[Footnote 270: "Huc spectat (politia) ... ne idololatria, ne in Dei

nomen sacrilegia, ne adversus ejus veritatem blasphemiae aliaeque

religionis offensiones publice emergant ac in populum spargantur....

Politicam ordinationem probo, quae in hoc incumbit, ne vera religio,

quae Dei lege continetur, palam, publicisque sacrilegiis impune

violetur" (_Institutio Christianae Religionis_, ed. Tholuck, ii. 477).

"Hoc ergo summopere requiritur a regibus, ut gladio quo praediti sunt

utuntur ad cultum Dei asserendum" (_Praelectiones in Prophetas, Opera_,

v. 233, ed. 1667).]

[Footnote 271: "Huic etiam colligere promptum est, quam stulta fuerit

imaginatio eorum qui volebant usum gladii tollere e mundo, Evangelii

praetextu. Scimus Anabaptistas fuisse tumultuatos, quasi totus ordo

politicus repugnaret Christi regno, quia regnum Christi continetur sola

doctrina; deinde nulla futura sit vis. Hoc quidem verum esset, si

essemus in hoc mundo angeli: sed quemadmodum jam dixi, exiguus est

piorum numerus: ideo necesse est reliquam turbam cohiberi violento

freno: quia permixti sunt filii Dei vel saevis belluis, vel vulpibus et

fraudulentis hominibus" (_Pr. in Michaeam_, v. 310). "In quo non suam

modo inscitiam, sed diabolicum fastum produnt, dum perfectionem sibi

arrogant; cujus ne centesima quidem pars in illis conspicitur"

(_Institutio_, ii. 478).]

[Footnote 272: "Tota igitur excellentia, tota dignitas, tota potentia

Ecclesiae debet huc referri, ut omnia subjaceant Deo, et quicquid erit

in gentibus hoc totum sit sacrum, ut scilicet cultus Dei tam apud

victores quam apud victos vigeat" (_Pr. in Michaeam_, v. 317).]

[Footnote 273: "Ita tollitur offensio, quae multos imperitos fallit, dum

metuunt ne hoc praetextu ad saeviendum armentur Papae carnifices."

Calvin was warned by experience of the imprudence of Luther's language.

"In Gallis proceres in excusanda saevitia immani allegant autoritatem

Lutheri" (Melanchthon. _Opera_, v. 176).]

[Footnote 274: "Vous avez deux especes de mutins qui se sont eslevez

entre le roy et l'estat du royaume: Les uns sont gens fantastiques, qui

soubs couleur de l'evangile vouldroient mettre tout en confusion. Les

aultres sont gens obstines aux superstitions de l'Antechrist de Rome.

Tous ensemble meritent bien d'estre reprimes par le glayve qui vous est

commis, veu qu'ils s'attaschent non seulement au roy, mais a Dieu qui

l'a assis au siege royal" (Calvin to Somerset, Oct. 22, 1540: _Lettres

de Calvin_, ed. Bonnet, i. 267. See also Henry, _Leben Calvins_, ii.

Append. 30).]

[Footnote 275: "Abdicant enim se potestate terreni principes dum

insurgunt contra Deum: imo indigni sunt qui censeantur in hominum

numero. Potius ergo conspuere oportet in ipsorum capita, quam illis

parere, ubi ita proterviunt ut velint etiam spoliare Deum jure suo, et

quasi occupare solium ejus, acsi possent eum a coelo detrahere" (_Pr. in

Danielem_, v. 91).]

[Footnote 276: "Quant au serment qu'on vous a contraincte de faire,

comme vous avez failli et offense Dieu en le faisant, aussi n'estes-vous

tenue de le garder" (Calvin to the Duchess of Ferrara, _Bonnet_, ii.

338). She had taken an oath, at her husband's death, that she would not

correspond with Calvin.]

