I have just received your letter of April 23, and hasten

to reply to it, in order to prove to you that not one of

yours has been neglected, which could be readily seen by my

copybook. I am not surprised that at this time you have not

received your papers, because they cannot have left before

the 10th or 15th of last March, having been held up by the

embargoes and the bad weather, as you will see by the date of

the letters which accompany them.

They were entrusted to the son-in-law of Mr. Paulin, and

if the ship arrives safely as I trust it will, you have now

received them.

What negligence on the part of Mr. Miers Fisher! In truth

it is unpardonable, to let the mortgages stand after having

paid them![101] Will you then, I pray, clear this up for the

sake of our mutual peace of mind? You speak of repairs to the

house,[102] it needs a complete cover; would it not be better

for me to send some slate from here? This would perhaps be

less expensive, and well nigh everlasting. Should you consider

it advisable I will send you some at once.

I beg you not to neglect the affair of David Ross; if you can

collect this sum, you will use it for our needs. I am annoyed

that all these mishaps prevent you from working;[103] be well

persuaded that it is no fault of mine, and that I am guilty

of no negligence.

You speak of my going to that country; if such had been my

intention I should have done it long ago. I am still troubled

with an inflammation of the lungs; and one ought not to be ill

in a foreign country, where he does not receive the care that

he enjoys in his own home. You ask me to bring you money....

You know better than anyone else what was my [financial]

position when I sold to you; by that alone you must know how

difficult this would be for me. It is necessary to manage

so that our object suffices us [or so that the mine pays its

way], and if we cannot work on a grand scale, we must needs do

the best with our affairs on a lower plane; for that I depend

on you. I salute you.

P.S. When you shall have my papers from Mr. Miers

Fisher, you will find a promissory note of Mr.

Samuel Plaisance of Richmond, for the business of

the widow Ross. If there were justice there this

sum would be paid to me with the costs.

The foregoing letters show that Dacosta had been asked to oppose the

proposed marriage of the younger Audubon to Lucy Bakewell until consent

should be given; that he was calling for more money to exploit the lead

mine and was urging Lieutenant Audubon to come to America; and that

their relations were becoming strained, Dacosta, to prove his title to

a one-half interest in the mine and farm, having threatened to take his

case to the courts.

This mining experiment was spread over many years. Before turning to

the sequel (see Chapter XI), let us glance at the picture which the

naturalist has left of his unsympathetic tutor. "Dacosta," he said, "was

intended to teach me mineralogy and mining engineering, but in fact"

he "knew nothing of either; besides which he was a covetous wretch,

who did all he could to ruin my father, and indeed swindled us both to

a large amount. I had to go to France to expose him to my father to

get rid of him, which I fortunately accomplished at sight of my kind

parent. A greater scoundrel than Dacosta never probably existed, but

peace be with his soul." In one respect only, said Audubon, did he

receive any sympathy from his guardian: Dacosta commended his drawings

of birds. "One morning," Audubon relates, "when I was drawing a figure

of the _Ardea herodias_ [the great blue heron], he assured me that the

time might come when I should be a great American naturalist"; however

curious it might appear, he adds, that praise "from the lips of such a

man should affect me, I assure you that they had great weight with me

and I felt a certain degree of pride in these words even then."

To follow Audubon's story further, not only did Dacosta take control

of his finances, but he interfered with his personal liberty, first

by objecting to his proposed marriage to Lucy Bakewell, and then by

cutting off his stipend when he rebelled.[104] Audubon, being thoroughly

aroused, determined to return to France and lay the case before his

father in person. With this end in view he walked to Philadelphia,

whither Dacosta had gone, to demand the money necessary to take him

to Nantes. He was given, as he says, what purported to be a letter of

credit to a Mr. Kauman, an agent and banker in New York. Returning with

his letter to "Mill Grove," he then started on foot for New York, where

he arrived on the evening of the third day. While there he stayed at the

house of Mrs. Palmer,[105] "a lady of excellent qualities," who received

him most kindly. Audubon called promptly upon Benjamin Bakewell, for

whom he was the bearer of a letter from his brother, William Bakewell,

of "Fatland Ford." Instead of an order for money, Kauman's letter, he

said, contained only the advice that its bearer be "arrested and shipped

to Canton." Perplexed and bewildered beyond endurance, Audubon said

that for the first time he felt the call of murder in his blood, and his

outraged feelings were not assuaged until his landlady, to whom he had

opened his heart, and Mr. Bakewell, had come to his aid. Having secured

from this gentleman the necessary funds, he bought a passage in the ship

_Hope_, which was then about to sail direct for Nantes.

Thanks to an old cash account of William Bakewell, we can follow

Audubon's movements at this time fairly closely. This record[106]

extends from January 4, 1805, to April 9, 1810, during which time he

advanced money to his future son-in-law and received credits due him

from various sources. He did the same for the young partners when an

association in business had been formed between Audubon and Rozier,

and acted as their agent or attorney after the sale of their farm and

their settlement in the West; as will be seen he aided Audubon very

substantially later when money was needed at Louisville and for the more

ambitious projects at Henderson, in which his son was also interested.

This particular record shows that he supplied Audubon with small sums

of money on January 4 and 12, 1805, just before his departure from

"Mill Grove," and that on the eighteenth of the same month he paid his

brother, Benjamin Bakewell of New York, $150 on the young man's account.

This was undoubtedly the passage money which Audubon had borrowed from

his friend, and as the ship was then ready to sail, the date of his

voyage on the _Hope_ is very closely fixed.

After his vessel had passed Sandy Hook and was opposite New Bedford,

the captain, in order, as he averred, to make necessary repairs, ran

her into that port, where they passed a week. This was thought to be

only a ruse on the captain's part to gain time, for, having recently

married, he wanted a holiday on shore; accordingly he had ordered a

few holes bored below the waterline in the bows of his ship. When they

finally put to sea in earnest, they passed "through an immensity of dead

fish floating on the surface of the water," a remark which now recalls

stories of the famous tilefish, once thought to be extinct, which have

been found floating dead in vast numbers in that part of the Atlantic.

After nineteen days out the _Hope_ entered the Loire and anchored at

Paimbœuf, the lower harbor of Nantes; this was in February, and not far

from the eighteenth of that month.

CHAPTER IX

AUDUBON'S LAST VISIT TO HIS HOME IN FRANCE

Life at Couëron—Friendship of D'Orbigny—Drawings of French

birds—D'Orbigny's troubles—Marriage of Rosa Audubon—The Du

Puigaudeaus—Partnership with Ferdinand Rozier—Their Articles

of Association—They sail from Nantes, are overhauled by

British privateers, but land safely at New York—Settle at

"Mill Grove."

Reaching his home at Couëron in the spring of 1805, Audubon took

his parents completely by surprise. He found his father, then in his

sixty-first year, still "hale and hearty," and his "_chère maman_ as

fair and good as ever." It was a time of momentous events in France;

Napoleon had placed the crown upon his head but a few months before;

defeat and victory followed in rapid succession. But this did not

prevent the young naturalist from spending a year in "the lap of

comfort" at Nantes and in the quiet villa of "La Gerbetière," where as

usual he hunted birds and collected objects of natural history of every

sort.

At this time also Audubon formed a friendship with a young man after

his own heart, Dr. Charles Marie d'Orbigny, who "with his young wife

and infant-son" was then living near his home. "The doctor," he said,

"was a good fisherman, a good hunter, and fond of all objects in

nature. Together we searched the woods, the fields and the banks of

the Loire, procuring every bird we could, and I made drawings of every

one of them—very bad, to be sure, but still they were of assistance to

me."[107]

Charles d'Orbigny, who was Audubon's most intimate early friend and

in all probability his father in natural history, was always spoken of

in terms of great affection. While at Paris in October, 1829, Audubon

learned from the naturalist Lesson that D'Orbigny was then in charge of

the museum at La Rochelle and that "his son, Charles, then twenty-one,"

whom "he had held in his arms many times," was in the city; on October 8

he wrote in his journal: "this morning I had great pleasure in meeting

my godson, Charles d'Orbigny. Oh! what past times were brought to my

mind."[108]

[Illustration: EARLY UNPUBLISHED DRAWINGS OF FRENCH BIRDS:

ABOVE, "LE FRIQUET MÂLE DE BUFFON. THE SEDGE SPARROW. NO.

13. NEAR NANTZ, 1805. J. J. A."; BELOW, "LE ROSSIGNOL DE

MURAILLES—DE BUFFON—THE REDSTART. NO. 50. NEAR NANTZ, AUGUST,

1805. J. L. F. A."

Published by courtesy of Mr. Joseph Y. Jeanes.]

In later life the elder D'Orbigny seems to have fallen on evil times.

He appeared as a debtor to Lieutenant Audubon's estate, and the cordial

relations that had long existed between the two families were broken;

this is shown only too plainly by the following sharp letter[109]

written by Gabriel du Puigaudeau and addressed to the doctor, on August

3, 1819, when the family had become reduced in means:

_Gabriel du Puigaudeau to Charles M. d'Orbigny_

Your letter of the twenty-fifth of January reached me in

due time. I am grieved to see that you are annoyed because

I addressed you through the voice of the mayor of the town

in which you live, since I had not the honor of knowing the

mayor any more than the enmity which may exist between you; I

was in duty bound to find out where you were; I heard it said

that Esnaudes was your home and I wrote you more than a year

ago; when I received no reply, the supposition was that I must

have been misinformed. I wrote to the mayor of Esnaudes and

he had the kindness to reply that you were practicing in his

commune. I am writing to you under this cover, persuaded that

my last will not have the same fate as my first, which surely

had not reached you.

As to the claim that Madame Audubon has upon you, the

different credits which you mention are assuredly more than

enough to pay the amount, but with forfeitures; unfortunately

there are many creditors who do nothing but this; Madame

Audubon gets nothing, and finds herself in straightened

circumstances, although her hands are full of notes. You say

that your creditors can claim only thirty-five hundred francs.

I have certain knowledge to the contrary, since already the

mortgages on your house reach nearly three thousand francs,

while Madame Audubon is your creditor in the sum of at least

sixteen hundred francs. I wish in business to be frank, and to

have others so with me. You say that you owe rather those who

have supplied you with food; you are unwilling then to recall

that the sums that the late Mr. Audubon lent you repeatedly

were for the same purpose. You tell us to be patient, and

who have been more patient than we for the past four years?

You speak of reduction of interest; indeed it is impossible

that you should have thought of this, or that we should be

content with what you should be so good as to give us, and

that when you deem it convenient, without our being able to

file a protest. I leave you to reflect on what we must think

of this matter, and I beg you to see in my manner of writing

to you the interpretation that I have given to what you write

yourself.

Madame Audubon does not think that she should exact at once

the capital in addition to the interest, but she charges me

to say to you that, having a right at least to the interest

accrued, she begs you to have that money paid to her with the

least possible delay.

The following letter concerning D'Orbigny's affairs was also written by

Gabriel du Puigaudeau to J. Cornet of Esnaudes, on June 26, 1819:

_Gabriel du Puigaudeau to J. Cornet_

Your honored [letter] of the sixteenth was duly received. It

is impossible to be more grateful to you than I am for the

information that you have been kind enough to give me about

Mlle. Bouffard[110] as well as about M. Delouche. I will

use it to my profit. As to the question that you put to me

concerning M. d'Orbigny, I have the honor to tell you that

he has lived in the commune of Vue in this department, and

was highly esteemed and regretted when he left to come here.

He lived here fifteen years without any one having cause to

reproach him in any way. He has always been very well regarded

and received by the best society here, and he carried from Vue

the regrets of all. He left us to take part in a manufactory

of soda, established at Noismoutiers, in the department of La

Vendée.

