necessities of life for which he can and will continue to labor.
While the enslaved laborer thinks that he could not live without
his master, as though it were _he_ who created the earth and the
forces of nature.
What can government of itself add to the moral and material
forces which exist in a society? Unless it be like the God of
the Bible, who created the universe out of nothing?
As nothing is created in the so-called material world, so in
this more complicated form of the material world, which is the
social world, nothing can be created. And therefore governors
can dispose of no other force than that which is already in society.
And indeed not by any means of all of that, as much force is
necessarily paralyzed and destroyed by governmental methods
of action, while more again is wasted in the friction with
rebellious elements, inevitably great in such an artificial
mechanism. Whenever governors originate anything of themselves, it
is as men and not as governors, that they do so. And of that amount
of force, both material and moral, which does remain at the
disposition of the government, only an infinitesimally small part
achieves an end really useful to society. The remainder is either
consumed in actively repressing rebellious opposition, or is
otherwise diverted from the aim of general utility, and turned to
the profit of the few, and to the injury of the majority of men.
So much has been made of the part that individual initiative
and social action play respectively in the life and progress of
human society; and such is the confusion of metaphysical language,
that those who affirm that individual initiative is the source and
agency of all action seem to be asserting something quite
preposterous. In reality, it is a truism, which becomes apparent
directly we begin to explain the actual facts represented by these
words.
The real being is the man, the individual; society or the
collectivity, and the State or government which professes to
represent it, if not hollow abstractions, can be nothing else than
aggregates of individuals. And it is within the individual
organism that all thoughts and all human action necessarily
have their origin. Originally individual, they become collective
thoughts and actions, when shared in common by many individuals.
Social action, then, is not the negation, nor the complement
of individual initiative, but it is the sum total of the
initiatives, thoughts and actions of all the individuals composing
society: a result which, other things equal, is more or less great
according as the individual forces tend toward the same aim, or
are divergent and opposed. If, on the other hand, as the
authoritarians make out, by social action is meant governmental
action, then it is again the result of individual forces, but only
of those individuals who either form part of the government, or by
virtue of their position are enabled to influence the conduct of the
government.
Thus, in the contest of centuries between liberty and authority,
or, in other words, between social equality and social castes,
the question at issue has not really been the relations between
society and the individual, nor the increase of individual
independence at the cost of social control, or _vice versa_. Rather
it has had to do with preventing any one individual from oppressing
the others; with giving to everyone the same rights and the
same means of action. It has had to do with substituting the
initiative of all, which must naturally result in the advantage of
all, for the initiative of the few, which necessarily results in the
suppression of all the others. It is always, in short, the question
of putting an end to the domination and exploitation of man by
man in such a way that all are interested in the common welfare;
and that the individual force of each, instead of oppressing,
combating or suppressing others, will find the possibility of
complete development, and every one will seek to associate with
others for the greater advantage of all.
From what we have said, it follows that the existence of a
government, even upon the hypothesis that the ideal government
of authoritarian Socialists were possible, far from producing an
increase of productive force, would immensely diminish it; because
the government would restrict initiative to the few. It would give
these few the right to do all things, without being able, of course,
to endow them with the knowledge or understanding of all things.
In fact, if you divest legislation and all the operations of
government of what is intended to protect the privileged, and
what represents the wishes of the privileged classes alone, nothing
remains but the aggregate of individual governors. "The State," says
Sismondi, "is always a conservative power that authorizes, regulates
and organizes the conquests of progress (and history testifies that
it applies them to the profit of its own and the other privileged
classes) but never does inaugurate them. New ideas always originate
from beneath, are conceived in the foundations of society, and then,
when divulged, they become opinion and grow. But they must always
meet on their path, and combat the constituted powers of tradition,
custom, privilege and error."
----------
In order to understand how society could exist without a government,
it is sufficient to turn our attention for a short space to what
actually goes on in our present society. We shall see that in
reality the most important social functions are fulfilled even
now-a-days outside the intervention of government. Also that
government only interferes to exploit the masses, or defend
the privileged class, or, lastly, to sanction, most unnecessarily,
all that has been done without its aid, often in spite of and in
opposition to it. Men work, exchange, study, travel, follow as
they choose the current rules of morality, or hygiene; they profit
by the progress of science and art, have numberless mutual
interests without ever feeling the need of anyone to direct them
how to conduct themselves in regard to these matters. On the
contrary, it is just those things in which there is no governmental
interference that prosper best, and that give rise to the least
contention, being unconsciously adapted to the wish of all in
the way found most useful and agreeable.
