The military history of this year, is not remarkable for any great
events; but the most material of these happened in the brigade of
Marion. As they are not altogether of a pleasant nature, it appears to
have been the wish of many to bury them in oblivion, and therefore some
of them have been suppressed, and others but slightly recorded. But,
the correspondence gives dates and hints, which bring the whole to
recollection; and it is the duty of the biographer to be impartial. It
was hoped that he might have avoided saying any thing more about the
dispute which arose between Cols. Peter Horry and Maham; but, as that
dispute terminated in unhappy consequences, it becomes necessary that
they should be developed. Gen. Marion was returned, at the elections
which took place for the Jacksonborough assembly, a member of the senate
for St. John's, Berkley. Being about to take his seat, he gave the
immediate command of the brigade to Col. Peter Horry,* subject to his
future order. Of this order, all that is necessary to state here, is as
follows: "You will take command of my brigade until I return. You will
keep the guards at Cainhoy and Fogartie's. Their orders are to prevent
any boats or persons from going to or from town, without a written pass
from me or yourself. Col. Maham's corps will be ordered to Mepkin, to
remain there until my further orders." As the enemy got most of their
intelligence from persons, more especially women, going to and from
town, this part of the order was very material. In the mean time
application was made by Gen. Marion to Greene to decide this unhappy
dispute between the colonels; and, in a conciliating letter, he decided
it in favour of Horry. (16th Jan.) On the 18th of January, Gen. Marion
writes to Horry: "I send you Gen. Greene's letter in answer to mine,
sent him as soon as I arrived here, and it is determined as I expected.
You will keep the letter, and if the enemy should approach your
quarters, and you find it necessary, you must call on Col. Maham's
troops and horse, as reinforcements; and I wish he may not be called
upon for any other purpose." In a letter from Col. Maham to Horry,
of the 20th of January, it is to be inferred that the latter had
immediately called upon him for a return of his corps, and to submit
to his orders; for he answers, "I cannot think of being commanded by an
officer of the same rank. I think it proper not to make you any return
of my regiment, and I shall not obey any order you may be pleased to
send." It appears from a subsequent letter of Maham's of the same date,
that Gen. Marion had not written to him concerning the determination of
Gen. Greene; but Gen. Marion's order, both then and subsequently, was
certainly sufficient to convince him he ought to submit. After this Col.
Horry writes to Gen. Marion: "Col. Maham interferes with my command so
much that I can scarcely act; he gave passes to several ladies to go to
town without my leave, and they accordingly went in a boat, which boat
has since returned, and the ladies have since come up." And again, "I
assure you your presence is much wanted. Your brigade lessens daily."
(31st Jan.) On the 3d of February, Marion answers: "I am surprised at
Col. Maham's interference with your command. I have written him positive
orders not to do so in any respect whatever, and was in hopes Gen.
Greene would have prevented such evils before this." But from a former
letter of Gov. Rutledge, which is a philippic against Horry, and the
subsequent determination of Gov. Matthews, it is evident that Maham
had got the civil authority on his side, and he did not regard the
general's. And thus it is, when civilians interfere with military
affairs that they invariably commit blunders. Having premised these
facts, to show that in Marion's absence there was naught but discord and
dissention, we now proceed to state the consequences.
* Marion's letter to Horry, 10th January.
Almost the whole of the warfare was henceforth carried on in St.