I have had no news of him since. As to his pecuniary

resources, I know him to have but one. His wife had a house,

at Paimbœuf in this department, which was sold three years ago

to satisfy the holders of mortgages. This is all that I can

tell you about them; he owes my mother-in-law about fifteen

hundred francs (money received at different times from my

late father-in-law), for which we have his notes, but God only

knows when we shall be paid.

As early as the autumn of 1805, if not before, plans were laid for

getting young Audubon again safely out of France, for fear, no doubt,

that the remorseless conscription officers of Napoleon would send him

to the war if he remained. At that time Lieutenant Audubon and his

wife issued jointly to their son and to Ferdinand Rozier a power of

attorney for the conduct of their business affairs in America. Parts

only of this punctilious document, which was written in French, have

been preserved,[111] and these through the translation of a "notary

public and sworn interpreter of foreign languages for the Commonwealth

of Pennsylvania, resident in Philadelphia." The names of the grantors,

who signed this letter on October 21, 1805, were attested under the

signature and seal of the mayor of Couëron; this official upon the

same day declared that, in conformity with the rigorous requirements

of the laws of the State of Pennsylvania, since "no other act, not

even a notarial instrument, can in any manner supply the same," he had

examined Anne Moynet Audubon apart, when she admitted that she perfectly

understood the nature of the act, which she had "signed, sealed, and

delivered of her own free will and accord, without being compelled

thereto by her husband, either by threats, or by any other means of

compulsion whatsoever." The mayor's signature was authenticated three

days later by the subprefect of Savenay, and the formality was finally

closed by the attestation of his signature by the prefect, on the 27th

of November.

It was during this last visit to his home in France that Audubon's

sister, Rosa,[112] was married to Gabriel Loyen du Puigaudeau, who was

not, however, as the naturalist has stated, either "the son of a fallen

nobleman" or his father's "secretary." Du Puigaudeau came from a family

of merchants in easy circumstances, and for a long time lived the life

of a country gentleman of leisure—for a period at Port Launay, below

Couëron, and later, after Lieutenant Audubon's death, at his own villa,

"Les Tourterelles," in that commune, not far from "La Gerbetière."

His father, though of a rich family, was not a "gentleman," that is,

a member of the aristocracy, as the term was then used in France. Du

Puigaudeau was without any settled business, but his revenues, upon

which he depended, failed not long after the death of his father-in-law.

He and young Audubon appear to have been good friends for many years,

and after the latter's return to America they corresponded to as late

as 1820, when for some reason their relations were broken.

In the spring of 1806 Lieutenant Audubon arranged a business partnership

between his son and Ferdinand Rozier, to endure for nine years, and also

secured passports for both to enable them to emigrate immediately to

the United States. To the same hand can also be traced their "Articles

of Association," which were drawn with the utmost care and designed to

govern them in all their future business relations in the New World:

these were signed by "Jean Audubon," and "Ferdinand Rozier," at Nantes,

on March 23, 1806. Moreover, eight days before they embarked, a second

and more elaborate letter of attorney was issued to them jointly by

the Lieutenant, his wife, and, in this instance, the aged father of

Ferdinand, under date of April 4, 1806.[113] According to the terms of

this admirably executed paper the partners were entitled to conduct all

the affairs of the grantors in reference to their property in the United

States to the best of their judgment and ability; to carry on the "Mill

Grove" farm, to the extent of their part ownership in the estate, or

to dispose of this interest; "to exploit or cause to be exploited the

mine recently discovered on the said farm, to consult in every important

matter Mr. Miers Fisher, merchant of Philadelphia,—as a common friend

and good counsellor, to keep all necessary books and registers, and at

the end of each year, or sooner, to strike a balance of the receipts

and expenses of the said farm and the exploitation of the mine, should

there be reason for it."

[Illustration: RECEIPT GIVEN BY CAPTAIN S. SAMMIS OF THE "POLLY" TO

AUDUBON AND FERDINAND ROZIER FOR THEIR PASSAGE MONEY FROM NANTES

TO NEW YORK.

From the Tom J. Rozier MSS.]

To secure at this time the necessary passports for their young men

no doubt taxed all the resources of the elder Audubon; Rozier's, said

the naturalist, was written in Dutch, of which he did not understand

a single word, while his own letter stated that he was born in New

Orleans. These subterfuges worked so well that the inspection officer,

after reading Audubon's paper, promptly offered him his congratulations,

adding that he would be only too glad to leave his unhappy country

under as favorable conditions. Audubon and Rozier sailed from Nantes

on Saturday, April 12, 1806, on the ship _Polly_, Captain Sammis, but

they did not land in New York until Tuesday, May 28, after a perilous

voyage of nearly eight weeks. A fortnight had been passed at sea when

they sighted a suspicious looking vessel which immediately gave chase,

fired several shots across their bows, and compelled the captain to

heave to and submit to being boarded and searched. This proved to be an

English privateer, named the _Rattlesnake_. She was rather considerate

for a British cruiser of the period, for she merely impressed two of

their best seamen and robbed them of their provisions, carrying off,

said Audubon, all of their "pigs, sheep, coffee and wine,"[114] in spite

of loud remonstrances of the captain and of an American Congressman who

happened to be among the passengers. "The _Rattlesnake_," he continued,

"kept us under her lee, and almost within pistol-shot, for a day and a

night, ransacking the ship for money, of which we had a great store in

the run under the ballast which was partially removed, but they did not

go deep enough to reach the treasure. The gold belonging to Rozier and

myself I put away under the ship's cable in the bow, where it remained

until the privateers had departed."

Upon reaching a point thirty miles off Sandy Hook, they learned from

a fishing smack that two British frigates lay off the harbor and

were impressing American seamen, that, in short, they were even more

unwelcome than pirates who sailed under letters of marque. The captain,

thus forewarned of one danger, had the misfortune to run into another,

for upon taking his vessel into Long Island Sound, she encountered

a storm and was stranded in a gale; no great harm was experienced,

however, for the vessel was finally floated off and reached New York

on the following day. The passage money paid by Audubon and Rozier

to Captain Sammis amounting to 525 livres, or $125,[115] was entered,

according to their articles of agreement, as the first item of their

"social expenses." After a brief visit with Benjamin Bakewell they

hurried to "Mill Grove," and Audubon to the home of his sweetheart,

Lucy.

CHAPTER X

"LA GERBETIÈRE" OF YESTERDAY AND TODAY

Home of Audubon's youth at Couëron—Its situation on the

Loire—History of the villa and commune—Changes of a century.

Before following further Audubon's history in America, we shall return

for a more intimate view of the happy home which he had left behind him

in France. This was at Couëron, a small commune in the arrondissement

of Saint-Nazaire, on the right bank of the Loire, nine miles west of

Nantes. Here, as we have noticed, his father had acquired a country

place at about the outbreak of the Revolution. The old house still

stands, though in decay, and is still known as "La Gerbetière," a name

possibly referring to the wheat which is harvested from the surrounding

fields as of yore. In the records of that district country places are

always designated by their proper names, and it is a curious fact that

while such names survive, they are seldom or never displayed on door or

gate.

[Illustration: "LA GERBETIÈRE" JEAN AUDUBON'S COUNTRY VILLA AT COUËRON,

FRANCE, AND THE NATURALIST'S BOYHOOD HOME.

From a photograph of August 18, 1913.]

In a journal written before 1826, Audubon says: "My father's beautiful

country seat, situated within sight of the Loire, about mid-distance

between Nantes and the sea, I found quite delightful to my taste,

notwithstanding the frightful cruelties I had witnessed in that

vicinity not many years previously. The gardens, greenhouses, and all

appertaining to it appeared to me of a superior cast." Though it was

occupied for many years previously as a refuge from the turmoil or heat

of the city, Lieutenant Audubon made "La Gerbetière" his permanent abode

only when he retired from the navy in 1801, still maintaining, as we

have seen, a foothold in Nantes.

Upon Audubon's first return from the United States in the spring

of 1805, he said that his vessel entered the mouth of the Loire and

anchored off Paimbœuf, the lower harbor of Nantes. "On sending my name

to the principal officer of the customs," the narrative continues,

"he came on board, and afterwards sent me to my father's villa, La

Gerbetière, in his barge and with his own men." It is to be noticed,

incidentally, that as the distance to be covered between the lower and

upper harbors was twenty-five miles, or sixteen miles to Couëron, such

journeys no doubt were made upon the arrival of incoming vessels for

the regular business of the service.

It has been suggested, without proof, that Couëron represents the

ancient town of Corbilo, mentioned by Strabo at the beginning of our

era. Though unquestionably ancient, at the time of the Revolution it

was a small and unimportant parish of poor but industrious farmers. It

occupies rolling ground, but little raised above the Loire, to the east

of Port Launay and nearly opposite Pellerin. As this commune was easily

accessible by river-barge from Nantes, the revolutionists seem to have

thought it worth watching, though Citizen Audubon found its people in a

tranquil mood when he canvassed their district in behalf of the Central

Committee in April, 1793. Couëron is still a farming community, but its

population[116] has been considerably swelled in recent years by the

development of a large industry for the treatment of lead; it is the

shot tower and forest of chimneys of these great metallurgical works

that arrest the eye of the traveler as he approaches Couëron by river

at the present day. The town is also accessible by railroad, but the

steamer journey from Nantes, which is made in less than an hour, is more

attractive as well as more direct. In this section the Loire is flanked

on either side by bottom lands, reduced in places to narrow strips,

which are followed at intervals by elevations called, by courtesy, hills

or buttes. To the west of Couëron, and especially at Pellerin, which

stands high, these buttes come close to the river, which is eating them

away.

My visit to Couëron, which was made on a warm midsummer's day in

1913, served to correct certain previous impressions, but I found the

old Audubon homestead in its essential aspects but little changed,

considering that over a century had rolled by since the naturalist's

visit which we have just described. After leaving Nantes at the Gare de

la Bourse by one of those quaint little trains which still do service

in the less traveled parts of France, we traversed the broad Quai with

requisite deliberation, passing shops, warehouses and factories in long

array. A slight swerve from the river soon brought us to Chatenay, now a

part of the city; it is still some distance from that point before the

real countryside is reached, and scenes familiar to southern Brittany

are in a measure reproduced. There were the old farmhouses of rough

stone, dear to every painter's heart, mellowed by age and lichens, and

surrounded by great ricks of straw, for the harvest had been gathered

and the stubble fields were brown. There also the farms were divided

into small plats, marked by willows or ramparts of stone. On higher

ground stood the windmills, characteristic of Brittany also,—stalwart

towers of stone, with broad arms of latticed wood ever ready to take

the sails.

The small station for Couëron lies in the commune of Sautron, and

at this isolated point the traveler will sometimes find a country

conveyance to take him to the village. While we were raising the dust

from this old Couëron pike on the eighteenth day of August, swallows

hawking with characteristic energy for their insect prey were the only

birds we saw to remind us of the ornithologist, who as a youth had

doubtless passed this way many times, over a hundred years before.

The most direct approach to the old Audubon place from Sautron, as we

afterwards learned, is by a path which diverges on the right and leads

through stubble fields and cabbage patches, along hedgerows and stone

walls. We, however, fared on to the town and soon began to pass shops

and small modern houses. On the side of the village the traveler's eye

is certain to be arrested by a great crucifix in stone,[117] which rises

high above the street from a lofty pedestal, and is approached by tiers

of stone steps. Nearly opposite stands the _secrétariat_, or official

bureau of the commune, where a solitary clerk, who seemed to welcome my

intrusion in a place where business was utterly stagnant, closed his

office and with characteristic courtesy cheerfully showed me the way.

