nostrae cohibeo, quae (si alibi essem) evomerem in vastatricem
Scripturae et Ecclesiae Romanae.... Timeo miser, ne forte non sim dignus
pati et occidi pro tali causa: erit ista felicitas meliorum hominum, non
tam foedi peccatoris. Dixi tibi semper me paratum esse cedere loco, si
qua ego principi ill. viderer periculo hic vivere. Aliquando certe
moriendum est, quanquam jam edita vernacula quadam apologia satis aduler
Romanae Ecclesiae et Pontifici, si quid forte id prosit" (De Wette, i.
260, 261). "Ubi periculum est, ne iis protectoribus tutus saevius in
Romanenses sim grassaturus, quam si sub principis imperio publicis
militarem officiis docendi.... Ego vicissim, nisi ignem habere nequeam
damnabo, publiceque concremabo jus pontificium totum, id est, lernam
illam haeresium; et finem habebit humilitatis exhibitae hactenusque
frustratae observantia qua nolo amplius inflari hostes Evangelii"
(_Ibid._ pp. 465, 466, July 10, 1520).]
[Footnote 199: "Out of the Gospel and divine truth come devilish lies;
... from the blood in our body comes corruption; out of Luther come
Muentzer, and rebels, Anabaptists, Sacramentarians, and false brethren"
(_Werke_, i. 75).]
[Footnote 200: "Habemus," wrote Erasmus, "fructum tui spiritus.... Non
agnoscis hosce seditiosos, opinor, sed illi te agnoscunt ... nec tamen
efficis quominus credant homines per tuos libellos ... pro libertare
evangelica, contra tyrannidem humanam, hisce tumultibus fuisse datam
occasionem." "And who will deny," adds a Protestant classic, "that the
fault was partly owing to them?" (Planck, _Geschichte der
protestantischen Kirche_, ii, 183).]
[Footnote 201: "Ich sehe das wohl, dass der Teufel, so er mich bisher
nicht hat moegen umbringen durch den Pabst, sucht er mich durch die
blutduerstigen Mordpropheten und Rottengeisten, so unter euch sind, zu
vertilgen und auffressen" (_Werke_, xvi. 77).]
[Footnote 202: Schenkel. _Wesen des Protestantismus_, iii. 348, 351;
Hagen, _Geist der Reformation_, ii. 146, 151; Menzel, _Neuere Geschichte
der Deutschen_, i. 115.]
[Footnote 203: See the best of his biographies, Juergens, _Luther's
Leben_, iii. 601.]
[Footnote 204: "Quid hoc ad me? qui sciam etiam Turcam honorandum et
ferendum potestatis gratia. Quia certus sum non nisi volente Deo ullam
potestatem consistere" (De Wette, i. 236).]
[Footnote 205: "I beg first of all that you will not help to mollify
Count Albert in these matters, but let him go on as he has begun....
Encourage him to go on briskly, to leave things in the hands of God, and
obey His divine command to wield the sword as long as he can." "Do not
allow yourselves to be much disturbed, for it will redound to the
advantage of many souls that will be terrified by it, and preserved."
"If there are innocent persons amongst them, God will surely save and
preserve them, as He did with Lot and Jeremiah. If He does not, then
they are certainly not innocent.... We must pray for them that they
obey, otherwise this is no time for compassion; just let the guns deal
with them." "Sentio melius esse omnes rusticos caedi quam principes et
magistratus, eo quod rustici sine autoritate Dei gladium accipiunt. Quam
nequitiam Satanae sequi non potest nisi mera Satanica vastitas regni
Dei, et mundi principes etsi excedunt, tamen gladium autoritate Dei
gerunt. Ibi utrumque regnum consistere potest, quare nulla misericordia,
nulla patientia rusticis debetur, sed ira et indignatio Dei et hominum"
(De Wette, ii. 653, 655, 666, 669, 671).]
[Footnote 206: "Wir lehren die christlich Obrigkeit moege nicht nur,
sondern solle auch sich der Religion und Glaubenssachen mit Ernst
annehmen; davon halten die Wiedertaeufer steif das Widerspiel, welches
sie auch zum Theil gemein haben mit den Praelaten der roemischen Kirche"
(Declaration of the Protestants, quoted in Joerg, _Deutschland von 1522
bis 1526_, p. 709).]