Thomas' and St. James', Santee. About this time, Col. Richard Richardson
commanded the post at Cainhoy. A British galley lay in the river Wando,
which he watched, and patroled the road down to Daniel's island by day,
and returned into the woods and lay without fire by night. A fortnight
after he was posted there, hearing of a party of British which had
landed at Daniel's island, he immediately sent out scouts to the
causeway over to the island, and wrote for a reinforcement. In the
morning Maham's horse arrived, four troops in uniform, and fully equipt;
but their colonel, who would have been ranked by Richardson, was not
present, and they were under the command of Maj. Giles. The British took
the Strawberry road, and about noon stopped at Bishop Smith's, Brabant,
about fourteen miles up the road. To the north of that plantation is
a swamp of considerable width, with a causeway and bridge. Beyond the
causeway, on the right going up, was a fence on a bank and a ditch
behind it, with trees in front. Richardson passed the swamp above,
and going down to the hill above this fence, immediately went to
reconnoitre, but came back with a British troop and Capt. Campbell at
his heels. He ordered a charge. At the commencement of the onset it
was easy to be seen that Maham's corps had not yet been trained. They
charged in some disorder, but at first drove the British horse easily
before them. At the bridge they met the British infantry, who gave them
a volley. All was now confusion, horses and men wedged together upon a
narrow causeway. The front striving to retreat, and the rear urging them
on. The British horse being rallied, now came in to aid the infantry,
and a total rout and scene of carnage ensued. Of Maham's officers, Capt.
Samuel Cooper rallied his men, and returning to the road, saved several
lives and drove back a troop of black dragoons. In this affair the six
months men particularly suffered. Being near the road when the rout
commenced, they wheeled their lean horses and ran directly up it,
consequently they were trampled down by both parties. Capt. Bennett,
with twelve men, after having been pursued by a party of British, double
his number, and stopped by an impassable creek, when inspiring his men
with courage, and setting the example, they wheeled about and drove back
the enemy. In the course of this day, G. S. Capers took three swords
from the British in single rencounters, and Gen. Marion promoted him to
a lieutenancy. It appears that the defeat might have been prevented if
Richardson had posted his militia behind the fence described. Twenty-two
Americans were buried on the causeway; how many were killed in the
pursuit is not known. Of the British, Capt. Campbell was killed, and
several of his men, but the number was not ascertained.
Gen. Marion had now taken his seat in the senate at Jacksonborough; but
his presence, as will shortly be seen, was much more necessary in camp;
but he could not get leave of absence, nor be spared without breaking
up the house, for there were but thirteen senators present, which number
was required as a quorum to do business. They were passing a new militia
act, and one for raising the continental quota of troops for the state;
and the confiscation act at that time and place was esteemed of greater
consequence than the commanding of a brigade. But in all his letters
dated from that place, Gen. Marion expresses the utmost anxiety to
return to his command.
In the mean time Horry, by orders of Gen. Marion, took a position on the
north side of Wambaw, a large creek emptying into the Santee. He lay in
the angle formed by the two roads which pass from Lenud's ferry road
to Mr. Horry's, about a quarter of a mile from the bridge. In his rear
there was a wood. His new raised regiment, scarcely yet half completed,
lay at Durant's plantation about a mile above, under the immediate
command of Maj. Benson. On the 23d of February, Horry had out patroles
upon the Christ Church road, and scouts down in St. Thomas'. Thinking
himself secure, and being sick, on the 24th he went over the river to
his plantation, and left the brigade under the command of Col. M'Donald,
contrary to Gen. Marion's order, which was to leave it in such case
under Maham. While Benson was at dinner, Capt. Bennett, who commanded
the scouts in St. Thomas', came in with intelligence that the British
were approaching, but at that time of day he was an unwelcome messenger.
Bennett proceeded down to head quarters at Mr. Horry's, where M'Donald
was also at dinner. He likewise would not believe the intelligence,
because he said he had been down into Christ Church the day before; but
he desired Maj. James who had just arrived in camp, and came for orders,
to take command of his regiment. In less than half an hour after a
firing commenced at Durant's. M'Donald's regiment was on the right
towards Echaw, and two regiments of six months men on the left towards
Wambaw. Maj. James immediately formed M'Donald's regiment in the wood
in the rear, and rode to the left for orders from the commanding officer
present, Col. Screven; but when he arrived, Screven's men had broke, and
he was in the act of rallying them, but the attempt was vain. They ran
over the bridge and threw off the planks. Maj. James returned to his own
men, and as fugitives were now passing in numbers from Horry's corps,
he ordered a retreat to the bridge. As he brought up the rear and was on
horseback, two British dragoons attempted in succession to cut him down,
but he kept them in check with his pistols, and finally leaped a chasm
in the bridge, supposed to be twenty feet in width. He by this means
gained time to rally his men, and checked the British.
