reinforcement to Marion under Major Eaton with a six-pounder, and on the
8th of May, Marion and Lee commenced firing upon Fort Motte. As soon as
Gen. Greene heard of the retreat of Lord Rawdon from Camden, he decamped
from Cornal's creek, and moving down on the west bank of the Wateree,
took a position near M'Cord's ferry, so as to cover the besiegers. Fort
Motte stood on a high hill called Buckhead, a little on the right of the
Charleston road, where it leaves the Congaree below M'Cord's. Within its
walls was included the house of Mrs. Motte, who had retired to that of
her overseer.--When told it was necessary to burn the house, in order
to take the fort expeditiously, she at once requested it should be done,
and, as the means of effecting it, furnished an Indian bow and arrows.
On the night of the 10th, the fires of Lord Rawdon's camp were seen
on the Santee hills, in his retreat from Camden, and encouraged the
garrison for a while; but on the 12th the house was set on fire, and
the commander Lieut. M'Pherson, and one hundred and sixty-five men,
surrendered. This deed of Mrs. Motte has been deservedly celebrated.
Her intention to sacrifice her valuable property was patriotic; but the
house was not burnt, as is stated by historians, nor was it fired by
an arrow from an African bow, as sung by the poet.--Nathan Savage, a
private in Marion's brigade, made up a ball of rosin and brimstone,
to which he set fire, slung it on the roof of the house. The British
surrendered before much mischief was done to it, and Marion had the
fire put out. At the commencement of this siege, Serjt. M'Donald, now
advanced to a lieutenancy, was killed. He was a native of Cross creek,
in North Carolina, and his father and other relations had espoused
the opposite side of the cause. Lieut. Cryer, who had often emulated
M'Donald, shared a similar fate. On the 25th Nov. last, we have seen
Gen. Sumter severely wounded at Black Stocks; but on the 20th Feb. just
three months after, he sat down before Fort Granby, to besiege it, and
wrote to Marion, who was his junior officer, to move in such a direction
as to attract the attention of Lord Rawdon; but at that time the fort
was relieved.
On the same day that Fort Motte surrendered, Gen. Sumter took the
British fort at Orangeburgh, with a garrison consisting of seventy
tories and twelve British; and in three days after, on the 15th May,
he took Fort Granby; long the object of his wishes. This fort was
surrendered to him by Major Maxwell, of the British, with nineteen
officers, three hundred and twenty-nine men, mostly royalists, and five
pieces of ordnance.*
* Major Burnet's letter, 28th April. He was aid to Gen.
Greene.
Gen. Marion soon after taking Fort Motte, re-crossed the Santee, and
encamped at Cantey's plantation, a little more than midway from Nelson's
to Murray's ferry, and here he reposed his men for some time and
collected reinforcements. In consequence of the evacuation of Camden,
and recent successes, the militia turned out well and in high spirits.
About the 3d of June, he marched for Georgetown, and appearing before
it on the 6th, began his approach by breaking ground; but on the night
after the garrison evacuated the town, and took shipping. Remaining here
for some time, the general threw off his old habiliments, furnished his
wardrobe anew, and fitted himself out with a suit of regimentals.
He also procured a couple of mules to transport his baggage. His
privations, during the period passed over, were so great that he even
wanted a blanket, for on a certain night his bed of pine straw catching
fire under him, while he was soundly reposing after one of his forced
marches, half of the only one he had was burnt,* and his leather cap was
wrinkled upon one side, from the contact of the same element. Hereafter
he indulged himself with the luxury of coffee for breakfast, but often
without bread to it, and he seldom tasted wine or spirits; but was fond
of vinegar and water, the drink of a Roman soldier. However, Georgetown
was no Capua to him. He soon returned again to Cantey's plantation, and
kept out scouts constantly towards Biggen church, where the enemy had a
garrison of considerable force.
* Nothing shows the moderation of Gen. Marion more than this
simple matter of fact. Although the country at that time
was plundered and miserably poor, yet he had only to express
a wish and he would have had a dozen homespun blankets. He
had then in his pocket a power from the governor to impress
them.
About this period, Gen. Marion sent Col. Peter Horry with a force to
negociate a treaty with Major Ganey and his party. As he could not well
turn his arms against him, and the whig settlements on Pedee were left
exposed to his depredations, it was good policy to awe him, and to
endeavour to keep him quiet. After a little time Horry negociated a
treaty, humiliating enough to Ganey; by which, among other matters, he
and his officers agreed to lay down their arms and remain neutral,
to deliver up all those who refused to comply with the treaty and all
deserters from the Americans, and also to restore all negroes and other
plundered property. This treaty was ratified on the 17th of June, but
was not strictly complied with until Marion afterwards found leisure to
enforce it; as shall be narrated in its place.
Soon after the siege of Fort Motte, Gen. Greene proceeding on with
his main army, laid siege to Ninety-Six; in which Lieut. Col. Cruger
commanded a garrison of five hundred men, and defended himself with
energy and ability. On the right of the besiegers was a strong stockade
fort, and on the left a work called the Star redoubt. On the night of
the 26th of May, the celebrated Kosciusko, who acted at that time as an
engineer for Greene, raised two block batteries within three hundred
and fifty yards of the besieged. Soon after a third and a fourth were
erected, and lastly a rifle battery within thirty yards of the ditch
of the fort. The abbatis was turned, and two trenches and a mine were
extended within six feet of the ditch. The fort must soon have been
taken; but Lord Rawdon was approaching fast to the relief of the
garrison, with two thousand men, which he had lately received from
Ireland; (18th June) and Gen. Greene was obliged to raise the siege and
retreat over the Saluda. His loss before the fort was about one hundred
and fifty men. Lord Rawdon followed the Americans, as far as the
Ennoree; but finding the pursuit fruitless, he drew off a part of the
garrison from Ninety-Six, and fixed a detachment of his army at the
Congaree. Gen. Greene, finding the British force divided, faced about
and offered Lord Rawdon battle; but he, in his turn, retreated to
Orangeburgh.
About the beginning of July, in this year, Lord Rawdon still lay in
Orangeburgh, strongly posted, and Gen. Greene was near, watching
his motions. While thus situated, Col. Cruger evacuated his post at
Ninety-Six, and marching down through the fork of Edisto, joined Rawdon.