This led directly westward to one side of the center of the town, and

after passing down a street of old houses of the humblest description,

we were again in the region of brown fields and old farmsteads.

Couëron village, which is marked by a modern church with an aggressive

spire, extends along the river bank, but since its streets run parallel

with it, the river itself is seen only at certain openings, occurring

at irregular intervals. In going to "La Gerbetière" by the course I

have described, the Loire was not visible at any point, and was not

seen until we emerged from one of the village streets at the steamer's

pier. My guide had said that from the rise at the next crossroads we

should see the roof of the house which we had come to visit, and his

prediction was verified when I recognized immediately its cupola raised

above the gray stone walls which there bound every highway and field.

The old villa is rather less than a mile from the village, but owing

to the rolling nature of the country, it is completely hidden until at

close approach it stands suddenly revealed. It lies in a fork of the

road, securely inclosed by high, massive walls of stone, now hoary with

age, while on the front it is further screened by a natural growth of

bushes and trees. Immediately behind and to the west rises a prominent

butte which cuts off the view to Port Launay on the river; this forms

the one distinctive landmark of the district, as its two windmill towers

are visible from all surrounding points. In Audubon's day the house

commanded a wide view of the Loire, but the river is now so completely

masked by foliage as to be visible only from the upper windows;

apparently it once flowed nearer to the house but has been pushed away

by the construction of modern dykes. The hilltop to which I have just

referred, like the roof of the villa, commands a panorama of the whole

region, including Nantes and all the surrounding communes.

"La Gerbetière" is now a small estate of less than fifty _ares_, or

one and a half acres, of land. The buildings, which form a quadrangle

with enclosed court, occupy a corner next the side street, and stand

about 200 feet back from the main highway leading from Couëron to Port

Launay. The extent of the original property cannot now be determined,

but Lieutenant Audubon, who retired at the age of fifty-seven, was never

a farmer on a large scale. The original house, which probably dates from

early in the eighteenth century, has an easterly wing or L, continued

into a long, low section through which the court is now entered from

the road at the side; this was probably added by Jean Audubon, but

the westerly end and wing are a more modern accretion, built for the

accommodation of additional tenants, as many as three families having

occupied the place in 1857.

"La Gerbetière" was entered from the main street by a small door which

pierces the high enclosing wall, and leads the visitor into what was

formerly an ornamental garden, the original design of which can still be

traced. At the time of my visit, however, this entrance had long ceased

to be an avenue of response. Encouraged by the sight of a peddler's

cart, I walked up the side street and entered the court. Here the

response was prompt and vigorous enough, and from the guardians of the

place, one of which was chafing at his chain close to the doorway. I

crossed rather gingerly to an open hallway, opposite the main entrance,

and knocked repeatedly, noting here that rooms opened to this small

entrance hall on either side, and that a steep stairway led to others

above. At last, during a temporary lull in the barking of dogs, the

"tok-tok" of sabots was heard on the stairs, and I handed up my card

with one from the director of the Natural History Museum at Nantes.

After various messages had been shouted back and forth, I was led

through another passage to the tenant, who was talking with the peddler

in the garden. Julien Lebréton, who was a farmer on a small scale,

received me kindly and answered my questions to the best of his ability;

it did not surprise me that he was both puzzled and suspicious, or that

his first thought was of our coming to look over the place with a view

to its purchase.

The decayed villa, which stands in the midst of scattered farmhouses

of a humble order, reproduces a style characteristic of many parts of

France. The original house, of two stories, was built of cream-colored

limestone, similar to that for which many French towns are famous. It

has a swelled slated roof with beveled gables. Surmounting the roof

is a cupola which suggests a third story, carried out in harmony with

the lower structure. A narrow balcony, resting upon a molding of stone

and protected by an iron grill, without which no such house would

be considered complete, runs the length of the second story, and is

accessible from every room by glass doors. From the main entrance below

one passes directly through to the court, about which are now grouped

various stables and other low buildings, not all of which date from

Audubon's day.

[Illustration: "LA GERBETIÈRE" AND COUËRON, AS SEEN FROM THE WINDMILL

TOWERS ON THE RIDGE OVERLOOKING PORT LAUNAY, ON THE LOIRE.

"LA GERBETIÈRE," AS SEEN WHEN APPROACHED FROM COUËRON VILLAGE BY

THE ROAD TO PORT LAUNAY.

PORT LAUNAY ON THE LOIRE.]

What was once a small formal garden is still marked by solid boundaries

of cut limestone. This was evidently constructed by Jean Audubon, since

it occupies the area in front of the original house and the easterly

extension which is attributed to him. The remaining available land was

devoted to fruit, vegetables, and possibly to the greenhouses which

the naturalist mentioned. At one time an orangery occupied some part of

the house or court. There are now no large trees on the property; the

fruits are all of recent and inferior growth, while the garden I saw

was planted to cabbage and running riot with weeds.

When Jean and Madame Audubon passed through the door leading from the

main street, they entered upon a paved alley which ran parallel with

the high wall, whence they could reach the house by any one of several

walks or enter the fruit garden by another. If so inclined, they could

turn to the right, ascend a flight of granite steps to a platform on

a level with the top of the wall, and under a shady bower of vines and

leafy shrubbery, look off on the racing waters of the Loire, scrutinize

their visitors before admitting them, or observe such manifestations of

life as lonely country roads of that period had to offer. As they passed

up the central garden walk they could admire the beds of old-fashioned

flowers, kept, we may be sure, in perfect order, for Jean was a very

methodical man, and his wife, we believe, an excellent home maker. This

walk led to a low terrace, flanked with a heavy wall, which ran the

whole length of the house.

What little I saw of the interior of "La Gerbetière" was wholly devoid

of interest, which agrees with the experience of another traveler who

visited Couëron at a slightly earlier date;[118] at the time of his

visit the place was unoccupied and forlorn, and the vegetation on the

garden side so dense that it was utterly impossible to see any distance

from the lower windows.

When "La Gerbetière" came into Jean Audubon's possession it was already

venerable with age, and it was completely restored for him by an

architect named Lavigne.[119] In an inventory drawn up shortly after

Madame Audubon's death in October, 1821, the property of "La Gerbetière"

is described by reproducing the account given in an early deed bearing

date of November 11, 1769, which reads as follows:

A house called La Gerbetière, situated near the port of

Launay, consisting of a sitting room, drawing room, kitchen,

upper chamber ... garret, and other quarters serving as a

laundry, stable at the back, with pigeon loft above, court,

parterre, vegetable garden to one side, an orangery with

orange trees, in the middle of the house, the whole in front

of a close surrounded by high walls except on the side of the

setting sun, with land belonging to the heirs of M. de la Haye

Moricaud, held mutually,[120] the whole bounded on all other

sides by highways. Notice: The aforesaid house and parterre

[stand] in an empty field, which serves as a fair-ground, and

is partly planted with young trees in serial rows; held in

common with the Marquis de la Musse, with another empty field

containing about two journals of land....[121]

"La Gerbetière," never more than an unpretentious country house with

an attractive garden, was idealized in the fervent imagination of

Audubon when in after life he drew upon the memories of his youth

in France; for it had meant to him escape from the city, which he

detested, to the fields and river which he loved. Yet, in spite of

the abuse which a long line of poor tenantry inevitably entails, with

intervals of total neglect lasting for nearly a century, this decayed

villa of pre-Revolutionary days still stands in marked contrast to its

neighbors, and bears witness to a taste to which they were strangers.

The greenhouses, the fruit and shade trees, if such it possessed, and

all lesser adornments of the place have vanished long ago, but thanks

to the durability of French stone and mortar, much about this old

country seat is still well preserved. Whether Audubon ever saw his old

Couëron home again after leaving it in 1806 is doubtful, though one of

his sons visited the place, and the naturalist incidentally speaks of a

pilgrimage to Les Sables d'Olonne which might have occurred in 1831 or

a little later. In following the fortunes of the naturalist's family in

France it will be necessary for us to return to La Gerbetière.[122]

CHAPTER XI

FIRST VENTURES IN BUSINESS AT NEW YORK, AND SEQUEL TO THE "MILL GROVE"

MINE

Audubon and Rozier at "Mill Grove"—Their partnership

rules—Attempts to form a mining company lead to

disappointment—Decision to sell their remaining interests

in "Mill Grove" to Dacosta—Division of the property and

legal entanglements—Audubon as a clerk in New York—Business

correspondence and letters to his father—Later history of the

lead mine and Dacosta—Audubon continues his drawings in New

York and works for Dr. Mitchell's Museum—Forsakes the counting

room for the fields—Personal sketch.

When Audubon and Rozier reached "Mill Grove" at the beginning of the

summer of 1806, they found the troublesome Dacosta installed as its

master by virtue of his interest in the property and his former position

as agent, to which they were now to succeed. No doubt they found

difficulties in carrying out all the articles of agreement[123] in their

business constitution, for they were to take possession and call Dacosta

to account. They were also in duty bound to investigate the lead mine

on the farm, and ascertain whether it promised any success, and if the

expenses already incurred were warranted, before committing themselves

to further development. One-half the product of the mine and farm was to

be equally divided between them, and in order to visualize clearly their

profit and loss, they agreed to keep a "special book for the purpose."

"On one side," their third "Article" read, "will be entered the items of

expense, day by day, and at the moment this is done, on the other side

[shall also be entered] the sales and products of the farms, and of all

that can result from this business, in such a way that the profit shall

be always apparent by the addition of the items which compose the debit

and the credit."

[Illustration: BEGINNING OF THE "ARTICLES OF ASSOCIATION" OF JOHN

JAMES AUDUBON AND FERDINAND ROZIER, SIGNED AT NANTES, MARCH 23,

1806.

After the original manuscript of Rozier's copy, in possession of

Mr. Charles A. Rozier.]

The house at "Mill Grove" was to be treated as an object separate from

all business, "in order," so the "Articles" read, "that we may settle

matters as completely as we desire." It was also agreed, in the fourth

"Article," that they should "add to the expenses of this exploitation

those necessary for life, and others of a mutual character, so long

as it should suit them to live and dwell together." It was further

stipulated that even if the mine proved a failure, they should remain

six months on the farm, in order to gather useful information from the

country, before embarking in any form of commerce, whether inland or

maritime. The cost of their journey to America was to be entered as the

first item of their "social expenses," and any expenditure for travel

in their mutual interests was to be considered under the same head.

In case they should persuade any merchants in America to send goods

to M. Rozier, Senior, at Nantes, he should be entitled to one-half

the profits, while the partners should divide the other half between

them. All other profits and losses resulting from their commercial

transactions were to be shared equally. The partners resolved to

maintain friendship and a mutual understanding, but "upon the least

difficulty" each should choose one arbitrator, and the two thus chosen

were authorized to select a third; the partners were bound to accept

the decision thus reached without appealing to any court. In the case

of the death of one of the associates, read the tenth "Article," the

survivor should have sole charge of making a settlement of the business

and should report to the proper heirs. The survivor, in such an event,

would be entitled to a commission of ten per cent [in addition to his

one-half interest], but in no case should the partnership be dissolved

"until after nine years, counting from the day of the date of the

present [instrument]." As will be seen, Audubon and Rozier were unable

to fulfill all the conditions thus carefully laid down.