Thus Gen. Marion had not left his brigade more than six weeks, before it
had dwindled away and had been defeated. On the part of Horry's cavalry
it was a complete surprise. Major Benson was killed, and what number of
men cannot be ascertained, but he lost thirty-five horses.
The British were commanded by Col. Thompson, afterwards the celebrated
Count Rumford. Maham having refused to cooperate with Horry, lay still
at Mepkin; and Gen. Marion passing there on the 24th, took command of
his corps and proceeded towards Wambaw; but the colonel was not present.
On his way Gen. Marion was sorely vexed with the disagreeable news of
the defeat of his brigade; but with such a fine corps as Maham's was
then he felt sure of beating the enemy should they appear. He proceeded
down to Mrs. Tiddiman's plantation, between Echaw and Wambaw, and there
halted for provisions. (25th Feb.) There was a lane with a high fence
on each side, leading up to the house, and the cavalry picketted in the
lane. In front of the lane was an old field, and a little to the right
a pond of water. Scarce half an hour had elapsed when the British
appearing in the old field, displayed their columns and seemed to pause.
Capt. John Carraway Smith commanded Maham's corps; he drew up his men in
solid column, and Gen. Marion having posted a small body of infantry to
great advantage along the fence of the lane, ordered Smith to charge.
He proceeded very well till he got to the edge of the pond, where
an inclination to the left was necessary to reach the enemy, but in
performing this evolution his men fell into disorder, and the enemy
charged with a shout. All was now rout and dismay; but the British
followed no further than the edge of the woods. Gen. Marion had rallied
a troop there, and checked the pursuit. The loss was but little; Lieut.
Smizer and three men only were killed; but the disgrace was great. Had
this corps been well trained the enemy must have been beaten. Horry had
thus lost a great part of his horses, and Maham's corps was a second
time shamefully defeated.
We have seen Count Rumford opposed to Gen. Marion with a degree of
success, which perhaps he would not have obtained had the orders of the
general been obeyed. It is well known that Count Rumford was a native of
Massachusetts, and of the town there whence he took his title; also
that he became after this a celebrated philosopher, and especially in
economics; his writings have been of great use to the world. It is a
pity that the career of such a man should have commenced in hostility to
his native country. His life has been published, but we have not yet had
the pleasure of reading it; and perhaps it may not contain the following
anecdote. After his dashing success at the Santee he formed a grand
scheme, which was no less than that of surprising Gen. Greene in his
camp at Ashley hill. To effect this he must either have crossed Ashley
river over Bacon bridge, at Dorchester, which was too well secured for
a sudden attack of cavalry; or he must cross the river at Ashley ferry,
ten miles from town. He determined on the latter, and put his four
troops of cavalry in motion. When he arrived at the ferry it was ebb of
tide, the water was running out as from a millsluice; the banks on each
side were so miry as scarcely to support a crab--the river was at least
one hundred yards wide, and there was not a boat.--He however ordered
Major Fraser to lead on the first troop into the river and swim across.
Fraser viewed him for some time with astonishment, suspecting him not
to be in his sober senses. But finding he appeared so, he said to him,
"Why, Sir, I am not in the habit of disputing, or hesitating to perform
any order given by my commander; but this thing is utterly impossible."
"How so," said Thompson, "it may be difficult but not impossible, and
if we do not attempt difficult things we shall never be distinguished.