As there was no other place at which the Edisto could then be passed but
at Orangeburgh, it was out of Greene's power to prevent the junction;
and Rawdon's army being thus reinforced, Gen. Greene thought it prudent
to retire to Bloom hill, Richardson's plantation, at the High Hills of
Santee. Before retiring, however, he detached Gen. Sumter as commander,
and ordered Marion to join him, to strike at the posts below. On his way
down, Sumter made several successful attacks on British outposts, which
were conducted more immediately by Col. Lee and Col. Wade Hampton.
Generals Sumter and Marion formed a junction near Biggen, and marched
to attack the fort there, garrisoned by five hundred infantry and one
hundred cavalry, and commanded by Col. Coates, a spirited officer. His
cavalry at first repulsed Sumter's advance, but were driven in by the
state troops under Col. Hampton. In the evening after, Col. Coates set
fire to the church, which contained all his heavy baggage and stores,
and retreating by the Strawberry road over Watboo bridge, destroyed it,
and thus gained a considerable advance upon Sumter, who had to march
round by a ford in pursuit. Coates, in like manner, threw the plank off
Huger's bridge, and proceeded rapidly for Quimby. Here he had loosened
the planks of the bridge, and was waiting for his rear guard; but,
in the mean time, Lee had come up with and taken it. Dr. Irvine, by
advancing too far among the combatants, was wounded in this affair,*
together with several of Lee's men. While Coates was waiting, Capt.
Armstrong, at the head of five of his own men, and Capt. James
M'Caulay's troop of militia horse crossed the bridge and charged in
among the enemy, who at first threw down their arms, but seeing the
force so small, soon resumed them, and began to fire; but Armstrong made
good his way through them down the road. In the mean while, the passage
of the cavalry over the bridge had opened such a chasm** in the plank,
that Lee could not cross to follow up the advantage thus gained, and
the critical moment was lost. The enemy had time to recover from their
panic, and to post themselves in Col. Shubrick's house and out houses,
which were near. After some delay, Sumter arrived and ordered an attack,
which was led on by Marion, whose men, and a regiment of Sumter's, under
Col. Thomas Taylor, marched up in open ground, with a view of gaining
a fence near the houses; and were exposed to a most galling fire, from
riflemen aiming at them from behind cover. More than fifty were killed
and wounded, generally of Marion's men, who were most exposed. Capt.
Perry and Lieut. June, of his brigade, were killed; and Lieut. Col.
John Baxter, who was very conspicuous, from his gigantic size and full
uniform, received five wounds; Major Swinton was also severely wounded.
A retreat was ordered. The attack was made against Marion's opinion,
who blamed Sumter afterwards for wasting the lives of his men. But, with
such a force, Sumter had not the disposition to be idle, and wanted only
a field piece to have ensured success. Col. Coates had now the command
of boats, and a wide river before him, and could easily have effected
his retreat in that way to Charleston; but Sumter did not attack
him again; because, it was said, a reinforcement was coming to his
assistance. After this, Gen. Marion retired to the Santee, and took post
at Cordes', and afterwards at Peyre's plantation, near the mouth of the
present Santee canal, where he reposed his men and horses, until about
the 25th of August.
* Dr. Irvine was riding between Cols. Lee and Maham, and was
wounded by a discharge of small arms from the enemy, as they
wheeled at a short turn of the road. Lee had two surgeons
in his corps, Irvine and Skinner; Irvine was apt to expose
himself to danger, but Skinner, although he had on one
occasion killed his adversary in a duel, was a coward; and
the method he now took to punish Irvine for what he called
his temerity, was not to dress his wounds until the last.
** Lee states that he found such a chasm in the bridge his
men could not cross it.
The British lay near M'Cord's ferry, with a strong party at Monk's
corner and Dorchester, and Gen. Greene was still encamped at
Richardson's plantation on the High Hills of Santee, directly opposite
the enemy, where they might easily see each other; but with a wide swamp
between them. About this time Gen. Greene ordered Marion to go to the
assistance of Col. Harden, who was then much pressed by the enemy, to
the south of the Edisto. Immediately he detached a party of mounted
militia under Capt. George Cooper, to the neighbourhood of Dorchester
and Monk's corner, to create a diversion there, whilst he with about two
hundred picked men, by a circuitous route and forced march of at least
one hundred miles, crossed the Edisto, joined Harden and approached the
British. When sufficiently near he drew up his men in a swamp upon the
road near Parker's ferry, and sent out some of his swiftest horse to
lead the British into the ambuscade. While lying there a small party of
tories crossed at the ferry, and in passing on one of them called out
that he saw a white feather, and fired his gun. This occasioned an
exchange of a few shots on both sides; but (as is supposed) it was
thought by Major Fraser, who commanded the British, to be only Harden's
party that was in the swamp; he pursued the horsemen sent out as a
decoy, and led his corps in full charge within forty or fifty yards
parallel to the ambuscade. A deadly fire from the swamp, was the first
notice he had that a greater force than Harden's was there. He attempted
to wheel and charge into the swamp, but only exposed his men the more,
as they were thus delayed before the fire, and were wedged up on a
causeway so closely that every shot had its utmost effect. Finding all
his efforts ineffectual, Fraser at length retreated along the road to
the ferry, and thus passed the whole ambuscade. A large body of infantry
with a field piece, were now seen advancing, and Marion retreated
without counting the dead, but men and horses were seen lying
promiscuously in heaps on the road. Although a large body of infantry
was advancing, yet Marion in his situation had not much to fear from
them, and indeed had often encountered such; therefore the true cause of
his retreating could not have been because they were advancing; but
the probability is, because he wanted ammunition. How often he was thus
impeded in his enterprizes was known only to himself. A party under
Capt. Melton, went out the next day to the battle ground, and counted
twenty-seven dead horses; the men had been buried. As Marion's men fired
with either a ball and buck shot, or heavy buck shot alone, and as none
would aim at horses, the loss of the British must have been great.--But
though their loss could not be ascertained, the effect of this well
conducted affair soon became evident, for at the battle of Eutaw, nine
days after, the enemy had but few cavalry in the field. It is not a
little surprising that there is no record or date of this action to be
found, but in the thanks of congress to Gen. Marion, which fix it on the
31st of August.