Young Audubon's dislike of Dacosta, the uncertainty of the mining

project, and other difficulties of the situation soon decided the

partners to cut short their stay at "Mill Grove." Both were equally

interested in the lead mine, but after working several months without

success in an attempt to form a mining company, they wisely decided

to leave such experiments to the enthusiastic Dacosta and to seek

an opening in trade, where the hazard would be no greater and their

ignorance less profound. Following the advice of their Quaker friend,

Miers Fisher, they decided to sell to Dacosta their remaining rights in

"Mill Grove." As a preliminary it was necessary to divide the property

which had been held in common by him and Lieutenant Audubon since 1804,

and this division was effected by an agreement drawn up at Philadelphia

on the fifth day of September, 1806.[124] Ten days later the remainder

of "Mill Grove" was conveyed to Francis Dacosta, representing a number

of capitalists whom he had managed to interest in the mine, of whom the

astute Stephen Girard is said to have been one. The sale was subject

to conditions,[125] dependent upon their success in mining lead, which,

as will appear eventually, could not have been fulfilled. These various

transactions are so clearly set forth by Ferdinand Rozier in writing to

his father at Nantes that we shall reproduce his letter in full:[126]

_Ferdinand Rozier to Claude François Rozier_

PHILADELPHIA, _12 Sept., 1806_

Duplicate.

MY VERY DEAR AND VENERABLE FATHER:

Still in hope of cherished news from you, and replies to my

letters of 31 May, 22 June, and 4 July, I have to tell you

that we have since succeeded in closing all our business

relations with Mr. Francis Dacosta, in the following

manner: We are anxious that our method of procedure may

be satisfactory to you; we have followed the advice of Mr.

Miers Fisher, and have had his approval in all that we have

done. What should set you at rest is that as regards your

investment, you will find that I have made quite a neat

profit. Here is a copy of the agreement.

"It is agreed between Mr. Dacosta and Mr. J. Audubon

that the farm of "Mill Grove," which they now hold

in common, shall be divided between them as follows:

"1. Mr. Dacosta shall have the lot of 113 and a

half acres, situated on the N.E. side of Perkioming

creek, with all the buildings, mines, et cet., and

in general all that it contains.

"2. Mr. Audubon shall have the lot of 171 acres,

situated on the other side of the creek.

"3. Mr. Dacosta shall pay to Mr. Audubon for the

difference [in value] of the lot of 113½ acres, and

of that which it contains:

"1. The sum of eight hundred dollars,

payable with interest, in three years from

this day;

"2. The sum of four thousand dollars, upon

the first products of the lead mine.

"4. The contract made with Mr. Thomas shall remain

to the charge of the two parties.

"Note. Mr. Duponceau is begged to draw up the

necessary deeds to put this agreement into

execution, which [deeds] we undertake mutually to

exchange at the first requisition."

"[Executed] at Philadelphia, this 5th of Sept, 1806."

[Signed] "Fcis DACOSTA"

"FERDINAND ROZIER"

"J. AUDUBON"

The futile attempt that we have made to form a company [to

work this mine], which is a condition [of success], the slight

resources at our command, as well as our lack of knowledge

in work of this kind, all have determined us to abandon our

rights for the offer of four thousand dollars[127] upon the

first products that shall come from the mine. The expense

that must be incurred in [working] it will be very heavy; to

this must be added the uncertainty of success. The mine may

promise much at the beginning, and after that yield nothing.

In short an enterprise of this kind can be properly conducted

only by a capitalist or by a company. We have regarded this

mine as a lottery which can make the fortune of the promoter,

or lead him into great losses. As to the agreement with Mr.

Wm. Thomas, we do not consider it as very serious; since

it is quite uncertain whether he will be paid in whole or

in part, as he has not kept his agreements. This is Mr.

Dacosta's opinion. As to our half we are decided not to let

it go under eight thousand dollars, which is its value as

estimated by several farmers. So you see, my dear papa, that

our half [as worth] 8,000 dollars, at least, the sum of eight

hundred dollars by mortgage, with interest, and that of four

thousand dollars upon the first products from the mine, will

cover easily the interest on the purchase of sixteen thousand

francs.

Since expenses are at least double what they would be in

France, owing to the cost of products of every sort, we are

determined to go into trade, to cover our expenses, and to

choose for ourselves some kind of serious work that can lead

us to an honorable establishment. You should be at ease about

the manner we shall adopt for our operations, as we wish only

to go slowly, and especially [to be] guided by the advice of

the respectable persons whose acquaintance we are so fortunate

as to enjoy, and who beyond a doubt will aid us along this

thorny path.

"By our letter of the 4th July we have sent the account

current of Mr. Dacosta, by which Mr. Audubon is charged

with 315 dollars and 5 cents; we have begged you to send

the documentary evidence which may put us in a position to

prove that Mr. Audubon ought not to pay Mr. Dacosta's private

expenses, as the matter is to be decided here by arbitrators.

We beg Mr. Audubon to use the utmost speed in sending his

documents. It is our ardent [hope] also that you have received

our first [letter] of May 31, with that of Mr. Bakewell, the

merchant in New York, with a remittance of 3,000 and a few

francs for the purchase of divers objects. I assure you that

we are in the greatest anxiety [as to] what is the state

of your health,[128] as well as that of the family, and to

learn if you have received our letters. The nephew of Mr.

Bakewell writes us that his uncle in New York has despatched

several vessels consigned to you, for which I congratulate you

sincerely. We have also received your letter of the 30th of

June, but I cannot reply to it, since the boat is leaving this

evening for Amsterdam, but you can count upon my conforming

to its contents. Your personal letter grieved me particularly

by your last expressions, and I should wish that you would

have done me more justice; I can have made mistakes, but for

... the idea alone has made me shudder. I am delighted that

all the family is enjoying perfect health. Embrace dear Mama

for me; my kind regards to my brother and sisters; do not

forget to remember me to all the family, and to our friend,

Mr. Audubon, the father, and his family. Finally, my dear

Papa, be assured that I shall forget nothing to increase our

intimacy. You give me the means of supporting it with labor.

Believe in my sincere and enduring attachment.

Your respectful son,

FERDINAND ROZIER.

We are eager to hear of the receipt of our letters,

and we beg you to address them to Mr. Bakewell of

New York.

The inbred caution, sound sense, and sterling integrity which this

letter displays would be a good foundation for any career, and we are

not surprised to find that in after life Ferdinand Rozier became a keen

and successful trader on the western frontier.

[Illustration: FIRST PAGE OF THE POWER OF ATTORNEY GRANTED BY

JEAN AUDUBON, ANNE MOYNET AUDUBON AND CLAUDE FRANÇOIS ROZIER

TO JOHN JAMES AUDUBON AND FERDINAND ROZIER, NANTES, APRIL 4,

1806.

After the original manuscript of Ferdinand Rozier's copy, in

possession of Mr. Tom J. Rozier.]

[Illustration: SIGNATURES OF JEAN AUDUBON AND ANNE MOYNET

AUDUBON, AND DR. CHAPELAIN AND DR. CHARLES D'ORBIGNY, AS

WITNESSES, TO THE POWER OF ATTORNEY GRANTED TO JOHN JAMES

AUDUBON AND FERDINAND ROZIER, COUËRON, NOVEMBER 20, 1806.

After the original manuscript in possession of Miss Maria R.

Audubon.]

The division and sale of "Mill Grove" probably ended the joint interests

of the elder Audubon and Rozier, for in November, 1806, a new power of

attorney[129] was given to the young men by Lieutenant Audubon and his

wife; as later events will prove, however, their rights in the property

were not completely surrendered with its transfer to Dacosta and his

mining company in the autumn of this year. The partners were now free

to "choose some kind of serious work," and Ferdinand, who was then

twenty-nine, was anxious to make a beginning at once. Since he was not

as yet proficient in the English tongue, Rozier engaged as a clerk in

the French importing house of Laurence Huron, of Philadelphia, while

Audubon, following the advice of his future father-in-law, entered the

office of the latter's brother, Benjamin Bakewell, in New York.

In the autumn of 1806 Benjamin Bakewell was conducting a successful

wholesale importing business at 175 Pearl Street. He then owned several

vessels, and his correspondents were scattered over England, France, the

West Indies and the Southern States. With him were associated at this

time a number of young men, including his nephew, Thomas W. Bakewell,

Thomas Pears, a nephew of his wife, Thomas Bakewell, his son, as well

as John James Audubon. The hospitable family to which young Audubon was

now admitted on terms of intimacy, in accordance with the custom of the

day, lived in the rear of the counting-house during the winter months

but in summer migrated to the country, the Bakewells going five miles

out on the Bloomingdale Road. Benjamin Bakewell had come to this country

in 1794, in the same year as the famous chemist, Joseph Priestley, whose

friendship he enjoyed and whose religious teachings had drawn both him

and his brother, William, from rigid Calvinism to the greater tolerance

of the Unitarian belief. At twenty-four he was an independent mercer

in Cornhill, London, and was well acquainted in France, where he had

spent considerable time during the Revolution, which had destroyed his

trade. One of his patrons at this time was Claude François Rozier of

Nantes, and inasmuch as the correspondence with him had to be conducted

in French, and may possibly in this instance have been due to young

Audubon's initiative, it was naturally intrusted to him.

Seven letters of the naturalist, dating from January 10, 1807, to July

19 of that year, by good fortune have been preserved, and they throw

into full light another shaded corner of his interesting life. From the

contents of these letters,[130] as well as from other facts, we know

that Audubon remained in Bakewell's office for nearly a year, from the

autumn of 1806 to the summer of 1807. Bakewell's house imported linens,

lace, gloves, wines, firearms and any kind of merchandise that promised

a ready and remunerative sale in New York; in return they forwarded

coffees, sugars and other commodities to Rozier, receiving from him also

prices current and introductions to other merchants in France. Another

correspondent was the Huron firm in Philadelphia, so it is probable that

Ferdinand owed his employment there to Benjamin Bakewell.

While Audubon expressed himself at this time as freely in English as in

French, in the former language the tendencies of his French tongue and

the influence of his Quaker friends were strangely blended. He never

bothered with accents, and took as many liberties with the spelling of

French as of English. Some of these lapses are purely phonetic, while

others are more original, as "schacket" for "packet," "fither" for

"Fisher"; two variations of Rozier's name and of Nantes occur in the

same letter. It should be remembered, however, that at the beginning

of the nineteenth century bad or random spelling was a very venial

offense, which gentlemen of quality, or even scholars, could commit

with impunity. In this respect Audubon's early essays in English would

probably compare favorably with Gibbon's youthful French.

_John James Audubon to Claude François Rosier_

[Letter No. 1, addressed]

M. FR. ROZIER,

Merchant-Nantes.

NEW YORK, _10 January, 1807._

DEAR SIR:

We have had the pleasure of receiving by the _Penelope_ your

consignment of 20 pieces of linen cloth, for which we send

our thanks. As soon as we have sold them, we shall take great

pleasure in making our return.

I am truly sorry that you had not received any letters from

us when you wrote, and I am also very disconsolate at having

no news from my good father. You did us a most acceptable

service in making us acquainted with your friends in different

parts of France, and in offering to send us such goods as you

shall deem suitable. Upon the same proposals I sent you orders

several months ago, and did I dare, I should tell you that all

articles having much show and little value are the very things

that are _à la mode_, and these in one hundred per cent,

[and] I assure you that we should be very happy to receive

some small consignments. As soon as we shall have realized our

funds, we will make our orders, in accordance with our means.

Mr. Bakewell has made a great profit on the consignment that

you made him shortly after our arrival. We should be flattered

by another like it. Have the kindness to write us often, and

to send us prices current as far as possible. I hope that you

will have had our letters concerning a plan of business with

Mr. Huron. If you will have the kindness to see him,[131] he

can communicate to you his ideas on the subject. His plan, I

believe, will be advantageous both to you and to us.

Your son is just about to come from Philadelphia, to live in

New York until there is some news; but we will write you more

at length by Capt. Sammis, who brought us to this country. I

even venture to hope that you will send back some merchandise

for us. Have the kindness to forward us invoices, with the

goods consigned to us, in order to avoid the penalty and

the expense of having them taken to a public warehouse, [a

proceeding] which is often a great disadvantage on account of

the fees. Consign always to Mr. Benjamin Bakewell, who treats

us, so far as possible, as good friends.