[Footnote 207: "As to your question, how they are to be punished, I do
not consider them blasphemers, but regard them in the light of the
Turks, or deluded Christians, whom the civil power has not to punish, at
least bodily. But if they refuse to acknowledge and to obey the civil
authority, then they forfeit all they have and are, for then sedition
and murder are certainly in their hearts" (De Wette, ii. 622; Osiander's
opinion in Joerg, p. 706).]
[Footnote 208: "Dass in dem Urtheil und desselben oeffentlicher
Verkuendigung keines Irrthums oder Ketzereien ... sondern allein der
Aufruhr und fuergenommenen Morderei, die ihm doch laut seiner Urgicht nie
lieb gewesen, gedacht werde" (Joerg, p. 708).]
[Footnote 209: "Principes nostri non cogunt ad fidem et Evangelion, sed
cohibent externas abominationes" (De Wette, iii. 50). "Wenn die
weltliche Obrigkeit die Verbrechen wider die zweite Gesetzestafel
bestrafen, und aus der menschlichen Gesellschaft tilgen solle, wie
vielmehr denn die Verbrechen wider die erste?" (Luther, _apud_ Bucholtz,
_Geschichte Ferdinands I._, iii. 571).]
[Footnote 210: Planck, iv. 61, explains why this was not thought of.]
[Footnote 211: Linde, _Staatskirche_, p. 23. "Der Papst sammt seinem
Haufen glaubt nicht; darum bekennen wir, er werde nicht selig, das ist
verdammt werden" (_Table-Talk_, ii. 350).]
[Footnote 212: Kaltenborn, _Vorlaeufer des Grotius_, 208.]
[Footnote 213: Moehler, _Symbolik_, 428.]
[Footnote 214: "Quodsi unam legem Mosi cogimur servare, eadem ratione et
circumcidemur, et totam legem servare oportebit.... Nunc vero non sumus
amplius sub lege Mosi, sed subjecti legibus civilibus in talibus rebus"
(Luther to Barnes, Sept. 5, 1531; De Wette, iv. 296).]
[Footnote 215: "All things that we find done by the patriarchs in the
Old Testament ought to be free and not forbidden. Circumcision is
abolished, but not so that it would be a sin to perform it, but
optional, neither sinful nor acceptable.... In like manner it is not
forbidden that a man should have more than one wife. Even at the present
day I could not prohibit it; but I would not recommend it" (Commentary
on Genesis, 1528; see Jarcke, _Studien_, p. 108). "Ego sane fateor, me
non posse prohibere, siquis plures velit uxores ducere, nec repugnat
sacris literis: verum tamen apud Christianos id exempli nollem primo
introduci, apud quos decet etiam ea intermittere, quae licita sunt, pro
vitando scandalo, et pro honestate vitae" (De Wette, ii. 459, Jan. 13,
1524). "From these instances of bigamy (Lamech, Jacob) no rule can be
drawn for our times; and such examples have no power with us Christians,
for we live under our authorities, and are subject to our civil laws"
(_Table-Talk_, v. 64).]
[Footnote 216: "Antequam tale repudium, probarem potius regi permitterem
alteram reginam quoque ducere, et exemplo patrum et regum duas simul
uxores seu reginas habere.... Si peccavit ducendo uxorem fratris mortui,
peccavit in legem humanam seu civilem; si autem repudiaverit, peccabit
in legem mere divinam" (De Wette, iv. 296). "Haud dubio rex Angliae
uxorem fratris mortui ductam retinere potest ... docendus quod has res
politicas commiserit Deus magistratibus, neque nos alligaverit ad
Moisen.... Si vult rex successioni prospicere, quanto satius est, id
facere sine infamia prioris conjugii. Ac potest id fieri sine ullo
periculo conscientiae cujuscunque aut famae per polygamiam. Etsi enim
non velim concedere polygamiam vulgo, dixi enim supra, nos non ferre
leges, tamen in hoc casu propter magnam utilitatem regni, fortassis
etiam propter conscientiam regis, ita pronuncio: tutissimum esse regi,
si ducat secundam uxorem, priore non abjecta, quia certum est polygamiam
non esse prohibitam jure divino, nec res est omnino inusitata"
(_Melanthonis Opera_, ed. Bretschneider, ii. 524, 526). "Nolumus esse
auctores divortii, cum conjugium cum jure divino non pugnet. Hi, qui
diversum pronunciant, terribiliter exaggerant et exasperant jus divinum.