Nor is government more necessary in the case of large undertakings,
or for those public services which require the constant co-operation
of many people of different conditions and countries. Thousands of
these undertakings are even now the work of voluntarily formed
associations. And these are, by the acknowledgment of every one, the
undertakings which succeed the best. Nor do we refer to the
association of capitalists, organized by means of exploitation,
although even they show capabilities and powers of free association,
which may extend _ad libitum_ until it embraces all the peoples of
all lands, and includes the widest and most varying interests. But
we speak rather of those associations inspired by the love of
humanity, or by the passion for knowledge, or even simply by the
desire for amusement and love of applause, as these better represent
such grouping as will exist in a society where, private property
and internal strife between men being abolished, each will find his
interests synonymous with the interests of every one else, and his
greatest satisfaction in doing good and pleasing others. Scientific
societies and congresses, international life-boat and Red Cross
associations, etc., laborers' unions, peace societies, volunteers
who hasten to the rescue at times of great public calamity are all
examples, among thousands, of that power of the spirit of
association, which always shows itself when a need arises, or an
enthusiasm takes hold, and the means do not fail. That voluntary
associations do not cover the world, and do not embrace every branch
of material and moral activity, is the fault of the obstacles placed
in their way by governments, of the antagonisms created by the
possession of private property, and of the impotence and degradation
to which the monopolizing of wealth on the part of the few reduces
the majority of mankind.
The government takes charge, for instance, of the postal and
telegraphic services. But in what way does it really assist them?
When the people are in such a condition as to be able to enjoy,
and feel the need of such services, they will think about organizing
them; and the man with the necessary technical knowledge will not
require a certificate from the government to enable him to set to
work. The more general and urgent the need, the more volunteers will
offer to satisfy it. Would the people have the ability necessary to
provide and distribute provisions? Oh! never fear, they will not die
of hunger, waiting for a government to pass laws on the subject.
Wherever a government exists, it must wait until the people have
first organized everything, and then come with its laws to sanction
and exploit that which has been already done. It is evident that
private interest is the great motive for all activity. That being
so, when the interest of every one becomes the interest of each (and
it necessarily will become so as soon as private property is
abolished) then all will be active. And if now they work in the
interest of the few, so much the more and so much the better will
they work to satisfy the interests of all. It is hard to understand
how anyone can believe that public services indispensable to social
life can be better secured by order of a government than through
the workers themselves, who by their own choice or by agreement made
with others, carry them out under the immediate control of all
interested.
Certainly in every collective undertaking on a large scale,
there is need for division of labor, for technical direction,
administration, etc. But the authoritarians are merely playing with
words, when they deduce a reason for the existence of government,
from the very real necessity for organization of labor. The
government, we must repeat, is the aggregate of the individuals
who have had given them, or have taken the right or the means to
make laws, and force the people to obey them. The administrators,
engineers, etc., on the other hand, are men who receive or assume
the charge of doing a certain work, and who do it. Government
signifies delegation of power, that is, abdication of the initiative
and sovereignty of every one into the hands of the few.
Administration signifies delegation of work, that is, a charge given
and accepted, the free exchange of services founded on free
agreement.
A governor is a privileged person, because he has the right
to command others, and to avail himself of the force of others,
to make his own ideas and desires triumph. An administrator
or technical director is a worker like others, in a society, of
course, where all have equal opportunities of development, and
all are, or can be, at the same time intellectual and manual
workers; when there are no other differences between men than
those derived from diversity of talents, and all work and all social
functions give an equal right to the enjoyment of social advantages.
The functions of government are, in short, not to be confounded with
administrative functions, as they are essentially different. That
they are today so often confused is entirely on account of the
existence of economic and political privilege.
----------
But let us hasten to pass on to those functions for which government
is thought indispensable by all who are not Anarchists. These are
the internal and external defence of society, that is, War, Police
and Justice.