In the mean time, Capt. Cooper passed on to the Cypress, and there
routed a party of tories, and then proceeding down the road, he drove
off the cattle from before the enemy's fort at Dorchester. He next moved
on down the Charleston road; a body of tories lay in a brick church,
which stood then twelve miles from town; he charged and drove them
before him. Next, passing into Goose creek road, he proceeded to the
ten mile house, returned and passed over Goose creek bridge, took a
circuitous route around the British at Monk's corner and arrived in camp
at Peyre's plantation near the canal, where Gen. Marion now lay, with
many prisoners, and without the loss of a man. In his letter of the 10th
of August, 1781, noted above, Gen. Greene writes to Marion, "you will
see by Col. Harden's letter, the enemy have hung Col. Hayne; do not take
any measure in the matter towards retaliation, for I do not intend to
retaliate on the tory officers, but the British. It is my intention to
demand the reasons of the colonel's being put to death, and if they are
unsatisfactory, as I am sure they will be, and if they refuse to make
satisfaction, as I suppose they will, to publish my intentions of giving
no quarters to British officers of any rank that fall into our hands.
This will be delayed for some few days, to give our friends in St.
Augustine* time to get off." The measure thus proposed was quite too
extensive in its nature to have been carried into effect. The true
reason why there was no retaliation was the last, respecting the friends
in St. Augustine, and it is suspected that it originated with the
governor and council. The British army was now no longer commanded by
Lord Rawdon; he had retired to Europe, and was succeeded by Brigadier
Gen. Stewart. Lord Rawdon had defended Camden as long as he could with
vigour and ability; but lately stained his reputation by the execution
of Col. Hayne. In extenuation of this act, it is said by his friends,
he only obeyed the orders of his superior; but if he really disapproved
that act of cruelty, he could easily have avoided taking a part in
it, for as he was shortly to sail for Europe, he might have left the
execution of it to Col. Balfour; as being congenial to his natural
disposition. This proceeding was sudden and unexpected, and produced
a great sensation in the American army. When Gen. Greene demanded the
reason of it, Lord Rawdon had either departed or returned no answer; but
Balfour stated, that "it took place by the joint order of Lord Rawdon
and myself, in consequence of the most express directions of Lord
Cornwallis to us, in regard to all those who should be found in arms,
after being, at their own request, received as British subjects."
Now, although Lord Cornwallis, when flushed with victory, issued cruel
orders; yet it is not to be presumed he acted the tyrant so far as to
communicate private orders to Rawdon and Balfour; but the only case in
which his public orders directed a capital punishment, is the following:
"I have ordered in the most positive manner, that every militia man,
who has borne arms with us, and afterwards joined the enemy, shall be
immediately hanged." But it was never pretended that Col. Hayne had
borne arms with the British; when he submitted, he expressly stipulated
with Gen. Patterson, that he was not to do so; and when, notwithstanding
such stipulation, he was called upon for that service, he positively
refused, although threatened with confinement. Besides, both Moultrie
and Ramsey assert he did not serve with the British; and as far as
negative proof can go, this should be conclusive. But the fact that he
bore arms with the British is not charged against him; his accusation
was, "being at his own request received as a British subject." Then
Col. Hayne neither came within the letter, nor the penalty of the order
issued by Lord Cornwallis; and his blood rests upon the heads of Rawdon
and Balfour. A fair state of the case is, that Col. Hayne had been
considered by the British a character of great influence, and after the
fall of Charleston, having applied to Gen. Patterson, then commandant,
for a parole, he was refused one, and was threatened with confinement if
he would not subscribe a declaration of allegiance. Under the influence
of this threat, by the advice of friends, and the stipulation above
stated, he was induced to sign the declaration; and he was now tried
for a breach of his allegiance. Lord Cornwallis punished for breaches
of parole, but this was a new charge, made by Rawdon and Balfour
themselves. But Hayne's signature to that instrument, had been obtained
by duresse, and the part of the country in which he lived had been for
several months in the possession of the Americans, and the British
were unable to protect him in his allegiance. These, and no doubt other
grounds, might have been alleged in his defence, but he was at first
promised, and afterwards refused to be heard by counsel. The law of
nations, as we have seen, was often on the lips of Balfour, and here was
a case which came clearly within that code. Then the forms of justice
should have been carefully observed; the accused should have been heard
in his defence; the spirit of the law should have been the guide of the
judges, with a leaning in favour of lenity and mercy; the passions ought
not to have been suffered to interfere, where the minds of the court
should have been regulated by justice and wisdom; and finally, the
judges should have proceeded deliberately, avoiding every thing like
haste in their decision. Such is the law of nations.** But neither the
forms of justice, nor the spirit of the law were observed; the accused
was tried by a court martial, in which, after the production of the
declaration of allegiance, the only inquiry made was, "whether he had
been taken in arms?" And that being proved, the defendant received a
summary sentence of death. A most feeling intercession was made in his
behalf, but in vain; all that could be obtained was a few days delay of
the execution, which otherwise would have been hurried on in the most
indecent manner. Col. Hayne died, not indeed the death, but with the
spirit of a soldier, and a martyr in the cause of civil liberty; he met
his fate calmly on the gibbet. The character of Balfour was already so
black there was scarcely room for an additional blot; but the execution
of Col. Hayne must ever continue a stain upon the reputation of Lord
Rawdon. He had not even the excuse that it was the law of the conqueror;
for Lord Cornwallis and himself were conquerors no more.
* These St. Augustine friends, were sixty-two influential
characters, citizens of Charleston, whom Lord Cornwallis,
soon after the town surrendered, had ordered to be sent and
imprisoned at St. Augustine, contrary to the terms of the
capitulation.
** Vatt. B.1.C.13. S.170-2. Montesq. B.6.C.3.
The two hostile armies still lay encamped and watching each other in the
positions before mentioned, at Bloomhill and M'Cord's ferry; but about
the beginning of September, Gen. Greene, for the want of boats, marched
up the Wateree and crossed it not far below Camden,* and marching down
through the fork between the two rivers, passed the Congaree at Howell's
ferry and encamped at Motte's plantation, on a direct route to meet the
enemy, who had been encamped but a short distance below him.
* It is believed, at English's ferry, nine miles below
Camden.
Here he received intelligence that the British army commanded by
Brigadier Gen. Stewart* had retreated and halted at the Eutaw Spring,
about forty miles below, that they had been reinforced there, and were
about to establish a permanent post. To prevent this, he determined to
risk a battle, though his force was thought to be inferior. Accordingly
he sent back his baggage to Howell's ferry, and proceeded by easy
marches to Burdell's plantation seven miles from Eutaw, where he
was joined by Gen. Marion. Gen. Stewart had posted himself to great
advantage at Eutaw; his head quarters were in a strong brick house,
which stood at that time a little to the west of the spring or rather
fountain. In his rear, to the south, there was an open field; in his
front a thick wood covered with pines and scrubby oaks. Below the
fountain on his right there was a deep valley, through which the Eutaw
creek, five or six feet deep, takes its course towards the north-east.