Present my respects to your family, and believe me ever

your faithful servant,

J. J. AUDUBON.

_John James Audubon to Claude François Rozier_

[Letter No. 2, addressed]

Monsieur FR. ROZIER,

Negociant,

Nantes.

Loire Inferieure.

NEW YORK, _April 24, 1807._

MY DEAR SIR:

I am profiting by a good opportunity for Bordeaux to apprise

you of the receipt of a duplicate of the orders that you gave

us several months ago. You will also know that the wines,

consigned to Mr. L. Huron, have arrived in this city and the

insurance has been saved. Your son has gone to the spot [the

dock in Philadelphia], and by one of his letters advised me

that the 60 cases of wine are sold. He tells me that you can

count on a net profit of nearly 20 p. c. If it turns out very

good, the remainder will not fail to find a purchaser. Mr.

Le Ray has arrived and has brought with him a small box of

lace for Mr. Benjamin Bakewell here; it ought to arrive in a

few days from Philadelphia. Mr. B. B. appeared satisfied with

the sale of his squared timber; he is anxious only to see the

returns; he is unhappy that the commerce of your town with

this country cannot be regularly conducted except by Bordeaux,

whence we have vessels every month. As our friend, Ferdinand,

will write you from Philadelphia concerning Mr. Huron, I shall

not enlarge about him. In several of your letters you intimate

that if we decide upon establishing a retail shop, you can

keep us constantly employed; our ideas upon this subject

are in perfect accord, and it would be indeed a pleasure if

we could start under the auspices and good advice of Mr.

Bakewell here; objects well chosen, favorably bought, and

shipped with care, are always sure of meeting a good sale. I

venture to hope that the ship _La Jeanne_, Capt. Sammis, will

have arrived in your port, and that the Indigoes shipped by

Mr. Bakewell will reach there in time for the sale of this

merchandise, of which I have some fears, in view of the sum

they have cost him.

We thank you for the prices current that you have sent us. In

one of my last, directed by way of Bordeaux, I begged you to

call on Mr. Fleury Emery for a box of seeds, from Martinique

and from this country, for you and for my father. This was

aboard the ship, the _Virginia_, Capt. Roberts, from this

section. We hope shortly to send you some merchandise, and

possibly Mr. Bakewell will profit by an opportunity that we

shall have in a few days for your port. A little more than

three weeks ago I was at Mill Grove, and I rented it for a

year, being unable to do better for the present. Your son,

now in Philadelphia, is trying to settle the accounts of my

father with Mr. Dacotta [Dacosta], who does not easily forget

the _rôle_ of chicaner. Present, I pray you, my respects and

compliments to your good family and wife, and believe in me

as your devoted and constant

servant,

J. J. AUDUBON.

Have the kindness to deliver the enclosed to my good father.

The following quaint and charming letter, which young Audubon enclosed

with the preceding and under separate seal, but which his "good father"

may not have received, will be transcribed in full, without the change

of a letter or mark. Lieutenant Audubon, who was then in his sixty-third

year, was living, as we have seen, at Couëron, the small river town nine

miles west of Nantes, the center of the mails for the Loire Inférieure,

and came frequently to that city to conduct his business correspondence.

_John James Audubon to Jean Audubon_

[Letter No. 3, enclosed with No. 2, addressed]

JOHN AUDUBON, Esq.,

Nantes.

pr Bourdeaux

NEW YORK _April 24th 1807_

MY DEAR FATHER

I send thee by a good opportunity, but going to Bordeaux I

deed send about a month ago a small Box containing some very

curious seeds & some useful ones the whole was directed to Mr.

Fleury Emery it was given here to the Care of Capt.. Roberts

of the Virginia I do hope they are now in thy possession thou

have been so often disappointed that it always pains me to

think that they have been Miscarried: thou shalt found some

of the Best Whatter Missions and Girmonds Called here St.

Domingo Schachet[132] as in a few days I shall have again a

good opportunity for Nantz I will send thee a Duplicate of the

same Seeds, I have seen in the News Paper that a ship called

the Betzey had been in Nantz do make some Enquiries for it

there are on board of her Many Birds and a collection of seeds

from America for thee The Caps.. McDougal; pray when thou

answer to this be kind enough to mantion these little things.

I hope that the Jane Cap.. Sammis as reached your Port and

given thee some Turtle fit to be eaten in soupe. Mr. L. Huron

deed few days ago. Received some Wines on a/c of M. Rozier

and hits they prove goods[133] and will bring a good profit.

Mr. F. Rozier the son speaks of going to France some time this

summer he is now near Mr. Huron at Philadelphia and will try

while he is there to settle the Business between M.. Dacotta

and thee M.. Rozier had shosen M.. Huron for arbitrator but

I would not agree to it until M.. Miers fither[134] was to

have part in it. I am now waiting for an answer. I am allways

in Mr. Benjamin Bakewell's store where I work as much as I

can and passes my days happy; about thee weeks ago I went

to Mill Grove for a/c of the latter and had the pleasure

of seeing there my Biloved Lucy who constantly loves me and

makes me perfectly happy. I shall wait for thy Consent and

the one of my good Mamma to Marry her. could thou but see

her and thou wouldst I am sure be pleased of the prudency

of my choice; M..B. Bakewell is allways willing to oblige me

and will do many things for me: do not participate the Ideas

of M. Rozier Going to France to his father it would perhaps

Injure us for a while. I wish thou would wrights to me ofnor

and longuely think by thy self how pleasing it is to read a

friend's letter. Give my love to all my friends and thine and

kiss mamma, Rosa and Brother Pigaudeau[135] for me I hope they

continue to be all happy, do remember to send me thy portrait

in miniature dressed as an officer[136] it will cost thee

little and will please me much. Some of thy hair and ask my

sister for the Music she does not want. I wish to receive some

letter from M.. Dorbigny[137] whom I have often wrighten and

send some curiosities. he is yet to answer to my first.

When thou seeist Mr Rozier pray him and try to engage him to

send us some-goods then we feel very inclined to set up in a

retail store which would do, us a great deal of good. I will

send him a letter by this opportunity—Good by farwell good

father believe me for life thy most sincere friend be well be

happy

thy son

J.. J.. AUDUBON

_J'espere que tu poura lire—adieu—adieu_.

_John James Audubon to Claude François Rozier_

[Letter No. 4, addressed]

MR. FCCIS ROZIER,

Merct, Nantes—_Ocean_.

NEW YORK, _May 6th, 1807_.

DEAR SIR:

I wrote you recently by a ship going to Bordeaux; the letters

were carefully intrusted, and I hope that they were received.

I notified you of the arrival of the wines to the address of

Mr. Huron of Philadelphia, and told you that part of the cases

were sold. Your son informed me this morning that wine of so

good quality ought never to be exported in cask, and that the

profit would have been greater if the whole had been in case.

Mr. Benjamin Bakewell has received the bill of lading of Mess

Gereche brothers, and the gloves and the lace are at present

on the road from Philadelphia to this place; perhaps we shall

have them tomorrow; I am afraid that they may be dear. In

several of your letters to Ferdinand you speak of a retail

store, and my friend begs me tell you that nothing could suit

us better than that you should have the kindness to send us

enough [goods] to set up a shop at once on a good footing.

As soon as advised, we shall order you to stock it with

merchandise of your choice. You should have already received

the bill of sale of a bale of linen cloth. You can judge that

I have learned to shave Messrs the Americans, since I have

been with Mr. B. B. In conscience, however, [the goods] have

been sold at one third above their value. Should you decide

upon sending another [shipment], do not count upon so good a

sale. You must know, however, that I am always disposed to do

everything for your interests, and that I shall always seek

to merit your approbation. Should you decide to make [us] a

consignment for a retail shop, have the kindness to follow,

point by point, the following bill:

60 doz. morocco leather powder flasks—green or gray,

copper mounted, like those that you sell at the

shop for 25 sols [soldos].

60 doz. d. d. of leather, mahogany color, at the same

price.

100 boxes d.

100 music boxes,[138] in prices from 10 to 18 francs, good

pieces and gay music.

100 boxes of seal-wafers, containing 1 gross each, assorted

in color [but] more of the red than any other.

10 gross of small boxes of seal-wafers.

3 boxes of pastels, good, well assorted, and chosen by

the sons of M. Belloc; more would not return us

anything.

If you could procure us good books in English at Paris, M.

Bakewell assures me [that we would realize] a great profit

on them, and upon the other articles as given above, if well

chosen. We hope to sell Mill Grove, and we will credit you

with a great part of the profit in colonial merchandise. It

is with impatience that I await some news of the indigo of

Mr. B. Bakewell. Have the kindness, I pray you, to forward

the enclosed letter to my father as soon as possible, and will

you take from the ship _Ocean_, the carrier of this letter, a

little box [sent] to your address for him, and will you send

this to him also? Present my respects to your ladies; accept

mine and those of the Bakewell family. Ferdinand is well. I

salute you, and I am

your devoted friend,

AUDUBON.

Herewith the bill of lading of the box.

The captain did not wish to make any

charge, and has been perfectly polite.

_John James Audubon to Jean Audubon_

[Letter No. 5, inclosed with No. 4, in French, and addressed]

Mr. FCCIS ROZIER

Mercht

Nantes

_pour_ Mr. Audubon _père_

_aussitôt que possible_

MY DEAR FRIEND:

Thou wilt find herewith a bill of lading of a small box

containing nineteen species of seeds, a bottle of reptiles

for Mr. Derbigny [D'Orbigny], and some dried plants also

for the latter. I will write thee of Mr. Kauman, by the ship

_Mentor_, which is to leave a little while after this one.

Adieu, my good friend! The box will be addressed to Mr.

Audubon, _Md_,[139] Nantes, with "American seeds" written

above; besides two Bs, like this which follows B.B[140] The

Capn. promises me to take care of it, and of my letters

also. If thou findest in my letter anything which displeases

thee, remember that I am thy son. Adieu! Farewell, my good

friend! Thine for life.

J. J. AUDUBON.

New York, _May 6, 1807_.

Do not forget, I pray thee, to send me for the good Mrs.

Bakewell the complete works of Mr. Genlis[141] by the first

opportunity, and for me an exact copy of the departments of

France like that which I made, and which is in thy cabinet.

I wish thee to copy them for my brother-in-law.[142]

_John James Audubon to Claude Francois Rosier_

[Letter No. 6, addressed]

MONSIEUR FCCIS ROZIER,

Merchant

Nantes

p. Brig _Mentor_

NEW YORK, _May 30th, 1807_.

MR. FRANCIS ROZIER,

Merchant, Nantes.

DEAR SIR:

By my last, sent on board the ship _Ocean_, Capt. Bunken, I

apprised you of the arrival of the gloves and lace, shipped

by your order at Rochelle for the account of my good friend,

Benj. Bakewell. I can now inform you of their sale, which

is also advantageous, although the principal part was fine

and of very great price. The gloves in prices of 23# 28# D,

are what is needed for this market here, and especially if

they are of any other color than yellow or bottle green they

are less apt to soil; further they conceal defects more, and

find in consequence more purchasers. The laces were better,

although there was a heavy duty. You should know that here

the extravagance of the women equals or rather quite balances

the circumspection of the men, so that all articles for women

should be beautiful, that is to say, conspicuous. I await with

a kind of pleasure the arrival of Cap. Sammis, for although

I am convinced that the indigoes will meet with no success

at Nantes, their return here will compensate us. I am sorry

that I did not order from you some little pistols and the

guns which would serve perfectly. Believe nothing as to Mr.