Alexander swam across the Granicus, beat the Persians and immortalized
himself." "And it would no doubt immortalize you," replied Fraser, "if
you could swim the Ashley, and surprise Gen. Greene; but let us put the
matter to the test. Here is Serjt. Allen, the best trooper and the best
swimmer in the corps; and here is my horse that cost me one hundred
guineas. Let Allen try it first; better that he than that all should be
lost." The proposition was agreed to. Allen was mounted on the major's
charger, and was ordered to swim the river.--"I'll try," said he, "since
the colonel orders it--but the Lord have mercy upon me;" and having
so said, he plunged into the river. As might have been expected, the
current swept him a quarter of a mile below the landing on the opposite
side; he attempted to land there, but the fine horse was swallowed up in
the marsh, and Allen escaped with the utmost difficulty.--This was the
last notice we have of Col. Thompson (Count Rumford) in this country: he
was a burning meteor but soon disappeared.*
* Count Rumford told professor Pictet, of Geneva, many years
after, that he had never been able to efface from his
imagination, the horrid spectacle of the dead and wounded
upon these occasions.--See Pictet's Tour in England, p.
212.
After the defeat at Wambaw, Gov. Matthews, having taken much pains to
find out from Gen. Marion who was the best cavalry officer of the two,
Horry or Maham, incorporated the two regiments and gave the command to
the latter. The preference appears to have been extorted from Marion.
The fact was that Horry, though said to be a good infantry officer,
failed in one most essential requisite in the command of cavalry, and
that was horsemanship. In several charges he made, it is said he was
indebted to some one or other of his men for saving his life; yet
possessing great personal bravery, his supreme delight was always to
be at the head of cavalry. From the commencement of this narrative, his
patriotism has been conspicuous: in fact, his property was wasted and
his life often exposed in the cause of his country, and few men were
more devoted to her than Col. Peter Horry. He now resigned, but as some
consolation, Gen. Marion made him commandant of Georgetown, with full
powers to regulate its trade and defend it from the enemy. It was from
thence and Cainhoy, that Gen. Marion after long perseverance, got much
clothing for Greene's army. But Col. P. Horry, instead of leaving trade
to flow into Georgetown as freely as the tides which passed before him,
put it under such restrictions that the merchants soon began to murmur.
About the 20th of April, there was an alarm excited among the civil
authority of the state, that the British in Charleston had been
reinforced and were about to attack Gen. Greene. Gov. Matthews
immediately wrote to order Gen. Marion to his assistance. He lay at that
time near Murray's ferry; his men had been dismounted by an order from
the same authority, and they now set out for Bacon's bridge on foot
for the first time. When they reached within eight miles, the alarm had
subsided; but another had taken place, that the enemy had sailed for
Georgetown, and the governor ordered Marion there. After a forced march
of four days he arrived at White's bridge; but there was no enemy near
Georgetown. In this march of about one hundred and sixty miles, Marion's
men had but one ration of rice; all the rest were of lean beef driven
out of the woods in the month of April. As Ganey's party had been
troublesome to the people of North Carolina, and had not observed the
treaty of neutrality with Gen. Marion, made June 17th, 1781, a joint
expedition was concerted between Gov. Matthews, of South and Gov. Martin
of North Carolina, to subdue them.* Of this expedition Gen. Marion
was to have the command. His very name was sufficient for the purpose
intended. At Burch's mill on Pedee, a treaty was signed, (June 1782)
by which Ganey's party agreed to lay down their arms as enemies of the
state, to demean themselves hereafter as peaceable citizens, to deliver
up all stolen property, to apprehend all who did not accede to the
treaty now made, to take all deserters from the American army and
deliver them up, to return to their allegiance and abjure that of his
Britannic majesty. From this treaty, Gibson, who killed Col. Kolb,
and Fanning and his party were excepted, but they escaped. Fanning was
properly of North Carolina, but occasionally acted with Ganey, and was
one of the most active men, and one of the most deliberate murderers of
the whole party. But little defence had been made by the tories; only
one skirmish took place, in which the general's friend, Robert James,
was wounded; and at the Bowling Green, between Great and Little Pedee,
at least five hundred men laid down their arms to Gen. Marion. Thus
ended an opposition to the country, which commenced more from the desire
of plunder than from principle, and which, except with regard to sex,
and some to age, had been carried on in the true spirit of savage
warfare. Of Harrison's party, many had gone with him to the British;
with those who remained a species of warfare was waged even after the
peace with Great Britain.