[Footnote 277: "In aulis regum videmus primas teneri a bestiis. Nam

hodie, ne repetamus veteres historias, ut reges fere omnes fatui sunt ac

bruti, ita etiam sunt quasi equi et asini brutorum animalium.... Reges

sunt hodie fere mancipia" (_Pr. in Danielem_, v. 82). "Videmus enim ut

hodie quoque pro sua libidine commoveant totum orbem principes; quia

produnt alii aliis innoxios populus, et exercent foedam nundinationem,

dum quisque commodum suum venatur, et sine ullo pudore, tantum ut augeat

suam potentiam, alios tradit in manum inimici" (_Pr. in Nahum_, v. 363).

"Hodie pudet reges aliquid prae se ferre humanum, sed omnes gestus

accommodant ad tyrannidem" (_Pr. in Jeremiam_, v. 257).]

[Footnote 278: "Sur ce que je vous avais allegue, quo David nous

instruict par son exemple de hair les ennemis de Dieu, vous respondez

que c'estoit pour ce temps-la duquel sous la loi de rigueur il estoit

permis de hair les ennemis. Or, madame, ceste glose seroit pour

renverser toute l'Escriture, et partant il la fault fuir comme une peste

mortelle.... Combien que j'aye tousjours prie Dieu de luy faire mercy,

si est-ce que j'ay souvent desire que Dieu mist la main sur luy (Guise)

pour en deslivrer son Eglise, s'il ne le vouloit convertir" (Calvin to

the Duchess of Ferrara, _Bonnet_, ii. 551). Luther was in this respect

equally unscrupulous: "This year we must pray Duke Maurice to death, we

must kill him with our prayers; for he will be an evil man" (MS. quoted

in Doellinger, _Reformation_, iii, 266).]

[Footnote 279: "Quod de praepostero nostrorum fervore scribis,

verissimum est, neque tamen ulla occurrit moderandi ratio, quia sanis

consiliis non obtemperant. Passim denuntio, si judex essem me non minus

severe in rabioso, istos impetus vindicaturum, quam rex suis edictis

mandat. Pergendum nihilominus, quando nos Deus voluit stultis esse

debitores" (Calvin to Beza; Henry, _Leben Calvins_, iii. Append. 164).]

[Footnote 280: "Il n'a tenu qu'a moi que, devant la guerre, gens de

faict et d'execution ne se soyent efforcez de l'exterminer du monde

(Guise) lesquels ont este retenus par ma seule exhortation."--_Bonnet_,

ii. 553.]

[Footnote 281: "Hoc nobis si assidue ob animos et oculos obversetur,

eodem decreto constitui etiam nequissimos reges, quo regum auctoritas

statuitur; nunquam in animum nobis seditiosae illae cogitationes

venient, tractandum esse pro meritis regem nec aequum esse, ut subditos

ei nos praestemus, qui vicissim regem nobis se non praestet.... De

privatis hominibus semper loquor. Nam si qui nunc sint populares

magistratus ad moderandam regum libidinem constituti (quales olim erant

... ephori ... tribuni ... demarchi: et qua etiam forte potestate, ut

nunc res habent, funguntur in singulis regnis tres ordines, quum

primarios conventus peragunt) ... illos ferocienti regum licentiae pro

officio intercedere non veto" (_Institutio_, ii. 493, 495).]

[Footnote 282: "Quum ergo ita licentiose omnia sibi permittent

(Donatistae), volebant tamen impune manere sua scelera: et in primis

tenebant hoc principium: non esse poenas sumendas, si quis ab aliis

dissideret in religionis doctrina: quemadmodum hodie videmus quosdam de

hac re nimis cupide contendere. Certum est quid cupiant. Nam si quis

ipsos respiciat, sunt impii Dei contemptores: saltem vellent nihil

certum esse in religione; ideo labefactare, et quantum in se est etiam

convellere nituntur omnia pietatis principia. Ut ergo liceat ipsis

evomere virus suum, ideo tantopere litigant pro impunitate, et negant

poenas de haereticis et blasphemis sumendas esse" (_Pr. in Danielem_, v.