Bakewell, and be well assured that he is our friend. Have then

less fear: I hope shortly to consign, that is to say, Mr.

B. B. will consign for us, coffee and sugar from Martinique

to your address. Your son is still at Philadelphia with Mr.

Huron. They have sold the wines quite well.

But in truth I have been astonished that Mr. Huron did not

make you an immediate return. I thank you sincerely for the

little package that you said had been prepared for us. Be sure

that Mr. B. B. will aid us to a sufficient degree, and always

in a way that anything which you send us will be promptly

returned in merchandise assigned to you. The land, which we

cannot sell without a great disadvantage, keeps us very short

of cash, and prevents us for the moment from dealing on as

large a scale as we should desire; but with your kindness in

sending us the materials for starting a grand retail shop with

different articles, it will aid us very much. As you well say,

it is a little unfortunate that there is no longer a boat from

your port here.

I write to my father by the same opportunity. Will you, I

pray, get it to him as soon as possible, and I beg you to go

aboard for the live birds for him and for you.

Present my respects to your good family, and believe me for

ever

Your faithful friend and

servant

AUDUBON.

I should be very happy if you would send me a good box

of pastels, chosen by Mr. Belloc, the younger, at 2 c 3

Louis.[143]

_John James Audubon to Claude François Rozier_

[Letter No. 7, addressed]

MONSIEUR FR. ROZIER,

Negociant,

Nantes.

Loire Inférieure.

NEW YORK, _July 19, 1807_.

DEAR SIR:

Mr. Benjamin Bakewell as well as myself have received your

letters by the _Comet_, which had a passage of 42 days.

We have at present in the warehouse a great part of the

merchandise of the latter [vessel], and in good condition;

Mr. B. B. appears to be satisfied; he is about to send some

teas that you have ordered from him. It has grieved me much

to see him send a boat to Nantes, and not consigned to you,

but his reasons were, I believe, so sound that I did not dare

remonstrate. The agents of the house of Rossel and Boudet

paid him the ⅔ of the invoice, or a draft upon London for an

equivalent sum, that neither Ferdinand nor I were authorized

to do; the latter is at Philadelphia. In a short time we are

leaving for a voyage upon the Ohio, the details of which you

will learn [from him], or from my father, and which I believe

will be very advantageous to us. We hope to sell Mill Grove

this autumn, which we shall do, however, only at a profit.

We received this morning a letter from Mr. Fleury Emery, who

urges Mr. B. B. to give him some shipments, but regarding this

I do not know his intentions. I have also received a letter

to-day from our friend, Fd, who is quite well, and longs to

be doing something.

Mr. Emery advises me of the receipt of a little box of seeds

for my father and you. I think that your gardens are now

embellished with foreign trees.

Mr. B. B. is loading tea for you, a thing that gives me much

pleasure. I am sending you a letter from Ferdinand that I

received yesterday. Presenting you as well as your whole

amiable family with humble respects,

I continue to be

your faithful servant,

AUDUBON.

My regards, I pray to you, to my cousin, the younger.

Audubon's loyalty to his kind-hearted employer is evident in every one

of these amiable letters, yet it is plain that they were written upon

his own initiative, and a merchant of today might seriously object to

such a candid exposition of his dealings as young Audubon's friendly

epistles occasionally revealed.

The numerous references which these letters contain regarding the

disposition of the "Mill Grove" farm may well puzzle the reader who has

followed the story to this point; we must therefore attempt to unravel

the tangled threads of this intricate affair. In the spring of 1807

Audubon, who was then anxious to start a "retail shop," complained

that the land, which could not be sold to advantage, kept them short

of capital and prevented them from dealing on so large a scale as they

could wish. On the 24th of April he wrote that three weeks before he had

gone to "Mill Grove" and closed an agreement for renting the property

(evidently referring to the farm as distinct from the mine) for a year,

being unable to do better, and that Ferdinand was then in Philadelphia

trying to settle his father's accounts with Dacosta, who did not readily

forget his trickster's _rôle_. In Audubon's letter of the same day,

inclosed in the same packet with the request that it be delivered to his

father, there is a similar reference, with the note that Ferdinand, who

had charge of the settlement, had chosen Mr. Huron as arbitrator, but

that he would not agree unless honest Miers Fisher had a part in it.

Finally, as late as the 19th of July of that year he wrote to Rozier,

the elder, that they were hoping to sell "Mill Grove" in the autumn,

but would do so only at a good profit; yet at this time the property had

been out of their possession, technically at least, for nearly a year.

Still more curious is this statement in Audubon's autobiography,[144]

relating to the year 1813; "I bought a wild horse, and on its back

travelled over Tennessee and a portion of Georgia, and so round till I

finally reached Philadelphia, and then to your grandfather's at Fatland

Ford. He had sold my plantation of Mill Grove to Samuel Wetherill, of

Philadelphia, for a good round sum, and with this I returned through

Kentucky and at last reached Henderson once more."

When "Mill Grove" was conditionally sold to Dacosta and his mining

company in September, 1806, he gave a mortgage and bond to Miers

Fisher, who again became Lieutenant Audubon's agent. Many months

elapsed before the necessary legal papers could arrive from France, and

meanwhile Dacosta's yearly accounts were contested, and gave no end of

trouble.[145]

After operating the lead mine for five years, Dacosta's company failed,

and "Mill Grove" again passed into other hands; it was finally sold

to Samuel Wetherill in 1813.[146] If our inferences are correct, the

mortgages by which the Audubon and Rozier interests were protected were

repeatedly transferred, and the first considerable amount of ready money

that had appeared in the entire series of transactions was furnished by

Mr. Wetherill. It is doubtful if Jean Audubon ever received any returns

from his American farm after the advent of Dacosta in 1803. The ultimate

failure of the lead mine was assuredly not the fault of this exploiter,

but his dubious methods of accounting and probable failure to keep his

contracts no doubt led the naturalist to denounce him as a swindler.

It may be recalled that in their "Articles of Association" Audubon and

Rozier had agreed that the house at "Mill Grove" should be "an object

separate from all business, in order that we may control this property

as long as we desire," but the conditional sale to Dacosta apparently

included the farmhouse as well as the land.

Many of Audubon's references to "Mill Grove" were apparently wide of

the mark, but viewed in the light which we have endeavored to shed upon

this involved affair, they would be in harmony with the essential truth;

in writing to the elder Rozier, who became a partner in the enterprise,

there was no motive which could have led him to depart from it.[147]

We will now return to the story of Audubon's life in New York. While

he was supposed to be learning the exporting business with Benjamin

Bakewell, his heart was in the woods and fields, and every hour that

could be snatched from the counting-room found him in the pursuit of

birds or drawing their portraits. He used the pencil and black crayon

point combined with pastels, and while much of his artistic work at

this time was hastily done, he was capable of producing excellent

likenesses. A very delicate drawing of the Wood Thrush, signed with his

initials, and dated at "Mill Grove, Pennsylvania, 14 _aout_, 1806," is

numbered 209, showing that his collection of American birds was already

extensive, even if it did not include many that were well known. In the

winter of 1806-7, while in New York, Audubon paid most attention to

the waterfowl, frequently visiting the shore and the markets for his

subjects. The sketches which he then made were all in full size, and,

as an evidence of the rapidity with which he worked, it may be noticed

that he would often complete two or more large drawings of ducks on

the same day. New York at this time was a city of about 75,000 people;

Audubon said that by walking briskly he could pass from one end to the

other in a few minutes.

In the foregoing letters we have seen young Audubon sending seeds and

live birds to his father and to Francois Rozier, and reptiles and dried

plants to Charles d'Orbigny, and ordering for his own use the best

drawing materials from France. While at New York he had the good fortune

to become a friend and _protégé_ of the most distinguished naturalist

of the metropolis, Dr. Samuel L. Mitchell,[148] eminent in many walks

of life, and at that time a member of the United States Senate. Audubon

prepared many birds and mammals for Dr. Mitchell's collections, and

the friendship thus early formed proved of much service to him later.

He was probably working for Dr. Mitchell when, as the story goes, some

of his neighbors lodged a complaint with the municipal authorities on

account of the strong odors that habitually issued from his workroom,

and a constable was sent to investigate.

Audubon remained in New York as late as August 22, 1807, for on that

day he made a drawing of the "Sprig-tail Duck," but without doubt he

had come to feel the incongruity of his position in a business to which

his heart was a stranger. As an instance of his preoccupation at this

time, he confesses to have once forwarded but forgot to seal a letter

containing $8,000. If Benjamin Bakewell failed to make a business man

out of Audubon, it was not from lack of kindness, and probably no one

else would have been more successful. As it happened, Audubon did not

leave his employer any too soon, for at the close of 1807 Benjamin

Bakewell's exporting business was ruined by the Embargo Act, through

which President Jefferson had hoped to bring Great Britain and France

to terms by cutting off their American trade, and for a year or more

his estate was in the hands of creditors for settlement.

The naturalist has left a characteristic sketch of himself at this time:

"I measured," said he, "five feet, ten and one half inches, was of fair

mien, and quite a handsome figure; large, dark, and rather sunken eyes,

light-colored eyebrows, aquiline nose and a fine set of teeth; hair,

fine texture and luxuriant, divided and passing down behind each ear in

luxuriant ringlets as far as the shoulders." The habit of wearing his

hair long, thus early acquired and later favored by his wandering mode

of life, appears to have lasted more than twenty years.

CHAPTER XII

EARLY DRAWINGS IN FRANCE AND AMERICA

Child and man—His ideals, perseverance and progress—Study

under David at Paris—David's pupils and studios—David at

Nantes arouses the enthusiasm of its citizens—His part in

the Revolution—His art and influence over Audubon—Audubon's

drawings of French birds—Story of the Edward Harris

collection—_The Birds of America_ in the bud—Audubon's

originality, style, methods, and mastery of materials and

technique—His problem and how he solved it—His artistic

defects.

Audubon began to draw birds and other animals when a child, and,

like most children, was ready to believe that his crude sketches were

finished pictures if only they possessed some sort of a head, a tail,

and sticks in place of legs. But, unlike the majority of youth, he went

direct to nature for his subjects, and his "family of cripples" failed

to satisfy him long. He gradually developed a high ideal, and at an

early age felt stirring within him the impulse and the power to express

it. On stated anniversaries his masterpieces, he tells us, were burned,

in spite of the praise and flattery they had evoked; he would then exert

all his powers to do better, and this commendable practice was kept up

for years.

In this respect the child was father of the man, for on the 5th of

March, 1822, when Audubon was living in New Orleans, too poor to buy

even a blank-book for a journal, he thus wrote of his work during

the previous months: "Every moment I had to spare I drew birds for my

ornithology, in which my Lucy and myself alone have faith. February

was spent in drawing birds strenuously, and I thought I had improved

by applying coats of water-color under the pastels, thereby preventing

the appearance of the paper, that in some instances marred my best

productions. I discovered also many imperfections in my earlier

drawings, and formed the resolution to redraw the whole of them." Seldom

satisfied with the results attained, he kept up this laborious process

of revision and selection by which he approached more closely to his

ideal, the truth of living nature, for more than forty years, until,

in fact, the last plates of his _Birds of America_ came from the press

in England in 1838. An examination of the originals of those plates

today[149] proves that many of their defects were inevitably caused by

the makeshifts to which he was sometimes forced by lack of time.