Between the fountain and the brick house the Congaree road passes to the
north.
* Col. Doyle gives him that title in a letter hereafter
noticed.
It was down this road Gen. Greene marched to attack the British army, on
the memorable 8th of September, 1781. The effective force of each army
was nearly equal, except the cavalry, in which Greene would have had the
advantage, if the nature of the ground had permitted the use of it, for
none of the ground was then open, and particularly on his left it was
covered by scrubby oaks. While moving down the road in the morning
with much circumspection, Col. Lee in advance met a party which covered
another that was foraging. Several of these were killed, and their
captain and forty men taken. Pressing forward, Lee soon met another
party, with whom another action commenced, and he requested the support
of artillery to counteract that of the enemy, which had now opened. Two
field pieces were quickly brought up by Capt. Gaines, and began to fire.
During this firing both armies formed. The South Carolina militia under
Marion, and the North Carolina under Col. Malmedy occupied the first
line; the South Carolinians on the right. The continentals formed the
second line. The Virginians under Col. Campbell, occupied the right.
Gen. Sumner with the North Carolina new levied troops, the centre;
and the Marylanders, under Cols. Williams and Howard, the left, on the
Charleston road. Lee had charge of the right, and Henderson of the left
flank, with their cavalry. Two field pieces were disposed in the front
and two in the rear line. Washington's horse and Kirkwood's infantry
formed the reserve.
The enemy was drawn up in one line, the Buffs on the right, Cruger's
corps in the centre, and the 63d and 64th on the left. Major
Marjoribanks with one battalion of light infantry was posted on the
Eutaw creek, flanking the Buffs, and the cavalry under Major Coffin were
drawn up in the open field in the rear; these were not numerous. The
artillery were posted on the Charleston road and the one leading
to Roach's plantation.--The action commenced about a mile from the
fountain. Marion and Pickens continued to advance and fire, but the
North Carolina militia broke at the third round.--Sumner with the
new raised troops, then occupied their place, and behaved gallantly.
Marion's marksmen firing with great precision, and galling the enemy
greatly, had now advanced more than half a mile, when the British
charged upon them with fixed bayonets, and Marion ordered a retreat.
The Virginia and Maryland troops now advanced with trailed arms, and
scarcely had Marion cleared the right of the Virginians, when the crash
of bayonets was heard. But by degrees it receded, and becoming less and
less audible, a loud shout of huzza for America! told the issue of the
contest.--Gen. Marion now rallied his men. Col. Henderson of the South
Carolina state troops was wounded early in the action, and the command
devolved on Col. Wade Hampton, who made a spirited charge; but being
warmly received, Col. Washington brought up the reserve to his aid, and
at first charged so briskly that the enemy gave way; but advancing into
the thickest part of the woods, Marjoribanks came to the assistance of
the Buffs; Washington's horse was killed under him, and he was wounded
and taken. After this, and the loss of many officers and men, the corps
was drawn off by Capt. Parsons. Marjoribanks though victorious on the
right, now fell back to assist Stewart; and Major Sheridan with the New
York volunteers, threw himself into the brick house. Stewart was busily
engaged in rallying his men under cover of the fire from Sheridan; and
Greene now ordered Lee to charge upon Coffin. Lee at the beginning of
the action had advanced with the legionary infantry upon the left of the
enemy, and ordered his cavalry under Eggleston to follow in the rear;
but sending for Eggleston, at present, he found that by some mistaken
order he had gone to assist Washington. Thus a most favourable
opportunity of completing the rout already commenced, was irretrievably
lost. Greene had now brought up his artillery against the brick house,
and sent for Marion who came to his assistance; but the weight of his
metal was too light to effect a breach. Here, after losing many men and
making unavailing efforts, he was obliged to desist, bringing off one
field piece, which he had taken from the enemy, and losing two of his
own. Thus Sheridan and Marjoribanks saved the British army.
Gen. Greene, in this manner disappointed in the most sanguine
expectation of a complete victory, collected all his wounded, except
those under the fire of the enemy, and placing a strong picket on the
field of battle, retired sullenly from the ground in search of water.
The battle had taken place on a dry thirsty soil, and in a hot day, and
the want of water was severely felt. Four or five miles up the Congaree
road, there is a remarkably boggy pond, still the dread of travellers;
the cavalry had passed through it, twice or thrice in the course of the
day; and it was now become a filthy puddle; but into this did the men as
soon as they arrived, throw themselves headlong, over the shoulders of
each other, and drink with an avidity which seemed insatiable. This was
the _first water in Greene's rear_, which is mentioned by historians,
as being resorted to by his army.* The battle had lasted more than three
hours.
* Plenty of water might have been procured, in Eutaw creek,
some hundred yards from the battle ground; and why the
retreat was not directed there, or to Santee river, distant
a mile, the author is at a loss to discover: unless it was
that Greene's force was scattered up the road, and he wished
to concentrate it. It was not from dread of the enemy.
Next morning, Marion and Lee were ordered by a circuitous route to gain
the enemy's rear, in order, as it was expected they would retreat, to
retard their march and prevent their being reinforced. On the evening of
the 9th of September, Stewart piled up the arms of his dead and wounded,
and set them on fire, destroyed his stores, left seventy of his own
wounded, and some of Greene's, at the Eutaw; and retreated precipitately
towards Monk's corner. So hurried was his retreat for fifteen miles,
that he brought his first division within a few miles of M'Arthur,
coming to his aid, before Marion and Lee reached Ferguson's swamp, their
point of destination. To fight between two fires, became hazardous, and
the junction of the enemy was effected. Capt. O'Neal of Lee's horse,
fell upon the cavalry of their rear guard, and took most of them
prisoners; but Stewart continued his retreat to Wantoot, (Ravenel's
plantation,) about twenty miles below Eutaw, and Greene pursued to
Martin's tavern, fifteen miles. In this battle, the British lost by
Greene's account six hundred men, killed and wounded, and five hundred
made prisoners. According to Stewart's return, he lost eighty-five
killed,* three hundred fifty-one wounded, and two hundred fifty-seven
missing. The loss of the Americans was five hundred killed and wounded;
among whom were sixty officers. The disparity in these returns of the
different commanders is great, but Greene's prisoners could be counted
at leisure. Lieut. Col. Campbell fell as he was leading the Virginia
line to the charge. Gen. Greene says of him, "though he fell with
distinguished marks of honour, yet his loss is much to be regretted; he
was the great soldier, and the firm patriot." Gen. Marion had many of
his men and Col. Hugh Horry wounded; but fewer killed than at Quimby;
among the latter was the brave Capt. John Simons, of Pedee.