Government being abolished, and social wealth at the disposal
of every one, all antagonism between various nations would soon
cease; and there would consequently be no more cause for war.
Moreover, in the present state of the world, in any country
where the spirit of rebellion is growing, even if it do not find
an echo throughout the land, it will be certain of so much sympathy
that the government will not dare to send all its troops to
a foreign war, for fear the revolution should break out at home.
But even supposing that the rulers of countries not yet emancipated
would wish and could attempt to reduce a free people to servitude,
would these require a government to enable them to defend
themselves? To make war, we need men who have the necessary
geographical and technical knowledge, and, above all, people willing
to fight. A government has no means of augmenting the ability of the
former, or the willingness or courage of the latter. And the
experience of history teaches that a people really desirous of
defending their own country are invincible. In Italy every one knows
how thrones tremble, and regular armies of hired soldiers vanish
before troops of volunteers, that is, armies Anarchically formed.
----------
And as to the police and justice, many imagine that if it were not
for the police and the judges, everybody would be free to kill,
violate or injure others as the humor took him; that Anarchists,
if they are true to their principles, would like to see this
strange kind of liberty respected; "liberty" that violates
or destroys the life and freedom of others unrestrained. Such
people believe that we, having overthrown the government and
private property, shall then tranquilly allow the re-establishment
of both, out of respect for the "liberty" of those who may feel
the need of having a government and private property. A strange
mode indeed of construing our ideas! In truth, one may better
answer such notions with a shrug of the shoulders than by taking
the trouble to confute them.
The liberty we wish for, for ourselves and others, is not an
absolute, abstract, metaphysical liberty, which in practice can
only amount to the oppression of the weak. But we wish for a
tangible liberty, the possible liberty, which is the conscious
communion of interests, that is, voluntary solidarity. We proclaim
the maxim: _Do as you will;_ and in this our program is almost
entirely contained, because, as may be easily understood, we hold
that in a society without government or property, each one _will
wish that which he should_.
But if, in consequence of a false education, received in the
present society, or of physical disease, or whatever other cause,
an individual should wish to injure others, you may be sure we
should adopt all the means in our power to prevent him. As
we know that a man's character is the consequence of his physical
organism, and of the cosmic and social influences surrounding
him, we certainly shall not confound the sacred right of
self-defence, with the absurdly assumed right to punish. Also, we
shall not regard the delinquent, that is, the man who commits
anti-social acts, as the rebel he seems in the eyes of the judges
nowadays. We shall regard him as a sick brother in need of
cure. We therefore shall not act towards him in the spirit of
hatred, when repressing him, but shall confine ourselves solely
to self-protection. We shall not seek to revenge ourselves, but
rather to rescue the unfortunate one by every means that science
suggests. In theory, Anarchists may go astray like others, losing
sight of the reality under a semblance of logic; but it is
quite certain that the emancipated people will not let their dearly
bought liberty and welfare be attacked with impunity. If the
necessity arose, they would provide for their own defence against
the anti-social tendencies of certain amongst them. But how do
those whose business it now is to make the laws, protect society?
Or those others who live by seeking for and inventing new
infringements of law? Even now, when the masses of the people
really disapprove of anything and think it injurious, they always
find a way to prevent it very much more effectually than all the
professional legislators, constables or judges. During
insurrections, the people, though very mistakenly, have enforced the
respect for private property; and they have secured this respect
far better than an army of policemen could have done.
Customs always follow the needs and sentiments of the majority;
and they are always the more respected, the less they are subject
to the sanction of law. This is because every one sees and
comprehends their utility, and because the interested parties,
not deluding themselves with the idea that government will protect
them, are themselves concerned in seeing the custom respected.
The economical use of water is of very great importance to a
caravan crossing the deserts of Africa. Under these circumstances,
water is a sacred thing; and no sane man dreams of wasting it.
Conspirators are obliged to act secretly; so secrecy is preserved
among them, and obloquy rests on whosoever violates it. Gambling
debts are not guaranteed by law; but among gamblers it is considered
dishonorable not to pay them, and the delinquent feels himself
dishonored by not fulfilling his obligations.