Audubon has credited his father with the only judicious criticism which

he ever received at the youthful stage of his art. "He was so kind to

me," said the son, "that to have listened lightly to his words would

have been highly ungrateful. I listened less to others and more to him,

and his words became my law." When he was about seventeen years old, or

probably not far from the year 1802,[150] he was sent to Paris to study

drawing under Jacques Louis David, the acknowledged leader of French

art during the period of the Revolution. This popular artist, who had

uttered fierce invectives against "the last five despots of France,"

became nevertheless court painter under Napoleon; like many another

Conventional regicide, he was destined to end his career as an exile

from France, and died in Brussels in 1825.

[Illustration: EARLY UNPUBLISHED DRAWINGS OF FRENCH BIRDS:

ABOVE, EUROPEAN CROW WITH HEAD OF ROOK, "LE CORBEAU OU

CORNEILLE NOIRE DE BUFFON, ENGLISH CROW, EN COMPAGNE AUTOUR

DE NANTES, GROLE, PETITE GROLE, NO. 155;" DETAIL, "BEC DE LA

FRAGONNE OU FREUX BUFTON—BEC OF THE JAIG DAW NO. 166;" BELOW,

WHITE WAGTAIL, "LA LAVANDIERE DE BUFFON. WAG-TAIL, WHATTER

WAG-TAIL, WHITE WHATTER WAG TAIL, COMMON DISH WASHER, THE 22

OF DÉCEMBER, 1805. NEAR NANTZ. NO. 65."

Published by courtesy of Mr Joseph Y. Jeanes.]

Audubon has said but little of this Paris experience, but he remarked:

"At the age of seventeen when I returned from France, whither I had

gone to receive the rudiments of my education, my drawings had assumed

a form. David had guided my hand in tracing objects of large size."[151]

An interesting sidelight is thrown upon this incident by the fact that,

not many years before, David had been warmly welcomed in the city of

Nantes, when it is not unlikely that the naturalist's father was one

of the throng of citizens who made his acquaintance. The occasion to

which I refer was so noteworthy in the annals of Audubon's paternal city

as to make a digression at this point of our narrative inevitable. In

March, 1790, Daniel de Kervegan, a wealthy merchant who was then serving

his second term as mayor, had aroused so much enthusiasm by his public

spirit and sterling character that the citizens had voted the sum of

300 livres, or about $60, for his portrait, to be executed in oils and

placed in one of their public buildings. The commission was offered to

David, who accepted it, and with such enthusiasm did he set to work,

that upon reaching Nantes he asked the privilege of paying his respects

to the Municipal Assembly, which was in session. Upon being admitted to

the Chamber, on the 24th of March, he expressed these sentiments:

If ever my art has brought me any gratification, or

any success, never before have I had better excuse for

boastfulness.

I have made it a duty to respond to the worthy invitations,

inspired by patriotism and gratitude, that hallow this most

timely and most astounding revolution.

It is your work, gentlemen, and the respect which you render

to the chief of your administration which speaks in praise

of your sentiments and virtues and which will transmit their

memory, along with your glory, to posterity.[152]

David worked on this portrait for about a month, and on April 23, before

his departure for Paris, he asked the privilege of again addressing the

Assembly. Not only was the request granted, but he was publicly thanked

for the trouble he had taken in coming to their city, and a committee

was appointed to express the sentiments of esteem with which he had

inspired the whole community. We may add that David seems to have taken

this canvas to his studio in Paris, where it was subsequently lost or

destroyed in the period of turbulence that followed.

David's radical speeches from the tribune, added to his popularity as

an artist, no doubt brought him pupils in plenty from every quarter

of republican France. Young Audubon was probably admitted to the most

elementary class, for he received no instruction in the use of oils

but was directed to study the rudiments of drawing from the cast. As

he had hoped to perfect himself in the art of depicting animals, he was

disappointed. "Eyes and noses belonging to giants," he said, "and heads

of horses, represented in ancient sculpture, were my models." He also

spoke of drawing "heads and figures in different colored chalks," and of

"tolerable figures" obtained by use of the manikin, but adds: "These,

although fit subjects for men intent on pursuing the higher branches

of the art, were immediately laid aside by me"; yet he "returned to the

woods of the New World with fresh ardor,"[153] and there began a series

of drawings which were later published.

While this is virtually all that has been recorded of this incident in

Audubon's career, a number of interesting facts might be added which

throw light upon the surroundings of his life at Paris while under the

tuition of this master. At that time David was enjoying the privilege,

accorded to eminent artists from an early day, of living with his family

and of having his studios in special quarters set apart for the purpose

in the palace of the Louvre; this was continued until all the artist

tenants were turned out by one of Napoleon's peremptory orders in 1806.

David's principal studio was at the corner of the Quai de Louvre and

the square, facing the church of St. Germain l'Auxerrois, at a point

occupied in the present structure by the grand staircase leading to the

Egyptian Gallery. It was here that his more advanced pupils studied;

the appearance of its interior, with his pupils at work, as well as the

view from one of its windows, by means of which its exact position can

be determined, may be seen today in the interesting painting by Matthew

Cochereau. This small picture, first exhibited in the salon of 1814, now

hangs in the Louvre in company with some of the finest of David's works,

and immediately beneath his huge canvas representing the coronation

of Napoleon. Over his principal room David had also a private studio,

and at one time he had another on the Quai, opposite the Institute of

France, while his numerous pupils occupied a series of rooms, one above

another, not remote from the first. Access to these apartments was

gained from the street by means of a spiral stairway, the opening of

which may still be seen in the Egyptian Hall.

It is common to speak of this gifted man as if he alone had stifled all

the art of the eighteenth century in France, as if he were the molder

of his age and not a part of it. Too often has he been judged on the

basis of a few, unfortunately conspicuous, theatrical pieces, while

his excellent portraits, of which there are many, entitle him to the

gratitude of posterity. Buchanan remarked that the mannerism of David

could "still be traced in certain pedantries discernible in Audubon's

style of drawing," which is a fancy without any basis in fact. If it

could be shown that drawing from the casts of antique statues could

develop mannerisms in the careful delineation of birds and mammals, it

would still appear that Audubon's style was really formed at a later

period.

This brief Paris episode, which at most could have lasted but a few

months, represented all the formal instruction which Audubon ever

received in drawing, although he enjoyed some private tuition at a much

later day. As to the sciences now embraced in biology, that is, zoölogy

and botany, which would have been most useful to him, the score was

blank; even books on any of these subjects were rare in America at the

beginning of the nineteenth century.

When Audubon first came to the United States, he brought with him all

his drawings of French birds, and a few pieces which may belong to this

early period have been described.[154] Done in a combination of crayon

and water color, they represent a European Magpie, a Coot and a Green

Woodpecker, the latter especially, which bore the number "96," showing

evidence of care and skill. The year passed at "Mill Grove" was not

particularly fruitful, but during the Couëron visit which followed in

1805 and 1806, Audubon said that he made drawings of "about two hundred

species of birds," all of which he brought to America and gave to his

Lucy. After finally reaching this country in the latter year, these

studies were continued, with an alacrity that seldom failed, until 1822,

when he began to revise much of his earlier work, substituting water

colors more completely for pastels, pencil and crayon point.

In writing to Bachman in 1836, Audubon thus referred to the work of

his apprenticeship: "Some of my early drawings of European birds are

still in our possession, but many have been given away, and the greatest

number were destroyed, not by the rats that gnawed my collection of the

'Birds of America,' but by the great fire."[155] When the naturalist

was in Philadelphia in 1824, in search of a publisher and sadly in need

of funds, he made the acquaintance of Edward Harris,[156] who looked

at the drawings he had for sale and said at once that he would take

them all and at Audubon's own prices. Upon his leaving that city, this

generous friend, we are told, pressed a $100 bill in his hand, saying:

"Mr. Audubon, accept this from me; men like you ought not to want for

money." "I could only express my gratitude," continues the naturalist,

"by insisting on his receiving the drawings of all my French birds."

The worthy Harris cherished this large series of Audubon's early studies

and added to it many specimens of his later work. The entire collection

remained in his family unbroken and unimpaired until 1892.[157]

This beautiful and unique collection, which represents _The Birds of

America_ in the bud, illustrates the development of Audubon's art from

about 1800 or a little later to 1821,[158] and clearly shows that the

fuller mastery which he attained after the latter date was manifested

in no small degree at a much earlier period. His drawings of the Wood

Thrush (1806), the Whippoorwill and Kingfisher (1810), the Carolina

Parrot (1811), and the Nighthawk (1812), though detached and less

ambitious as pictures, for truth of line and delicacy of finish would

compare favorably with the best of his later work. After 1820 his

ability had so far outstripped his ambition that there was needed only

the stimulus of a powerful motive and a well defined plan to bring his

powers into full fruition at once. A little later, when he began to

revise, enrich and standardize all of his previous work, he used the

brush and water colors more freely than ever before. Hundreds of his

earlier studies were cast aside; many, to be sure, were hastily drawn

in pastel, crayon and pencil, and had not time failed him at the end,

nothing of his earlier American period would have remained in the final

product.

Nearly all of these rejected drawings bear serial numbers, which from

the lack of sequence now observed, show that they were subject to

constant change and that their total number must have been great. All

bear the scientific and common names in French or English or both,

and many are signed with the artist's initials or name; besides giving

the place and date, in some cases the weights and measurements of his

subjects are added, with detailed sketches of foot, bill, or eggs.[159]

A large crayon sketch of a groundhog, in excellent drawing, is labeled

"Marmotte de sauvage, No. 159, le 6 juin, 1805." The Redstart, executed

in August of the same year, is a good example of Audubon's more delicate

early work; it shows also the attention which he was then beginning

to pay to accessories, his bird being perched on a spray of ripening

blackberries. The Wagtail, on the other hand, was a rough crayon sketch,

dashed off on December 22 of the same year. A pencil and crayon drawing

of the Mountain Titmouse, which is a European bird, was probably made

from a captive, and at sea, since it bears the date of January 22,

1805, when Audubon was, I believe, aboard the _Hope_.[160] The latest

of these French pieces, designated "No. 94. Woodpecker, le 8 mars,

1806. près Nantes; 12 to the tail," was executed, about a month before

the naturalist finally left France with Rozier to settle permanently in

the United States. The excellence of such a drawing as that of the Wood

Thrush (1806) is in marked contrast to the more ambitious "Fish Hawk or

Osprey, A. Willson, Perkioming Creek, 1809," in which the bird holds

a white sucker in its talons but is less happily rendered. Nine large

pastels of waterfowl and two smaller pieces, representing a Robin and

Brown Thrush, in the same style, are good examples of Audubon's cruder

efforts of that time; they were merely hurried sketches or practice

work, with no attempt to finish with all the perfection of detail of

which he was then capable.

In a full-size pastel of the Black Surf or Velvet Duck, drawn on

December 28, 1806, and signed "J. J. L. Audubon," the note is added:

"the only specimen of the kind I have ever seen." He became well

acquainted with the Velvet Ducks, now better known as the White-winged

Scoters, and in his account of the species says: "As we approached

the shores of Labrador, we found the waters covered with dense flocks

of these birds, and yet they continued to arrive there from the St.

Lawrence for several days in succession. We were all astonished at their

numbers which were such that we could not help imagining that all the

Velvet Ducks in the world were passing before us."[161]

Several of these drawings are credited to "The Falls of the Ohio," as

the rapids of this river at Louisville were then generally called;

a number to "Red Banks," the old name of Henderson, Kentucky; while

five were done in Pennsylvania, probably when Audubon was at the home

of his father-in-law, William Bakewell, in the spring of 1812. An

excellent drawing of the Chuck Wills Widow was probably made on the Red

River,[162] in Arkansas, when Audubon was exploring that country and

slowly making his way to New Orleans in June, 1821, though it should be

noticed that a steamboat on which he sometimes traveled was called the

_Red River_.