* Capt. Crafton's letter to Marion, 13th June, 1782.
During Gen. Marion's absence, Gen. Greene appears, from the
correspondence, to have been very anxious for his return. After the
adjournment of the Jacksonborough assembly, he had crossed the Edisto
and encamped on the west side of Ashley river, sixteen miles from
Charleston, and here the sufferings of his men had risen to the utmost
extremity. They were often without rations, and when served, it was
generally with lean meat without bread or rice, or bread or rice without
the lean meat. They had as yet received no pay, and their clothes were
so worn and broken, that they were as naked as the Caffres of Africa.
Here, in a state of inaction, they became mutinous, and were plotting to
deliver up their commander to the enemy. But it is surprising, that when
mischief of any kind began to brew in such a situation, that only twelve
should have been concerned in it, and it is honourable that none of
those were native Americans.
About the 9th of July, Gen. Marion had returned to the Santee, and
received orders from Gen. Greene to remain between that and Cooper
river, as heretofore. The militia were now so far relieved, that, by
law, they were obliged to turn out only one month in three; but were
ordered, as we have mentioned above, to be dismounted, which discouraged
them, and rendered their movements less rapid. The experience derived
both from the history of the revolutionary and the late war, fully shows
that the militia are effective only when mounted.
On the 25th of August, in this year, Lieut. Col. John Laurens was killed
in a skirmish at Page's point, on Combahee river. He fell in the
flower of his youth, and yet had long been the admiration of both the
contending armies. In history the parallel to his character is perhaps
to be found only in that of the Chevalier Bayard: the knight without
fear and without reproach.
During the remainder of the summer of 1782, Gen. Marion frequently
changed his encampments from place to place, between Cooper and Santee
rivers, with three objects constantly in view; to cut off supplies from
the enemy, to prevent all surprises from their sudden irruptions, and to
provide for his own men.--His scouting parties still penetrated into
St. Thomas' parish as far as Daniel's island and Clement's ferry. At
the head of one of these Capt. G. S. Capers performed a gallant action.
Having the command of only twelve men, he encountered a party of
twenty-six of the British black dragoons, and cut them to pieces.
They had at the time two or three of his neighbours in handcuffs as
prisoners.
About the 25th of August in that year, Marion lay for some time at the
plantation of Sir John Colleton, the first above Watboo bridge, on the
south side of that creek. This with him appeared to be a favourite place
of encampment. It had been deserted by the owner, who was attached to
the enemy, and the mansion and two extensive ranges of negro and other
outhouses were left open for himself and men. He occupied the mansion
and his men the outhouses, on the west towards the bridge; on the back
of the outhouses to the east, and directly in front of the dwelling,
there stretched towards the road an extensive avenue of old cedar trees,
the trimming of which had been neglected for some years; and their
long boughs now descended nearly to the ground. While encamped in this
situation, Gen. Marion heard of the approach of Major Fraser with the
British cavalry, towards the Santee, in his rear. On this side there was
nothing but an open old field for a mile. None but the officers now had
horses, and he immediately ordered out a party of these, under Capt.