51).]

[Footnote 283: "Defensio Orthodoxae Fidei ... ubi ostenditur Haereticos

jure gladii coercendos esse," 1554.]

[Footnote 284: "Non modo liberum esse magistratibus poenas sumere de

coelestis doctrinae corruptoribus, sed divinitus esse mandatum, ut

pestiferis erroribus impunitatem dare nequeant, quin desciscant ab

officii sui fide.... Nunc vero quisquis haereticis et blasphemis injuste

paenam infligi contenderet, sciens et volens se obstringet blasphemiae

reatu.... Ubi a suis fundamentis convellitur religio, detestandae in

Deum blasphemiae proferuntur, impiis et pestiferis dogmatibus in exitium

rapiuntur animae; denique ubi palam defectio ab unico Deo puraque

doctrina tentatur, ad extremum illud remedium descendere necesse" (see

Schenkel, iii. 389; Dyer, _Life of Calvin_, p. 354; Henry, iii. 234).]

[Footnote 285: _De Haereticis an sint persequendi_, Magdeburgi, 1554.

Chataillon, to whom it is generally attributed, was not the author (see

Heppe, _Theodor Beza_, p. 37).]

[Footnote 286: Hallam, _Literature of Europe_, ii. 81; Schlosser, _Leben

des Beza_, p. 55. This is proved by the following passage from the

dedication: "This I say not to favour the heretics, whom I abhor, but

because there are here two dangerous rocks to be avoided. In the first

place, that no man should be deemed a heretic when he is not ... and

that the real rebel be distinguished from the Christian who, by

following the teaching and example of his Master, necessarily causes

separation from the wicked and unbelieving. The other danger is, lest

the real heretics be not more severely punished than the discipline of

the Church requires" (Baum, _Theodor Beza_, i. 215).]

[Footnote 287: "Multis piis hominibus in Gallia exustis grave passim

apud Germanos odium ignes illi excitaverant, sparsi sunt, ejus

restinguendi causa, improbi ac mendaces libelli, non alios tam

crudeliter tractari, quam Anabaptistas ac turbulentos homines, qui

perversis deliriis non religionem modo sed totum ordinem politicum

convellerent.... Haec mihi edendae Institutionis causa fuit, primum ut

ab injusta contumelia vindicarem fratres meos, quorum mors pretiosa erat

in conspectu Domini; deinde quum multis miseris eadem visitarent

supplicia, pro illis dolor saltem aliquis et sollicitudo exteras gentes

tangeret" (_Praefatio in Psalmos._ See "Historia Litteraria de Calvini

Institutione." in _Scrinium Antiquarium_, ii. 452).]

[Footnote 288: Baum, i. 206. "Telles gens," says Calvin, "seroient

contents qu'il n'y eust ne loy, ne bride au monde. Voila pourquoy ils

ont basti ce beau libvre _De non comburendis Haereticis_, ou ils out

falsifie les noms tant des villes que des personnes, non pour aultre

cause sinon pource que le dit livre est farcy de blasphemes

insupportables" (Bonnet, ii. 18).]

[Footnote 289: _De Haereticis a civili Magistratu puniendis_, 1554.]

[Footnote 290: "Absit autem a nobis, ut in eos, qui vel simplicitate

peccant, sine aliorum pernicie et insigni blasphemia, vel in explicando

quopiam Scripturae loco dissident a recepta opinione, magistratum

armemus" (_Tractatus Theologici_, i. 95).]

[Footnote 291: This was sometimes the practice in Catholic countries,

where heresy was equivalent to treason. Duke William of Bavaria ordered

obstinate Anabaptists to be burnt; those who recanted to be beheaded.

"Welcher revocir, den soll man koepfen; welcher nicht revocir, den soll

man brennen" (Joerg, p. 717).]