[Illustration: EARLY UNPUBLISHED DRAWING OF THE GROUNDHOG:

"MARMOTTE DE SAVAGE, LE 6 JUIN, 1805, NO. 159."

Published by courtesy of Mr. Joseph Y. Jeanes]

[Illustration: WATER-COLOR DRAWING OF A "YOUNG RACOON OF THIS

YEAR, SEPTEMBER 10, 1841."

Published by courtesy of the American Museum of Natural

History, New York.]

Audubon began in the usual way, by representing his birds in profile,

and often on a simple perch, but gradually introduced accessories which

eventually became such an important part of his plan that, after 1822,

his plates took on more the character of balanced pictures, literally

teeming with the characteristic fruits and flowers of America, as well

as with insects and animals of every sort, suggestive of the food and

surroundings of his subjects, not to speak of American landscapes drawn

from many parts of the country.

Dissatisfied with the older methods of drawing birds in the stereotyped

attitudes of most stuffed specimens, Audubon made many experiments at

"Mill Grove" before hitting upon what he called his "method" of using

wires to pierce and hold the body of the bird in any attitude which

he desired to represent. His device, which was simple only for one who

possessed the requisite knowledge and skill, was publicly exhibited at

a meeting of the Wernerian Society at Edinburgh on December 16, 1826.

A recently killed bird was fixed in the position desired by means of

wires, and placed against a background ruled with division lines in

squares to correspond with similar lines on Audubon's paper. The parts,

measured if necessary with compasses, were then drawn in, and every part

was rendered in due proportion. As to the difficulty of thus securing

natural attitudes, aside from any question of draughtsmanship, we have

only to recall the bungling work of most taxidermists; there are careful

students of animal life who are able to reanimate their subjects, even

when reduced to dried and mounted skins, but such ability is not easy to

acquire or impart. Method is always subordinate to power, and Audubon

at his best, when not hampered by lack of time, was able to represent

the living, moving bird in a hundred attitudes never attempted before,

which surprised the world of his day by the remarkable skill, freshness

and fidelity they displayed.

Some have complained that Audubon, in striving for effect, too often

exaggerated the action of his subjects; his birds, like the Frenchman

he was, gesticulate too much, while Wilson's were more cautious or

sedate, as became a canny Scot. The complaint may be well founded, but

the explanation is too trivial for serious consideration. Wilson, like

his predecessors, regardless of nationality, merely followed custom,

which led by the path of least resistance. Barraband and all the best

French artists before him in depicting bird and animal life had done

the same, and in their hands the perch, were the subject a bird, became

stereotyped to the last degree, as if inserted with a rubber stamp.

Audubon followed the same course until he became imbued with the desire

of endowing his animals with all the moving energy of which they were

capable, whether in seizing their prey, feeding their young, or fighting

their enemies. It is well known that many an animal, though ordinarily

cautious or even timid, can be roused to vigorous action under the

spur of emotion, as when its young are suddenly threatened, and be it

warbler, bluebird, or cuckoo, may become a contortionist at a moment's

notice. Very few of the 1,065 life-size drawings of birds which appear

in his large plates could be truly described as fantastic or unnatural.

Audubon's problem was rendered more difficult by the fact that all of

his animals were drawn to the size of life, and because his desire and

style compelled him to represent the utmost detail, even to the barbs

of a feather or the individual hairs of a mammal. When a landscape was

to be included it was not an easy task to harmonize life-sized objects

in the foreground with receding objects, and here he sometimes failed.

Some of his least happy compositions, however, were the result of haste,

as an examination of the originals of his _Birds of America_ has clearly

shown; when hard pressed for time he would resort to the scissors and

paste, in order to combine the parts of several distinct drawings into

one plate, and often leave the backgrounds to be supplied entirely by

the engraver. One of the few grotesque results of such methods is seen

in plate 141, wherein are represented the Goshawk and the Stanley Hawk;

the latter, which was originally designed for different surroundings,

has quite lost its center of gravity on an islet amid stream. An early

reviewer thought that the artist must surely have intended this for a

caricature, as in the case of one of Hogarth's famous prints, in which

a man on a distant hill is lighting his pipe at a candle held out of a

window in the foreground.

The action of Audubon's subjects was sometimes exaggerated; his birds

on the wing were occasionally ill drawn, and other defects might be

mentioned. But we must admire his boldness for attempting so many

difficult positions, and admit that, when all is considered, he

succeeded to admiration, and set a new standard for the illustration of

works on natural history.

CHAPTER XIII

AUDUBON'S MARRIAGE AND SETTLEMENT IN THE WEST

Audubon and Rozier decide to start a pioneer store at

Louisville, Kentucky—Their purchase of goods in New

York—"Westward Ho" with Rozier—Rozier's diary of the

journey—An unfortunate investment in indigo—Effect of

the Embargo Act—Marriage to Lucy Bakewell—Return to

Louisville—Life on the Ohio—Depression of trade—William

Bakewell's assistance—Audubon's eldest son born at the "Indian

Queen"—The Bakewells—Life at Louisville.

In the summer of 1807 Audubon and Rozier had decided to try their

fortunes in the West, which then meant the Ohio Valley and the wilds of

Kentucky, and had fixed upon Louisville as a promising point for pioneer

trade. On August 1 they purchased a considerable stock of goods through

the commission house of their friend, Benjamin Bakewell, and three days

later gave their note, payable in eight months, for over $3,600.[163]

Then, or a little later, they had dealings also with Messrs. Robert

Kinder & Company, of New York, as well as the French importing house

of Laurence Huron, with which Ferdinand had been recently associated

in Philadelphia; apparently also they sent goods to François Rozier at

Nantes, and from him received imports through the Bakewell firm, but,

as we shall see, all foreign trade was soon cut off. When their plans

were complete and their goods had started for the frontier, they set

out themselves for Louisville on the last day of August, 1807.

Ferdinand Rozier kept a record[164] of this journey, the formidable

nature of which will be best appreciated by reading his matter-of-fact

narrative composed from notes daily jotted down. In these easy-going

times, when oceans and continents are crossed with ever increasing ease

and speed, this simple chronicle of early travel in America is worth

preserving, if only for its historical contrasts.

On the thirty-first day of August, 1807, in company with

Audubon, I left Mill Grove for Louisville, Kentucky, where we

anticipated engaging in the mercantile business.

Leaving Philadelphia by stage we traveled to Lancaster,

Pennsylvania, a distance of sixty-one miles, where we arrived

at four o'clock in the afternoon; we dined, and proceeded

to Big Chickers, distant nine miles farther, where we spent

the night. The roads from Philadelphia to Lancaster were

in excellent condition, and at about every two miles we

found good taverns. The only remarkable thing we noticed in

agriculture was hemp, there being little else of interest.

The city of Lancaster was attractive, but the short duration

of our stay prevented us from having more than a casual view

of it. The tavern where we slept was not very good; from our

chambers, however, we could discern a new bridge, which had

two immense arches spanning the river.

At eight o'clock in the morning we left Lancaster for

Elizabethtown, distant nine miles. The roads were miserable,

and we suffered a severe jolting and shaking up. Arriving

there, we procured two additional horses, which made six all

told, and went on to Middletown, where we breakfasted at a

tavern named the "Eagle"; the village was small, with few

houses, and nothing of interest.

Journeying on to Harrisburg without mishap, over roads

somewhat improved, we finally arrived, and discovered a very

beautiful river called the Susquehanna. The city of Harrisburg

itself appeared very attractive to us, and its situation is

beautiful; proceeding, we were first compelled to cross the

river, which was accomplished by means of a large flatboat

propelled by a sweep of generous proportions. The captain,

who proved a most voluble person, informed us that the river

abounded in fish, and then related marvelous tales of the

remarkable catches that had been made; many of his stories,

however, were of such glaring improbability that we were

forced to doubt his veracity.

Carlisle, sixteen miles distant, was reached in due course,

and there we changed horses at a tavern called the "John

Mason." This city, though small, presented a fine appearance,

having a market place, two large churches, many brick

buildings, a large academy, and several attractive taverns.

Continuing, we finally came to Walnut Bottoms, where we

engaged chambers at a very imposing tavern; this proved

far superior to any we had hitherto visited; it was clean

and inviting; its appointments were good, and its service

excellent. On our journey we were impressed by a tree of great

size, that resembled an oak, but upon inquiry learned that

it was called Hackberry,[165] and produced a fruit similar

in size to a cherry. On the north and south of us were high

mountains which presented an imposing appearance; the foliage

was heavy and luxuriant; the soil of the foot-hills appeared

fertile, but the crops were inferior.

We were awakened early in the morning so as to begin our

journey in good season, and having had a heavy storm during

the night we expected to find the roads very bad, but to our

delight they were none the worse for the rain. Journeying

most of the way through woods, we came to Shipensburg and

breakfasted; this village had only one long street, and

presented an appearance far from pleasing. A lady with her

sock [knitting work] proved a great talker and asked us many

questions. This village was intersected by a creek, called

the Middlespring. We next came to Chambersburg, ten miles

away, and there rested and purchased tickets for continuing

our journey. That village lies in a valley, and is composed of

two squares containing a post office, an academy, a factory,

market place and tavern.

When the stage was at last made ready for its journey we took

our places in it, but no sooner was the village left behind

than we encountered very rough roads, which for a time caused

great discomfort; our feelings were expressed by all the

passengers, but at length we reached a tavern named "Cable

Roussed," where our horses were changed. We next stopped at

the "John Campbell" tavern, and saw many drunkards about;

then at "Peter White's," almost at the foot of the mountains,

where we were each treated to a glass of excellent fresh

milk. Still going on and approaching the mountains, the roads

became so excessively rough that Audubon and myself decided

to proceed on foot. Though this was a three-mile climb, we

managed to cover it in three and a half hours. So bad in

truth was the road that it seemed well nigh impossible for any

vehicle to ascend the mountain; the stage did go up, however,

and reached the summit soon after us. On the heights of the

mountain was a small tavern where refreshments were served,

and while partaking of a light lunch there we were waited on

by a couple named Currie, and James, their hired man. While

we were refreshing ourselves, our host told harrowing tales

of wild-animal hunting in the mountains, and assured us that

there were many beasts in the surrounding woods. Leaving the

summit in the stage, we continued for some distance, but the

jolting, rolling and swaying was so frightful that we decided

to descend on foot. The three miles down the mountain was

covered quickly, but we were utterly worn out with fatigue

when we reached McConnelsburg; this village lies in a valley,

has few houses and but little of interest; we made forty

miles during the day. Leaving early on the next morning, after

traveling thirty-two miles, over better roads, we spent the

night at the tavern of B. Mastin.

Having breakfasted at an early hour, we were again on our way

by sunrise, and after driving two miles came to the Juniata

River, which was crossed in a leaky flatboat. Eight miles

beyond this point we saw a very fine and stately mansion which

was said to belong to a Mrs. Haily. Finally after a hard and

tiresome day we arrived at Bedford. The Juniata River flows

along Bedford in a narrow bed, between high mountain walls;

the village is situated in the valley, and boasts many fine

stores and residences. We were told that about fourteen miles

farther on there were mineral springs, the waters of which

possessed great curative properties, and that many people

visited them each season; time, however, did not permit us to

visit this resort.

Six horses were hitched to our stage when we departed the next

morning. The mountain roads ascended more gradually, and were

less rough; the weather being exceptionally fine, forty miles

were easily made before reaching our destination at a village

called Somerset, which contained a courthouse that marked it

at once as the county seat. At four o'clock of the morning

following we were again on our way, and left Somerset in a

heavy fog, which at that early hour sharply accentuated the

chill in the air. At the end of the day we found ourselves at

Laurel Hill, where we passed the night at the tavern of John

Arranats.