Gavin Witherspoon, to reconnoitre the enemy. They had advanced but
little way in the woods beyond the old field, when the reconnoitring
party were met by Major Fraser at the head of his corps of cavalry,
and were immediately charged. A long chase commenced, which was soon
observed by Marion, and he drew up his men under the thick boughs of the
cedar trees. As the chase advanced towards him it became more and more
interesting.--When in full view, either Witherspoon's horse had failed
him, or he fell purposely in the rear to bring up his party, and a
British dragoon was detached to cut him down. He advanced until nearly
within his sword's length, and was rising in his stirrups to make sure
of his blow, but Witherspoon had eyed him well, and at the instant,
Parthian like, he fired the contents of his gun into his breast. The
good omen excited much animation, and the British, still advancing,
attempted to charge upon the left, but were received on that side with
a well directed fire, which caused them to break and fly in great
disorder. Had Gen. Marion's cavalry been present they might now have
been cut to pieces; but scarcity of forage had induced him to quarter
them at the distance of six miles. The enemy rallied and manoeuvred
about in the old field for an hour, making several different feints of
charging, but never coming in reach of Marion's fire, whose men stood
firm at their post. Capt. Gillies of the British, and nine men and
five horses were killed. The number of wounded could not be accurately
ascertained; but as the firing was only at the distance of thirty paces,
and was made with the usual charge of heavy buckshot, the proportion
of these must have been greater than that of the killed on the usual
computation. (29th Aug.) On the next day, Gen. Marion called out Capt.
Witherspoon in front of the brigade, and gave him thanks for his many
public services, but more particularly for the deed of yesterday.
Here ended the warfare of Marion. Its close was as the last ray of the
setting sun; in his progress through the day, at times shining brightly;
at others clouded with darkness: but at eventide descending with
cheerful brilliancy. Should the exploits performed, or the number of the
enemy cut off, not equal the expectation of the reader, he is requested
to recollect the lapse of time which has intervened, and how many
circumstances must have escaped the memory of the writer, and
particularly, that the loss of Col. Watson, with whom Marion had the
most arduous of all his conflicts, could never be known. He will also
bear in mind the patroles which went out nightly, and seldom failed to
do some execution, which like a perpetual dripping corroded deeply into
the force of the enemy. If the late Guerilla warfare in Spain cut off so
many thousands of the French in detail, in a comparatively open country,
how much more effect would such a warfare have in woods upon an enemy
more weak in proportion and more slowly reinforced. Such a warfare is
the one most fitted for militia and the most dreaded by regular troops.
But on the other hand, should it be thought by some that the present
narrative is too highly coloured, the eulogy of Gen. Greene, certainly
the best judge of Gen. Marion's merit, is here inserted, of which it may
be remarked, that it was written before the latter had performed half of
what is here related.
Extract of a letter from Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion.
"_Camp, before Camden, April 24, 1781._
Dear Sir,
Your favour of the 21st has just come to hand. When I consider how
much you have done and suffered, and under what disadvantage you have
maintained your ground, I am at a loss which to admire most, your
courage and fortitude, or your address and management. Certain it is, no
man has a better claim to the public thanks than you. History affords
no instance wherein an officer has kept possession of a country under so
many disadvantages as you have. Surrounded on every side with a superior
force, hunted from every quarter with veteran troops; you have found
means to elude their attempts and to keep alive the expiring hopes of an
oppressed militia, when all succour seemed to be cut off. To fight the
enemy bravely with the prospect of victory is nothing, but to fight
with intrepidity under the constant impression of a defeat, and inspire
irregular troops to do it, is a talent peculiar to yourself. Nothing
will give me greater pleasure than to do justice to your merit, and I
shall miss no opportunity of declaring to congress, the commander in
chief of the American army, and to the world, the great sense I have of
your merit and services."
The letters of Gen. Greene show that he was an agreeable polished
gentleman. Their style is easy, simple and correct; there is no search
after ornament; they come at once to the point and show him to be much
in earnest. His commands are always requests, and when he might well
have used the language of reprehension, it is only that of persuasion
and friendly admonition. His privations here were great, perhaps he had
not even the comforts of a common soldier in the British army; yet he
states them fairly, without uttering a word of complaint; hopes they
will soon be remedied, and declares his unalterable perseverance in
gaining the glorious prize constantly in his view--the independence of
his country.