[Footnote 292: "Ex quibus omnibus una conjunctio efficitur, istos quibus

haeretici videntur non esse puniendi, opinionem in Ecclesiam Dei conari

longe omnium pestilentissimam invehere et ex diametro repugnantem

doctrinae primum a Deo Patre proditae, deinde a Christo instauratae, ab

universa denique Ecclesia orthodoxa perpetuo consensu usurpatae, ut mihi

quidem magis absurde facere videantur quam si sacrilegas aut parricidas

puniendos negarent, quum sint istis omnibus haeretici infinitis partibus

deteriores" (_Tract. Theol._ i. 143).]

[Footnote 293: "Verum est quod correctione non exspectata Ananiam et

Sapphiram occidit Petrus. Quia Spiritus Sanctus tunc maxime vigens, quem

spreverant, docebat esse incorrigibiles, in malitia obstinatos. Hoc

crimen est morte simpliciter dignum et apud Deum et apud homines. In

aliis autem criminibus, ubi Spiritus Sanctus speciale quid non docet,

ubi non est inveterata malitia, aut obstinatio certa non apparet aut

atrocitas magna, correctionem per alias castigationes sperare potius

debemus" (Servetus, _Restitutio Christianismi_, 656; Henry, iii. 235).]

[Footnote 294: "Nam si venerit, modo valeat mea authoritas, vivum exire

nunquam patiar" (Calvin to Farel, in Henry, iii. Append. 65; Audin, _Vie

de Calvin_, ii. 314; Dyer, 544).]

[Footnote 295: "Spero capitale saltem fore judicium; poenae vero

atrocitatem remitti cupio" (Calvin to Farel, Henry, iii. 189). Dr. Henry

makes no attempt to clear Calvin of the imputation of having caused the

death of Servetus. Nevertheless he proposed, some years later, that the

three-hundredth anniversary of the execution should be celebrated in the

Church of Geneva by a demonstration. "It ought to declare itself in a

body, in a manner worthy of our principles, admitting that in past times

the authorities of Geneva were mistaken, loudly proclaiming toleration,

which is truly the crown of our Church, and paying due honour to Calvin,

because he had no hand in the business (parcequ'il n'a pas trempe dans

cette affaire), of which he has unjustly borne the whole burden." The

impudence of this declaration is surpassed by the editor of the French

periodical from which we extract it. He appends to the words in our

parenthesis the following note: "We underline in order to call attention

to this opinion of Dr. Henry, who is so thoroughly acquainted with the

whole question" (_Bulletin de la Societe de l'Histoire du Protestantisme

Francais_, ii. 114).]

[Footnote 296: "Qui scripserunt de non plectendis haereticis, semper

mihi visi sunt non parum errare" (Farel to Blaarer, Henry, iii. 202).

During the trial he wrote to Calvin: "If you desire to diminish the

horrible punishment, you will act as a friend towards your most

dangerous enemy. If I were to seduce anybody from the true faith, I

should consider myself worthy of death; I cannot judge differently of

another than of myself" (Schmidt, _Farel und Viret_, p. 33).

Before sentence was pronounced Bullinger wrote to Beza: "Quid vero

amplissimus Senatus Genevensis ageret cum blasphemo illo nebulone

Serveto. Si sapit et officium suum facit, caedit, ut totus orbis videat

Genevam Christi gloriam cupere servatam" (Baum, i. 204). With reference

to Socinus he wrote: "Sentio ego spirituali gladio abscindendos esse

homines haereticos" (Henry, iii. 225).

Peter Martyr Vermili also gave in his adhesion to Calvin's policy: "De

Serveto Hispano, quid aliud dicam non habeo, nisi eum fuisse genuinum

Diaboli filium, cujus pestifera et detestanda doctrina undique

profliganda est, neque magistratus, qui de illo supplicium extremum

sumpsit, accusandus est, cum emendationis nulla indicia in eo possent

deprehendi, illiusque blasphemiae omnino intolerabiles essent" (_Loci

Communes_, 1114. See Schlosser, _Leben des Beza und des Peter Martyr

Vermili_, 512).