Nos contra exaggeramus in rebus politicis auctoritatem magistratus, quae
profecto non est levis, multaque justa sunt propter magistratus
auctoritatem, quae alioqui in dubium vocantur" (Melanchthon to Bucer,
Bretschneider, ii. 552).]
[Footnote 217: "Suadere non possumus ut introducatur publice et velut
lege sanciatur permissio, plures quam unam uxores ducendi.... Primum
ante omnia cavendum, ne haec res inducatur in orbem ad modum legis, quam
sequendi libera omnibus sit potestas. Deinde considerare dignetur vestra
celsitudo scandalum, nimirum quod Evangelio hostes exclamaturi sint, nos
similes esse Anabaptistis, qui plures simul duxerunt uxores" (De Wette,
v. 236. Signed by Luther, Melanchthon, and Bucer).]
[Footnote 218: "He that would appear wise will not be satisfied with
anything that others do; he must do something for himself, and that must
be better than anything. This fool (Copernicus) wants to overturn the
whole science of astronomy. But, as the holy Scriptures tell us, Joshua
told the sun to stand still, and not the earth" (_Table-Talk_, iv.
575).]
[Footnote 219: "Das ist die christliche Freiheit, der einige Glaube, der
da macht, nicht dass wir muessig gehen oder uebel thun moegen, sondern dass
wir keines Werks beduerfen, die Froemmigkeit und Seligkeit zu erlangen"
(_Sermon von der Freiheit_). A Protestant historian, who quotes this
passage, goes on to say: "On the other hand, the body must be brought
under discipline by every means, in order that it may obey and not
burden the inner man. Outward servitude, therefore, assists the progress
towards internal freedom" (Bensen, _Geschichte des Bauernkriegs_, 269.)]
[Footnote 220: _Werke_, x. 413.]
[Footnote 221: "According to Scripture, it is by no means proper that
one who would be a Christian should set himself against his superiors,
whether by God's permission they act justly or unjustly. But a Christian
must suffer violence and wrong, especially from his superiors.... As the
emperor continues emperor, and princes, though they transgress all God's
commandments, yea, even if they be heathen, so they do even when they do
not observe their oath and duty.... Sin does not suspend authority and
allegiance" (De Wette, iii. 560).]
[Footnote 222: Ranke, _Reformation_, iii. 183.]
[Footnote 223: Ranke, iv. 7; Juergens, iii. 601.]
[Footnote 224: Newman, _Lectures on Justification_, p. 386.]
[Footnote 225: "Was durch ordentliche Gewalt geschieht, ist nicht fuer
Aufruhr zu halten" (Bensen, p. 269; Jarcke, _Studien_, p. 312; Janet,
ii. 40).]
[Footnote 226: "Princes, and all rulers and governments, however pious
and God-fearing they may be, cannot be without sin in their office and
temporal administration.... They cannot always be so exactly just and
successful as some wiseacres suppose; therefore they are above all in
need of the forgiveness of sins" (see Kaltenborn, p. 209).]
[Footnote 227: "Of old, under the Papacy, princes and lords, and all
judges, were very timid in shedding blood, and punishing robbers,
murderers, thieves, and all manner of evil-doers; for they knew not how
to distinguish a private individual who is not in office from one in
office, charged with the duty of punishing.... The executioner had
always to do penance, and to apologise beforehand to the convicted
criminal for what he was going to do to him, just as if it was sinful
and wrong." "Thus they were persuaded by monks to be gracious,
indulgent, and peaceable. But authorities, princes and lords ought not
to be merciful" (_Table-Talk_, iv. 159, 160).]
[Footnote 228: "Den weltlichen Bann sollten Koenige und Kaiser wieder
aufrichten, denn wir koennen ihn jetzt nicht anrichten.... Aber so wir
nicht koennen die Suende des Lebens bannen und strafen, so bannen wir doch
die Suende der Lehre" (Bruns, _Luther's Predigten_, 63).]
[Footnote 229: "Wo sie solche Rottengeister wuerden zulassen und leiden,
so sie es doch wehren und vorkommen koennen, wuerden sie ihre Gewissen
graeulich beschweren, und vielleicht nimmermehr widder stillen koennen,
nicht allein der Seelen halben, die dadurch verfuehrt und verdammt werden
... sondern auch der gauzen heiligen Kirchen halben" (De Wette, iv.
355).]