In reviewing the transactions of the present year, two things passed
which are well worth notice. Gen. Alexander Leslie, now commander in
chief of the British army, a gentleman of enlarged views and humane
feelings, had before this time, as it appears, submitted certain papers
to Gen. Greene, through Capt. Skelly, for his inspection, preparatory to
a proposal for a cessation of hostilities; and on the 23d of May, writes
again to Greene in substance as follows: "Believing that a treaty for
terminating the war is now carrying on, I have therefore to inform
you, that those papers were transmitted to him (Gen. Leslie) by his
excellency Sir Henry Clinton. That such was the manner in which those
important papers had reached him, that he held it a duty he owed the
rights of humanity, the welfare of this country, and the sentiments
of the legislature of his own, to propose a cessation of hostilities."
Again, on the 13th of August, Leslie proposed, "That the garrison of
Charleston should be permitted to receive rice and other provisions, for
which a compensation should be made on terms of mutual advantage." Both
these propositions were at once rejected by the civil authority of
the state; because it was supposed that Leslie only intended to amass
provisions for the support of the British forces in the West Indies, to
carry on war to advantage with our allies the French. But this matter
might easily have been adjusted by treaty, and the rejection of
the offer was certainly another piece of blind policy in the civil
authority. They had now no means of taking the town, and by acceding to
the proposals, Greene's army might have been clothed, the wants of the
citizens sooner supplied, and much effusion of blood prevented.
Early in the month of January, in this year, the Jacksonborough assembly
commenced its session. As might have been expected, it was entirely
composed of those, who either in a civil or military capacity, had
distinguished themselves in the late contest. In the senate we have
seen there were but thirteen members, which was a bare quorum; and Gen.
Marion could not be spared, for it would have broken up the house. In
the house of representatives, there were but seventy-four members, of
whom sixty formed a quorum. Both houses were therefore remarkably thin;
but what they lacked in numbers they made up in spirit. They passed the
well known confiscation law, avowedly to retaliate on the British for
having acted in like manner to those who had adhered to the Americans;
but privately with a view to enable the state to raise its quota of
continental troops; for Gen. Marion, in a letter to Col. Peter Horry, of
the 10th of February, states, that "Two regiments are to be raised, as
our continental quota, giving each man a negro per year, which is to be
taken from the confiscated estates. A number of large estates are down
on this list, and others are amerced, which will give us at least a
million sterling as a fund." And a clause in the act passed, enacts,
"that there shall be set apart a sufficient number of slaves to raise
the quota of continental troops required of this state." How far this
law might be justified, on the plea of necessity and self-defence, is
quite a different ground from that of retaliation. In the preamble to
the law, the reason given for enacting it is retaliation upon tories
for the injuries done to the property of the whigs by confiscations; but
there appears to be no sound reason for passing the law as a retaliatory
measure. Between rulers and subjects, or citizens, the duties of
subjection and protection are reciprocal; but, in this case, the rulers
were unable to protect the citizens, and therefore ought not to have
expected from them such implicit subjection. It was only by a few
daring spirits, and that generally in places remote from the enemy, that
resistance was kept up; yet, under existing circumstances, it was not to
be looked for from the timid more immediately in their power. But, as a
measure of self-defence, the law was justifiable.
The governor and council, armed with the supreme power of the state,
had impressed the horses, provisions and indigo of the whigs, for public
services, and that proceeding had scarcely excited a murmur. These
resources had now failed, and the war was to be carried on without
money; then what good reason could be given for exempting from
requisition the negroes and other property of the tories. In this point
of view the case against them becomes the strongest of the two. Yet the
clamour raised against the law at the time and after, was great; in the
legislature their friends became numerous, and as each particular case
was brought forward and considered, it was made an exception, and the
act became a nullity. John Matthews was elected governor of the state,
after Gen. Gadsden, for whom a majority of votes was first given, had
declined serving. A bill was brought in to indemnify several militia
officers who had been concerned in impressing indigo and other property
necessary for public service. Gen. Marion's name was at first inserted
on the list, but when it came to be read in the senate, he rose and
moved to strike it out; saying, if he had taken the property of any man
improperly or unnecessarily, he was willing to make restitution.