Zanchi, who at the instigation of Bullinger also published a treatise,

_De Haereticis Coercendis_, says of Beza's work: "Non poterit non

probari summopere piis omnibus. Satis superque respondit quidem ille

novis istis academicis, ita ut supervacanea et inutilis omnino videatur

mea tractatio" (Baum, i. 232).]

[Footnote 297: "The trial of Servetus," says a very ardent Calvinist,

"is illegal only in one point--the crime, if crime there be, had not

been committed at Geneva; but long before the Councils had usurped the

unjust privilege of judging strangers stopping at Geneva, although the

crimes they were accused of had not been committed there" (Haag, _La

France Protestante_, iii. 129).]

[Footnote 298: _Literature of Europe_, ii. 82.]

[Footnote 299: This is the ground taken by two Dutch divines in answer

to the consultation of John of Nassau in 1579: "Neque in imperio, neque

in Galliis, neque in Belgio speranda esset unquam libertas in externo

religionis exercitio nostris ... si non diversarum religionum exercitia

in una eademque provincia toleranda.... Sic igitur gladio adversus nos

armabimus Pontificios, si hanc hypothesin tuebimur, quod exercitium

religionis alteri parti nullum prorsus relinqui debeat" (_Scrinium

Antiquarium_, i. 335).]

VI

POLITICAL THOUGHTS ON THE CHURCH[300]

There is, perhaps, no stronger contrast between the revolutionary times

in which we live and the Catholic ages, or even the period of the

Reformation, than in this: that the influence which religious motives

formerly possessed is now in a great measure exercised by political

opinions. As the theory of the balance of power was adopted in Europe as

a substitute for the influence of religious ideas, incorporated in the

power of the Popes, so now political zeal occupies the place made vacant

by the decline of religious fervour, and commands to an almost equal

extent the enthusiasm of men. It has risen to power at the expense of

religion, and by reason of its decline, and naturally regards the

dethroned authority with the jealousy of a usurper. This revolution in

the relative position of religious and political ideas was the

inevitable consequence of the usurpation by the Protestant State of the

functions of the Church, and of the supremacy which, in the modern

system of government, it has assumed over her. It follows also that the

false principles by which religious truth was assailed have been

transferred to the political order, and that here, too, Catholics must

be prepared to meet them; whilst the objections made to the Church on

doctrinal grounds have lost much of their attractiveness and effect, the

enmity she provokes on political grounds is more intense. It is the same

old enemy with a new face. No reproach is more common, no argument

better suited to the temper of these times, than those which are

founded on the supposed inferiority or incapacity of the Church in

political matters. As her dogma, for instance, is assailed from opposite

sides,--as she has had to defend the divine nature of Christ against the

Ebionites, and His humanity against Docetism, and was attacked both on

the plea of excessive rigorism and excessive laxity (Clement Alex.,

_Stromata_, iii. 5),--so in politics she is arraigned on behalf of the

political system of every phase of heresy. She was accused of favouring

revolutionary principles in the time of Elizabeth and James I., and of

absolutist tendencies under James II. and his successors. Since

Protestant England has been divided into two great political parties,

each of these reproaches has found a permanent voice in one of them.

Whilst Tory writers affirm that the Catholic religion is the enemy of

all conservatism and stability, the Liberals consider it radically

opposed to all true freedom.

"What are we to think," says the _Edinburgh Review_ (vol. ciii. p.