[Footnote 230: "Nu ist alle Abgoetterey gegen die Messe ein geringes" (De
Wette, v. 191; sec. iv. 307)]
[Footnote 231: Bucholtz, iii. 570.]
[Footnote 232: "Sie aber verachten die Schrift muthwilliglich, darum
waeren sie billig aus der einigen Ursach zu stillen, oder nicht zu
leiden" (De Wette, iii. 90).]
[Footnote 233: "Wollen sie aber wie die Juden seyn, nicht Christen
heissen, noch Kaisers Glieder, sondern sich lassen Christus und Kaisers
Feinde nennen, wie die Juden; wohlan, so wollen wir's auch leiden, dass
sie in ihren Synagogen, wie die Juden, verschlossen laestern, so lang sie
wollen" (De Wette, iv. 94).]
[Footnote 234: Riffel, _Kirchengeschichte_, ii. 9; _Table-Talk_, iii.
175.]
[Footnote 235: "Ego ab initio, cum primum caepi nosse Ciconiam et
Ciconiae factionem, unde hoc totum genus Anabaptistarum exortum est, fui
stulte clemens. Sentiebant enim et alii haereticos non esse ferro
opprimendos. Et tunc dux Fridericus vehementer iratus erat Ciconiae: ac
nisi a nobis tectus esset, fuisset de homine furioso et perdite malo
sumtum supplicium. Nunc me ejus clementiae non parum poenitet....
Brentius nimis clemens est" (Bretschneider, ii. 17, Feb. 1530).]
[Footnote 236: "Sed objiciunt exemplum nobis periculosum: si haec
pertinent ad magistratus, quoties igitur magistratus judicabit aliquos
errare, saeviet in eos. Caesar igitur debet nos opprimere, quoniam ita
judicat nos errare. Respondeo: certe debet errores et prohibere et
punire.... Non est enim solius Caesaris cognitio, sicut in urbibus haec
cognitio non est tantum magistratus prophani, sed est doctorum. Viderit
igitur magistratus ut recte judicet" (Bretschneider, ii. 712).
"Deliberent igitur principes, non cum tyrannis, non cum pontificibus,
non cum hypocritis, monachis aut aliis, sed cum ipsa Evangelii voce, cum
probatis scriptoribus" (Bretschneider, iii. 254).]
[Footnote 237: "Quare ita sentias, magistratum debere uti summa
severitate in coercendis hujusmodi spiritibus.... Sines igitur novis
exemplis timorem incuti multitudini ... ad haec notae tibi sint causae
seditionum, quas gladio prohiberi oportet.... Propterea sentio de his
qui etiamsi non defendunt seditiosos articulos, habent manifeste
blasphemos, quod interfici a magistratu debeant" (ii. 17, 18). "De
Anabaptistis tulimus hic in genere sententiam: quia constat sectam
diabolicam esse, non esse tolerandam: dissipari enim ecclesias per eos,
cum ipsi nullam habeant certam doctrinam.... Ideo in capita factionum in
singulis locis ultima supplicia constituenda esse judicavimus" (ii.
549). "It is clear that it is the duty of secular government to punish
blasphemy, false doctrine, and heresy, on the bodies of those who are
guilty of them.... Since it is evident that there are gross errors in
the articles of the Anabaptist sect, we conclude that in this case the
obstinate ought to be punished with death" (iii. 199). "Propter hanc
causam Deus ordinavit politias ut Evangelium propagari possit ... nec
revocamus politiam Moysi, sed lex moralis perpetua est omnium aetatum
... quandocumque constat doctrinam esse impiam, nihil dubium est quin
sanior pars Ecclesiae debeat malos pastores removere et abolere impios
cultus. Et hanc emendationem praecipue adjuvare debent magistratus,
tanquam potiora membra Ecclesiae" (iii. 242, 244). "Thammerus, qui
Mahometicas seu Ethnicas opiniones spargit, vagatur in dioecesi
Mindensi, quem publicis suppliciis adficere debebant.... Evomuit
blasphemias, quae refutandae sunt non tantum disputatione aut scriptis,
sed etiam justo officio pii magistratus" (ix. 125, 131).]
[Footnote 238: "Voco autem blasphemos qui articulos habent, qui proprie
non pertinent ad civilem statum, sed continent [Greek: theorias] ut de
divinitate Christi et similes. Etsi enim gradus quidam sunt, tamen huc
etiam refero baptismum infantum.... Quia magistratui commissa est tutela
totius legis, quod attinet ad externam disciplinam et externa facta.