* Maj. Marjoribanks, by whom in conjunction with Sheridan,
the British army was saved, lies buried on the Santee canal
road, about half a mile below the chapel; he was a brave and
generous enemy; and on an old head board, the following
inscription is still to be seen: "JOHN MARJORIBANKS, Esqr.
late major to the 19th regt. inf'y and commanding a flank
bat'n. of his majesty's army. _Obiit_. 22d October, 1781."
The British shot generally about five feet too high; but the wind blew
that day favourably for Marion's marksmen, and they did great execution.
They fired from fifteen to twenty rounds each man. Both sides claimed
the victory; but the fruits of one were with the Americans.
It being now autumn, and his men sickly, Gen. Greene retired to the High
Hills of Santee, his favourite encampment; Col. Lee calls them, "The
benign hills of Santee." At this time Gen. Greene encamped on the range
of hills immediately below Stateburgh. His head quarters were at
Mr. James', on the right going downwards, a beautiful spot, but now
deserted. Many of Greene's wounded officers and men died, and lie buried
on a hill near where the author is now writing. An officer, who died of
his wound, (Capt. De Wolfe,) lies interred near De Wolfe's spring, on
his plantation. He was a most gallant soldier. No mound or grave stone
points out the spot where such brave men repose. Even the mounds, where
the dead at Eutaw were buried, have been lately violated by the cutting
of a ditch through them. Alas! my country, why have such things been
suffered?
Marion retired to his favourite encampment, at Peyre's plantation, in
Santee river swamp. On the banks of the river at that time there were
extensive cornfields on all the plantations, and the most of the low
places were cultivated in rice.* The crops of three or four years past
had been housed, and kept out of the enemy's reach by the difficulty of
approach and their retired situation. Here the general fixed himself,
much to his liking, in a cane brake, about a quarter of a mile from the
river, which however was soon cleared to thatch the huts of himself
and his men. Some lakes which skirted the high land, rendered the post
difficult of approach, and here was forage for horses, and beef, pork,
rice, and green corn** for the men, in the greatest abundance. Such a
place suited Marion's views exactly, and here, or in the neighbourhood,
he encamped often; but did not stay long at present. It appears now
there was very little sickness at that day.
* Very soon after the revolutionary war, this scene was
entirely changed. Planters, in clearing their land, had
rolled logs and other rubbish from their fields, into the
lakes and creeks leading from the river, and many threw
trees into it to get them quickly out of the way. The upper
country also soon became more opened, and gave freer vent
from above to the waters. There came on a succession of six
or seven years, which were wet; and the consequence was,
that the usual passages for the waters below being
obstructed, they flooded the low grounds, and ruined the
planters. Where fine corn grew at that time, trees may now
be seen a foot and a half in diameter, in the midst of
briars and cane brakes.
** Commonly called _mutton_ corn, a corruption of _matin_,
that is _early_ corn.
Soon after the battle of Eutaw, Gen. Alexander Leslie took command of
the British army. On the 17th of September Gen. Greene wrote to Marion:
"I have the pleasure to congratulate you on the arrival of Count De
Grasse, in Chesapeake bay, with twenty-eight sail of the line, a number
of frigates and six thousand land forces; Gen. Washington is
also arrived in Virginia to take command of the army. From these
circumstances, and from some further intelligence of Lord Cornwallis'
movements, it is highly probable that his lordship will endeavour to
retreat through North Carolina to Charleston. I must therefore entreat
that you will use every exertion to collect a large force of militia
together, and as speedy as possible, that we may be able to intercept
his lordship." As Gen. Marion's scouts at this time frequently passed
round the enemy, and harrassed them much between their camp and
Charleston, it has often been a matter of surprise why he should recross
the Santee; but this letter explains it, for he crossed it to collect
his men, and he encamped at Cantey's plantation a considerable time for
that purpose. On the 1st of Sept. Gov. Rutledge had ordered out only the
half of the militia; now all were again directed to take the field as
formerly.
Another good reason for Gen. Greene and Marion's lying so long inactive
at this season, is to be found in a letter in the correspondence
mentioned; and though the date is later than the present period, yet
the fact comes in properly here. Gen. Marion, as it appears from what
follows after, had written to Greene and the governor for ammunition on
the 9th of October. On the 10th, Gov. Rutledge answers his letter: "I
received yours yesterday, by Mr. Boone, and wrote in the most pressing
terms to Col. Williams, (Gen. Greene not being yet returned from
Charlotte, for which place he set out on Friday) for a supply of
ammunition; I wish to God it was in my power to send you ammunition
instantly, but it is not." Col. Otho Williams, who was second in command
of the army, writes to Gen. Marion, and, although his letter is not
dated, the connection of the correspondence is evident: "As Gen. Greene
is not in camp, I took the liberty of opening your letter of the 9th
instant. Our stock of ammunition is quite exhausted--we have not an
ounce of powder, or a cartridge, in store. The arrival of some military
stores which we expect every hour, will put it in the general's power
to supply you amply. His excellency Gov. Rutledge has intimated that you
meditated an expedition over the Santee; in making your determination,
if it is not settled, permit me to recommend to your consideration, that
the general depends upon you entirely for intelligence of the enemy's
motion." These extracts of letters must be read with astonishment.--With
what uncommon fortitude must such men have been endowed, to bear up
under such continued discouragements. As Gen. Marion lay a long time
here, it will give occasion to relate some other matters, which as
fortunate events have for some time past thickened, would have perplexed
the narrative to have introduced before.
About the 10th August, Georgetown was burnt.--One Manson, commanding a
small armed vessel, arrived within gunshot of the town, and sent a party
in a boat under cover of his guns, and set fire to some houses on a
wharf at the lower end of the Bay, and the wind favouring, the whole
town, except a few houses on the outskirts, was burnt. No doubt Manson
had his orders from Balfour.
As the continental troops were without pay and clothing, a plan was
adopted by the governor and council to impress all the indigo for public
service which could be found, and it was expected that it would now
serve instead of money as a medium of exchange. The principle had been
authorised by an old militia law, but it was a rigourous measure and
a poor expedient, although the best that could be devised at the time.