586), "of the penetration or the sincerity of a man who professes to

study and admire the liberties of England and the character of her

people, but who does not see that English freedom has been nurtured

from the earliest times by resistance to Papal authority, and

established by the blessing of a reformed religion? That is, under

Heaven, the basis of all the rights we possess; and the weight we

might otherwise be disposed to concede to M. de Montalembert's

opinions on England is materially lessened by the discovery that,

after all, he would, if he had the power, place this free country

under that spiritual bondage which broods over the empires of Austria

or of Spain."

On the other hand, let us hearken to the Protestant eloquence of the

_Quarterly Review_ (vol. xcii. p. 41):--

Tyranny, fraud, base adulation, total insensibility, not only to the

worth of human freedom, but to the majesty of law and the sacredness

of public and private right; these are the malignant and deadly

features which we see stamped upon the conduct of the Roman

hierarchy.

Besides which, we have the valuable opinion of Lord Derby, which no

Catholic, we should suppose, east of the Shannon has forgotten, that

Catholicism is "religiously corrupt, and politically dangerous." Lord

Macaulay tells us that it exclusively promoted the power of the Crown;

Ranke, that it favours revolution and regicide. Whilst the Belgian and

Sardinian Liberals accuse the Church of being the enemy of

constitutional freedom, the celebrated Protestant statesman, Stahl,

taunts her with the reproach of being the sole support and pillar of the

Belgian constitution. Thus every error pronounces judgment on itself

when it attempts to apply its rules to the standard of truth.

Among Catholics the state of opinion on these questions, whether it be

considered the result of unavoidable circumstances, or a sign of

ingenious accommodation, or a thing to be deplored, affords at least a

glaring refutation of the idea that we are united, for good or for evil,

in one common political system. The Church is vindicated by her

defenders, according to their individual inclinations, from the opposite

faults imputed to her; she is lauded, according to circumstances, for

the most contradictory merits, and her authority is invoked in exclusive

support of very various systems. O'Connell, Count de Montalembert,

Father Ventura, proclaim her liberal, constitutional, not to say

democratic, character; whilst such writers as Bonald and Father

Taparelli associate her with the cause of absolute government. Others

there are, too, who deny that the Church has a political tendency or

preference of any kind; who assert that she is altogether independent

of, and indifferent to, particular political institutions, and, while

insensible to their influence, seeks to exercise no sort of influence

over them. Each view may be plausibly defended, and the inexhaustible

arsenal of history seems to provide impartially instances in

corroboration of each. The last opinion can appeal to the example of the

Apostles and the early Christians, for whom, in the heathen empire, the

only part was unconditional obedience. This is dwelt upon by the early

apologists: "Oramus etiam pro imperatoribus, pro ministris eorum et

potestatibus, pro statu saeculi, pro rerum quiete, pro mora finis."[301]

It has the authority, too, of those who thought with St. Augustine that

the State had a sinful origin and character: "Primus fuit terrenae

civitatis conditor fratricida."[302] The Liberals, at the same time, are

strong in the authority of many scholastic writers, and of many of the

older Jesuit divines, of St. Thomas and Suarez, Bellarmine, and Mariana.

The absolutists, too, countenanced by Bossuet and the Gallican Church,

and quoting amply from the Old Testament, can point triumphantly to the

majority of Catholic countries in modern times. All these arguments are

at the same time serviceable to our adversaries; and those by which one

objection is answered help to fortify another.

The frequent recurrence of this sort of argument which appears to us as

treacherous for defence as it is popular as a weapon of attack, shows

that no very definite ideas prevail on the subject, and makes it

doubtful whether history, which passes sentence on so many theories, is

altogether consistent with any of these. Nevertheless it is obviously an

inquiry of the greatest importance, and one on which controversy can

never entirely be set at rest; for the relation of the spiritual and the

secular power is, like that of speculation and revelation, of religion

and nature, one of those problems which remain perpetually open, to

receive light from the meditations and experience of all ages, and the

complete solution of which is among the objects, and would be the end,

of all history.

The History of Freedom, and Other Essays · 第 20 / 63 段