Quare delicta externa contra primam tabulam prohibere ac punire
debet.... Quare non solum concessum est, sed etiam mandatum est
magistratui, impias doctrinas abolere, et tueri pias in suis ditionibus"
(ii. 711). "Ecclesiastica potestas tantum judicat et excommunicat
haereticos, non occidit. Sed potestas civilis debet constituere poenas
et supplicia in haereticos, sicut in blasphemos constituit supplicia....
Non enim plectitur fides, sed haeresis" (xii. 697).]
[Footnote 239: "Notum est etiam, quosdam tetra et [Greek: dysphema]
dixisse de sanguine Christi, quos puniri oportuit, et propter gloriam
Christi, et exempli causa" (viii. 553). "Argumentatur ille praestigiator
(Schwenkfeld), verbum externum non esse medium, quo Deus est efficax.
Talis sophistica principum severitate compescenda erat" (ix. 579).]
[Footnote 240: "The office of preacher is distinct from that of
governor, yet both have to contribute to the praise of God. Princes are
not only to protect the goods and bodily life of their subjects, but the
principal function is to promote the honour of God, and to prevent
idolatry and blasphemy" (iii. 199). "Errant igitur magistratus, qui
divellunt gubernationem a fine, et se tantum pacis ac ventris custodes
esse existimant.... At si tantum venter curandus esset, quid differrent
principes ab armentariis? Nam longe aliter sentiendum est. Politias
divinitus admirabili sapientia et bonitate constitutas esse, non tantum
ad quaerenda et fruenda ventris bona, sed multo magis, ut Deus in
societate innotescat, ut aeterna bona quaerantur" (iii. 246).]
[Footnote 241: "Neque illa barbarica excusatio audienda est, leges illas
pertinere ad politiam Mosaicam, non ad nostram. Ut Decalogus ipse ad
omnes pertinet, ita judex ubique omnia Decalogi officia in externa
disciplina tueatur" (viii. 520).]
[Footnote 242: "Legi scriptum tuum, in quo refutasti luculenter
horrendas Serveti blasphemias, ac filio Dei gratias ago, qui fuit
[Greek: brabeutes] hujus tui agonis. Tibi quoque Ecclesia et nunc et ad
posteros gratitudinem debet et debebit. Tuo judicio prorsus adsentior.
Affirmo etiam, vestros magistratus juste fecisse, quod hominem
blasphemum, re ordine judicata, interfecerunt" (Melanchthon to Calvin,
Bretschneider, viii. 362). "Judico etiam Senatum Genevensem recte
fecisse, quod hominem pertinacem et non omissurum blasphemias sustulit.
Ac miratus sum, esse, qui severitatem illam improbent" (viii. 523).
"Dedit vero et Genevensis reip. magistratus ante annos quatuor punitae
insanabilis blasphemiae adversus filium Dei, sublato Serveto Arragone
pium et memorabile ad omnem posteritatem exemplum" (ix. 133).]
[Footnote 243: "Abusus missae per magistratus debet tolli. Non aliter,
atque sustulit aeneum serpentem Ezechias, aut excelsa demolitus est
Josias" (i. 480). "Politicis magistratibus severissime mandatum est, ut
suo quisque loco manibus et armis tollant statuas, ad quas fiunt hominum
concursus et invocationes, et puniant suppliciis corporum insanabiles,
qui idolorum cultum pertinaciter retinent, aut blasphemias serunt" (ix.
77).]
[Footnote 244: "If the French and English community at Frankfort shared
the errors of Servetus or Thamer, or other enemies of the Symbols, or
the errors of the Anabaptists on infant baptism, against the authority
of the State, etc., I should faithfully advise and strongly recommend
that they should be soon driven away; for the civil power is bound to
prevent and to punish proved blasphemy and sedition. But I find that
this community is orthodox in the symbolical articles on the Son of God,
and in other articles of the Symbol.... If the faith of the citizens in
every town were inquired into, what trouble and confusion would not
arise in many countries and towns!" (ix. 179).]