Many thrifty planters had hoarded up their indigo, ever since the
commencement of the war, hoping some day to turn it into money. Capt.
Wm. Richardson, of Bloomhill, was appointed commissary general by the
governor, and assistants were appointed by him in the several districts
of the state; who went about with press warrants in their pockets, and
parties to assist them, and set a price upon each man's indigo, for
which they gave him a receipt, promising payment from the state. The
general depot was fixed at Bloomhill.
It was in contemplation at the time likewise to raise two regiments of
state troops to be attached to Marion's brigade, and for this purpose
all the horses fit for cavalry were impressed, except those of men
actually in service. These were indeed high handed measures, but
appeared necessary at the time. Winter was approaching, and Gen.
Greene states in a letter to Col. Peter Horry, of the 11th of November,
"Blankets are so scarce with us, that more than three-fourths of our men
are without." A few goods fit for service were afterwards purchased for
indigo, but at an enormous advance.*
* Instance--New England rum at $3 75. Soldier's saddles
$25. Blankets none as yet. Best indigo in exchange three
shillings sterling. Letter 9th October.
On the 27th of September Gov. Rutledge had ordered by proclamation, that
the disaffected should come in within thirty days and do duty for six
months.--This measure brought down disgrace, and soon after nearly ruin
upon Marion's brigade. This proclamation is long but to the following
effect:--
"That whereas, the British had been compelled to evacuate all their
strong posts, and could no more give protection to their adherents,
and as many of them still remained with the British or lurked in secret
places. And whereas, the commandant of Charleston, having sent beyond
sea the wives and families of all the avowed friends of America in town
and country; and the brigadiers of militia had been ordered to retaliate
by sending the wives and families of such adherents within the British
lines; and it is understood that they are in great distress and poverty.
Therefore, a free pardon is offered for the offence of having borne
arms, provided they surrender themselves up to a brigadier of the state
within thirty days, and do constant duty in the militia service for
six months; and upon performance of these conditions their wives and
children were allowed to return; except such as having joined the
enemy, were called upon by two proclamations to return in forty days, in
pursuance of an ordinance of the legislature. All such as were sent out
of the state for refusing to take the oath required of them by law and
had returned. All such as subscribed addresses to Sir H. Clinton and
Lord Cornwallis, congratulating them on their victories. All such as
hold or have held military commissions. And all those whose conduct has
been so infamous that they cannot consistent with policy and justice
partake of the rights of citizens. But if they surrender to the
commander in chief for the time, and were judged inadmissible, they
should not be detained."
This abstract has been given to show the singular manner of legislating
in those times.* Not, but that it was necessary thus to legislate, as
it was certainly better to have some kind of civil government than none.
The raising of two regiments of cavalry was suggested by Gen. Greene,
and highly approved both by the governor and Marion, and it certainly
promised well at first. Col. Hezekiah Maham, who had been elected by
the provincial congress a captain in the first rifle regiment, when
they passed an act to raise two such regiments, in March, 1776, was now
appointed commander of one corps, and Col. Peter Horry commander of
the other; he had been captain in the 2d regiment from the beginning of
1775, and was the older officer of the two; the reader will hereafter
see the effect of this observation.
* Governor Rutledge had but two of his council with him at
this time, Daniel Huger and John L. Gervais.
As they had no bounty money to give, recruiting went on slowly, and
they fell upon the following expedient, which was warmly opposed by Gov.
Rutledge at first, but it is supposed was favoured by Marion. All men
that could hire a substitute in the regiments now raising were exempted
from militia duty.--This soon drew from the ranks the best of Marion's
men, men who had served from the first, and had left their families at
home in huts, and still in distress; but they could yet spare one or two
negroes, which they did not much value, to hire a substitute to do duty
for them. The war was now moved comparatively far from them, and they
sighed for home. In the mean time, the six months men came tumbling in
by scores, to supply their places. Their new white feathers, fine coats,
new saddles and bridles, and famished horses, showed they had lately
been in the British garrison. These were not the men to endure
privations and fight their country's battles. Those of Marion's tried
men who remained, could never confide in them; and now, as is always
usual in armies, the most unprincipled men enlisted in the new
regiments, but were not kept in the discipline necessary for taming
such characters, or making them good soldiers. When Maham had got about
seventy men and Horry not yet a troop, both their commissions being of
the same date, they quarreled about precedence in rank; and although
Gov. Rutledge reasoned, Gen. Greene persuaded, and Marion threatened,
they could never be reconciled. Maham appears to have been very
refractory on this occasion, and would listen to no accommodation. While
in the end, Horry acted much in the wrong.
There are in the correspondence of that day many letters of Gov.
Rutledge, several of which, without the suppression of names, it would
be highly injurious to the feelings of many to publish at the present
time; the rest are not interesting, except a few which show the spirit
of the times; and are mostly long and able constructions of militia
laws, now obsolete. About this time he issued a proclamation suspending
the acts of assembly, and making paper money* a tender in law, which,
although strong, was certainly a just proceeding.
* For an example of its present depreciation, see p. 152.
[Detached Narratives for 1781, Paragraph 6--list of
prices.--A. L.]
Col. Maham having now raised and equipped part of his cavalry, passed
the Santee, burnt some British stores in the house of Sir John Colleton,
at Fairlawn, and took some prisoners. On the 16th of October, Gen.
Greene writes to Marion, "Col. Maham's success is highly honourable to
himself and corps, and I hope will be followed by future strokes of good
fortune." This hope was not realized. A letter from Col. Doyle, of the
British, shows strongly what different views, men engaged on opposite
sides, will take of the same transaction. It is to Gen. Marion: "Sir,
I am directed by Brigadier Gen. Stewart, to represent to you an outrage
that has been committed by a party of your corps, under the command of
Col. Maham, upon a parcel of sick, helpless soldiers in an hospital
at Colleton house, on the morning of the 17th inst. The burning an
hospital, and dragging away a number of dying people to expire in
swamps, is a species of barbarity hitherto unknown in civilized
warfare. The general expects that those unhappy sufferers will be sent
immediately as prisoners upon parole. Attacks on hospitals are, among
your own continental army, unprecedented. The hospital at Camden was by
Gen. Greene's order protected, although it had an armed guard for
its internal police." Gen. Greene, who ere this, the reader must have
perceived, was polite to his friends, and humane to his enemies, for
even they are obliged to confess it, immediately instituted an inquiry
into this complaint;* but how it was accommodated cannot now be
ascertained.