[Footnote 245: Schmidt, _Philipp Melanchthon_, p. 640. His exhortations
to the Landgrave to put down the Zwinglians are characteristic: "The
Zwinglians, without waiting for the Council, persecute the Papists and
the Anabaptists; why must it be wrong for others to prohibit their
indefensible doctrine independent of the Council?" Philip replied:
"Forcibly, to prohibit a doctrine which neither contradicts the articles
of faith nor encourages sedition, I do not think right.... When Luther
began to write and to preach, he admonished and instructed the
Government that it had no right to forbid books or to prevent preaching,
and that its office did not extend so far, but that it had only to
govern the body and goods.... I had not heard before that the Zwinglians
persecute the Papists; but if they abolish abuses, it is not unjust, for
the Papists wish to deserve heaven by their works, and so blaspheme the
Son of God. That they should persecute the Anabaptists is also not
wrong, for their doctrine is in part seditious." The divines answered:
"If by God's grace our true and necessary doctrine is tolerated as it
has hitherto been by the emperor, though reluctantly, we think that we
ought not to prevent it by undertaking the defence of the Zwinglian
doctrine, if that should not be tolerated. ... As to the argument that
we ought to spare the people while persecuting the leaders, our answer
is, that it is not a question of persons, but only of doctrine, whether
it be true or false" (Correspondence of Brenz and Melanchthon with
Landgrave Philip of Hesse, Bretschneider, ii. 95, 98, 101).]
[Footnote 246: Hardwicke, _Reformation_, p. 274.]
[Footnote 247: Seidemann, _Thomas Muenzer_, p. 35.]
[Footnote 248: Schenkel, iii. 381.]
[Footnote 249: Heinrich Grosbeck's _Bericht_, ed. Cornelius, 19.]
[Footnote 250: Herzog, _Encyclopaedie fuer protestantische Theologie_, ii.
418.]
[Footnote 251: Bussierre, _Establissement du Protestantisme en Alsace_,
p. 429.]
[Footnote 252: Baum, _Capito und Butzer_, p. 489.]
[Footnote 253: Baum, p. 492; Erbkam, _Protestantische Sekten_, p. 581.]
[Footnote 254: Ursinus writes to Bullinger: "Liberavit nos Deus ab
idolatria: succedit licentia infinita et horribilis divini nominis,
ecclesiae doctrinae purioris et sacramentorum prophanatio et sub pedibus
porcorum et canum, conniventibus atque utinam non defendentibus iis qui
prohibere suo loco debebant, conculcatio" (Sudhoff, _Olevianus und
Ursinus_, p. 340).]
[Footnote 255: "Adserere audemus, neminem magistratum recte gerere ne
posse quidem, nisi Christianus sit" (Zuingli, _Opera_, iii. 296). "If
they shall proceed in an unbrotherly way, and against the ordinance of
Christ, then let them be deposed, in God's name" (Schenkel, iii. 362).]
[Footnote 256: Christoffel, _Huldreich Zwingli_, p. 251.]
[Footnote 257: Zwingli's advice to the Protestants of St. Gall, in
Pressel, _Joachim Vadian_, p. 45.]
[Footnote 258: Pestalozzi, _Heinrich Bullinger_, p. 95.]
[Footnote 259: _Ibid._, _Leo Judae_, p. 50.]
[Footnote 260: Pestalozzi, _Heinrich Bullinger_, p. 146.]
[Footnote 261: _Ibid._ p. 149.]
[Footnote 262: _Ibid._ p. 270.]
[Footnote 263: Pestalozzi, _Heinrich Bullinger_, p. 426.]
[Footnote 264: In the year 1555 he writes to Socinus: "I too am of
opinion that heretical men must be cut off with the spiritual sword....
The Lutherans at first did not understand that sectaries must be
restrained and punished, but after the fall of Muenster, when thousands
of poor misguided men, many of them orthodox, had perished, they were
compelled to admit that it is wiser and better for the Government not
only to restrain wrong-headed men, but also, by putting to death a few
that deserve it, to protect thousands of inhabitants" (_Ibid._ p. 428).]
[Footnote 265: Herzog, _Leben Oekolampads_, ii 197.]
[Footnote 266: _Ibid._ p. 189.]
[Footnote 267: _Ibid._ p. 206.]
[Footnote 268: Herzog, _Leben Oekolampads_, ii. 195. Herzog finds an
excuse for the harsh treatment of the Lutherans at Basel in the still
greater severity of the Lutheran Churches against the followers of the
Swiss reformation (_Ibid._ 213).]
[Footnote 269: Hundeshagen, _Conflikte des Zwinglianismus und
Calvinismus_, 41.]