* Greene's letter, 24th Nov.
On the 9th October, 1781,* Gen. Marion received the most agreeable news
of the surrender of Lord Cornwallis, and the next evening gave a fete
to the ladies of Santee, at the house of Mr. John Cantey. The general's
heart was not very susceptible of the gentler emotions; he had his
friend, and was kind to his inferiors, but his mind was principally
absorbed by the love of country; and as the capture of Lord Cornwallis
was intimately connected with this passion there is no doubt he felt joy
on the occasion. But if he did feel joy upon a few occasions, certain it
is that watchful anxiety was the daily inmate of his breast.
* This date is given both here and in Simms' Life of Marion,
but it must be an error, as Cornwallis did not surrender
until the 19th. The 29th October or 9th November are more
likely dates.--A. L., 1997.
On the same day he received the thanks of congress "for his wise,
decided and gallant conduct, in defending the liberties of his country,
and particularly for his prudent and intrepid attack on a body of
British troops on the 31st day of August last; and for the distinguished
part he took in the battle of the 8th Sept." Immediately on receiving
the intelligence of the capture of Lord Cornwallis, Gen. Greene prepared
for moving his army into the lower country. On the 5th November,
he writes to Gen. Marion, "Gen. Sumter has orders to take post at
Orangeburgh, to prevent the tories in that quarter from conveying
supplies to town, and his advanced parties will penetrate as low as
Dorchester; therefore you may act in conjunction with him, or employ
your troops on the enemy's left, as you may find from information, they
can best be employed. Please to give me your opinion on which side they
can be most useful." Gen. Marion four days after passed the Santee, and
in a short time took post near Huger's bridge, as it was still termed,
though all the bridges in the lower country were taken down, except the
one at Goose creek, which seemed to be left by mutual consent of both
armies, for the purpose of reaching one another, by at least one way. He
arrived at Huger's bridge in the night, and in less than an hour after
detached a strong party by the heads of Huger's and Quimby creeks, to
Cainhoy, in St. Thomas'. On the 23d November Gen. Sumter was posted at
Orangeburgh; on the 17th of the same month Gen. Greene marched for the
Fourholes. December 7th, he lay at Jacksonborough, and on the 13th of
the same month, he encamped at the Round O.
His movements were at this time cautious, in keeping both the Edisto
and Ashley between himself and the enemy; because he had heard they
were reinforced, and he was as yet without ammunition. He wrote now
frequently to Gen. Marion, and almost every letter has a clause similar
to the one of the 15th of November: "You are at liberty to act as you
think advisable. I have no particular instructions to give you, and only
wish you to avoid surprise."
At the close of this year, Gov. Rutledge and his council issued writs of
election for members of the senate and house of representatives,
which, by proclamation issued afterwards, were appointed to meet at
Jacksonborough. Gen. Greene still lay at the Round O, where he secured
the rice and other provisions from the enemy, by sending out patroles
of cavalry as far as Dorchester: but he had not yet received a supply
of ammunition for his infantry, and Marion was also without that
indispensible muniment of war. As to other necessaries he says, "Our
horsemen have neither cloaks or blankets, nor have our troops received
a shilling of pay since they came into this country. Nor is there a
prospect of any. Yet they do not complain."* At length on the 14th of
December he received a supply of ammunition and sent _it all_ to Marion,
then at Watboo, saying, "he was in expectation of soon receiving more."
* Greene's letters, 13th and 14th December.
The British extended their patroles of cavalry nearly up to Dorchester,
but their main body was now confined to Charleston neck.
Thus, in the course of the campaign of 1781, the American army under
Gen. Greene, without pay, without clothing, and as we have seen
frequently without ammunition, had driven the enemy from all their
strong holds but one; had defeated them in battle, and retaken all South
Carolina but a neck of land.
*****
Detached Narratives for 1781.
There was with Marion's brigade throughout, a young man, Robert,
commonly called Bob James, but oftener, _the general's right hand
man_. It was known to very few that Marion employed him often to gain
intelligence from the enemy in Georgetown and other places. The
general never suffered him to mount guard or do common duties; being an
excellent woodsman, he was his favourite guide; being an expert swimmer,
he was generally by his side when swimming rivers, or paddled him over
in a canoe if they had one; being a good fisherman, he often caught
him fish; the general would laugh and joke with him, but with no other
private. He did not however employ Bob in these small matters when he
had any thing serious for him to do. Surprised at his exact intelligence
from Georgetown and other places, the author asked him once "how he got
it?" He related several interesting particulars, among others this one:
"Just in the outskirts of Georgetown there is a pond full of bushes, and
in the middle of it a large gum-tree with a thick top and branches that
reach the thicket below. This tree overlooked the garrison and both
roads leading out of town. I used to climb into it and watch for days
together, and if I saw any thing important, immediately came down,
mounted my horse, hid in a neighbouring swamp, and told it to the
general myself, or sent the only other person we trusted." The gum tree
stood there lately, but Robert James sleeps with his fathers. "Alas,
poor Yorick! I knew him Horatio." It was generally thought that although
he swam so often on horseback, or crossed rivers in unsteady canoes, the
general could not swim himself. His body was sufficient for endurance;
and his mind, to sagacity and foresight, united the higher virtues of
patience and fortitude. In one thing he appeared singular; long swords
were now in fashion as best for attack or defence, but Gen. Marion
always wore the little cut and thrust, which was in use in the second
regiment, and he was seldom, perhaps never, seen to draw it. His
messmates told a story, whether true or not is of little consequence,
as it shows the public opinion. The sum of this story was, that on
one occasion he attempted to draw it, but it was so rusty he could
not extricate it from the scabbard. He had a reason for this apparent
singularity; a long sword might have tempted him, a small man, to act
the common soldier, and he appeared to place no reliance on his personal
prowess. Gen. Greene depended entirely upon him for intelligence.--Now,
intelligence is the life of an army. Sumter and Greene were then at
variance, and if Sumter gained any, he would not condescend to let
Greene know it, but take advantage of it himself. Lee, whose particular
business it was to furnish Greene with intelligence, was always too
fond of seeing his men and horses in good plight, to expose them to
hardships. Marion's were for every day's use.
An anecdote worthy to be recorded happened at the brick house at the
Eutaw. Capt. Laurence Manning, since adjutant general in this state,
marched at the head of the legion infantry to batter down the door of
the house. Intent on this single object, and relying confidently on his
men, he advanced boldly up to the door; when, looking behind him for the
first time, behold his men had deserted him. He stood for a moment at
the side of the door, revolving what was to be done.--Fortunately a
British officer, Capt. Barry, opened the door gently to peep out, and
Manning seizing him fast by the collar, jerked him out. He then used him
as an ancient warrior would have done his shield, and the enemy, fearing
to shoot least they should kill Barry, Manning escaped without a shot
being fired at him from the house.
During the struggle of the present year, (1781) Capt. Wm. Allston, of
True Blue, on Little river, All Saints parish, served under Gen. Marion.
He was a firm patriot and good soldier; indeed he may well be enumerated
among the martyrs to the cause of his country; for having been seized
with a fever in camp, he had scarcely time to reach his home, where he
expired at a middle age. He left behind him, by his last wife, two
sons and a daughter; his eldest son he named after the illustrious
Washington; and he has since proved himself to be highly worthy of that
distinction. In this son will be readily recognised the distinguished
artist, Washington Allston; whose pencil has bestowed celebrity upon the
place of his birth, and whom every American should be proud to claim as
his countryman.
Towards the conclusion of this year, Maj. Edward Hyrne, one of Gen.
Greene's aids, was commissioned by him to negociate a cartel of exchange
of prisoners in Charleston. He had to conduct this with Col. Balfour,
who was haughty and unreasonable as well as cruel; his demands were so
exorbitant, that Maj. Hyrne, after waiting upon him several times with
much patience, at length declared they were utterly inadmissible, and
took his leave. Returning to his lodgings, he wrote a note to each
British officer on parole in town, informing him he must prepare to
follow him into the country the next day. His firmness or good policy
had the desired effect; Balfour's quarters were soon besieged by at
least forty officers, many of whom were of higher rank than himself, and
Major Hyrne succeeded to the extent of his wishes.
The party under Major John Postell, which was ordered out on the 29th
January in this year, and succeeded in taking eleven British waggons
with soldiers' clothing at Keithfield, consisted with the officers,
commanding of thirty-eight men.* They carried off what clothing they
could, and what they could not they burnt. What was carried away was
sold for a division, and bought in, as it appears, in continental
dollars, on the 2d February, 1781.
* This statement is confusing. To paraphrase, Postell's
party (which made this attack) consisted of thirty-eight
supernumerary officers.--A. L., 1997.
The prices of a few are inserted; sixteen blankets were sold.
1 Bought by Major Postell for $1590
1 do. Capt. Wm. Capers 2200
1 do. (the lowest priced)
by Capt. Thomas Potts, 900
1 Loaf of sugar, Francis Greene, 2000
1 Coat by Capt. Capers, 6210
1 Knife and fork, A. Simons, 700
1 Pair of Stockings, Capt. Capers, 800
&c. &c. &c.
Most of this party were supernumerary officers, who placed themselves
under the command of Major (then Captain) Postell, who was justly
considered as one of the most enterprising officers in Marion's brigade.
Of these thirty-eight men, the only survivor is Richard Greene, who has
been long a respectable and opulent planter on Black river. The account
of sales is in the hand writing of Capt. Thomas Potts. There is a
list of the names of the thirty-eight, many of whom fought then and
afterwards with great bravery.--John Futhey, then a lieutenant, after
being promoted to a captaincy was killed in a skirmish at Avant's ferry
on Black river. Thomas Potts, jun. a lieutenant, was twice wounded. John
M'Bride, father of the late friend of the author, Dr. James M'Bride, was
always at his post. What a loss to science was the early death of the
son? Capt. Wm. Capers was imprisoned by Balfour in the upper story of
his _provost_, and made his escape by slipping past the keeper at night
when he brought their scanty supper to the prisoners. He had then to
descend a steep flight of stairs and pass the guard at the bottom.
Luckily he stumbled at the head of the stairs and fell to the bottom,
and the guard mistaking him for the keeper, raised him up and gave him
much consolation. He had only to refrain from speaking and to utter
a few groans, which being an indistinct tone of the voice, made no
discovery, and the guard suffered him to pass. A friend furnished him
with a small boat to pass Cooper river; but now the difficulty was
to get through the British guard ships which lined the river. Being a
pretty good mimic, he bethought himself of assuming the character of
a drunken sailor _going on board his own ship_, and acted his part so
admirably well, that he was suffered, though often threatened, to pass
through the whole fleet. Capt. Capers lost no time in joining Gen.
Marion, with whom he fought bravely in the ranks until the general
advanced down into St. Thomas' parish, where he commanded a company, and
where he had left property at the mercy of the enemy.* Capt. Wm. Capers,
and his brother G. Sinkler Capers, were often afterwards the terror of
the enemy, who had early oppressed and imprisoned them, for G. S. Capers
had also made his escape from the _provost_.
* The following is a curious fact in natural history. When
Capt. G. S. Capers returned to his plantation in 1782, it
had been completely stripped of all live stock and poultry,
except one cock. When the British chased him he had always
taken refuge under a kitchen low to the ground. This bird
was carefully preserved. After the war, it was the fashion
for ladies to wear scarlet cloaks, and so strong was his
recollection (must it be so called) of the colour of the
British uniform, that whenever he saw ladies in scarlet
cloaks, he would squall out, as such birds usually do at
sight of danger, and run directly under the kitchen.
Francis G. Deliesseline, the present sheriff of Charleston district,
joined Marion when a boy, and made if possible a still more surprising
and narrow escape out of the same _provost_; but as the narrative would
expose certain names which he wishes concealed, he has declined giving
it publicity. At so early an age, none behaved better than Deliesseline,
and no one has refreshed the author's memory more in the detail of facts
of that period.
Many of the privates of Marion's brigade were men of character and
honour; most of them lost their fortunes by the war, and many made them,
or at least handsome competencies, after it; but it is believed that
more, cast out of the ways of industry and economy, and losing their
all, sunk under the pressure brought upon them. Where they are known,
what an injustice would it be to pass over the merits of such men?--On
the monument erected by the Greeks at Thermopylae, the names of Leonidas
and his three hundred men were not inscribed, because it was thought
impossible to imagine they could ever be forgotten.
Pardon me, ye sons of my fellow soldiers! should my memory be found not
so tenacious; and should I have passed over the merits of many of your
fathers without even a shade of remembrance.