The bill passed into a law without the general's name. Before the
adjournment, the powers left with the governor and council, were as
extensive as usual. Gov. Matthews appears to consider them in a letter
to Gen. Leslie, (12th April) as equal to dispensing with parts of the
confiscation act. The evacuation of Charleston took place on the 14th
of December, 1782, but the militia were not permitted to be witnesses
of the ceremony. The civil authority had interposed to exclude them
as dangerous spectators, and Gen. Greene in his letter of the 22d of
November, was so much hurt at it, that he takes particular pains
to exculpate himself from any participation in that order. In this
treatment, the militia shared the fate usually attending humble friends,
who are seldom caressed by the great any longer than they can be
subservient to their views or interests. Gen. Marion and his brigade
were now to part forever. But as its movements had always been directed
without pomp or parade, so its discharge was conducted with republican
simplicity. In his favourite encampment at Watboo, and on the side of
the cedar trees, he thanked his officers and men for their many and
useful services, and bid them a friendly and affectionate farewell. Two
years and a half had now elapsed since Gen. Marion first assumed his
command; his appearance was not prepossessing, his manners were distant,
but not repulsive, yet few leaders have ever been so popular among their
men; none ever had more of their confidence. He had so much influence
as to settle amicably many disputes among his officers, and even
private men; and never was a duel fought by any of them while under his
immediate command. His stratagems appeared intuitive. Did Gen. Marion
march in person to the attack?* then the common conclusion was, the
enemy is taken by surprise, or we shall fight them on advantageous
ground.
* Nil desperandum, Teucro duce.
The revolutionary war raged no where more than it did where he
commanded; in all this he had the head to lead and to plan, and the
discernment to choose those who could best execute. His personal bravery
was displayed on many occasions, but his own sword struck not the blow,
it never was seen stained with blood; cool and collected, he was always
the general, never the common soldier. In short the whole bent of his
soul was how he should best provide for his men, how he could most annoy
the enemy, and how he could soonest achieve the independence of his
country. The characters of his officers will be best collected from the
facts stated. In taking such wise measures as have been related for
the defence of the lives and property of his friends, Gen. Marion could
extend none of them to his own possessions. His plantation in St. John's
lay within a mile of the marches and countermarches of the British, and
was subject to every species of wanton waste and depredation. One
half of his negroes were taken away, and the other half must have been
faithful, or they would not have remained. He had ten workers left, but
plantation utensils, clothes for his people, household furniture, and
stock of cattle and horses, were all to be purchased without a cent
of money.* He expected to receive half pay, but even in this was
disappointed. At a session of the legislature shortly after, a garrison
was established at fort Johnson, and he was appointed commander, with
a salary of about 500 pounds.** Yet, in despite of his recent and
meritorious services, this moderate appointment became a butt at which
they who are forever seeking popularity by recommending curtailments in
useful and even necessary expenditures, soon levelled their shafts.
His spirit could not easily brook such treatment, but his debts made it
prudent to submit.
* Marion's letter to Col. P. Horry, 18th Jan. 1781.
** Act, 10th March, 1784.
At this juncture, his merit and high reputation had made a favourable
impression on the heart of Miss Mary Videau, one of his relations. She
was observed to be fond of hearing his achievements spoken of in terms
of high approbation; some of the general's friends noticed it, and gave
him a hint. He paid his addresses to her and was well received. They
were soon after married, and he resigned his command at the fort. She
brought him a handsome fortune, and as there was no great disparity,
either in their years or disposition, she made him an excellent wife.
She was in countenance the exact counterpart of the general. She partook
in all his amusements, accompanied him in his journeys, and in his
absence could not be better pleased than by hearing his praises. In
short, nothing could have made this matrimonial connexion more happy,
but its being more fruitful. They never had an heir. The general built
a comfortable house of a single story, with one sitting room, but many
chambers; its materials were of the most durable kind of cypress; but
it received no coat either of paint or varnish. Here his friends were
received with a hearty welcome and good cheer, and the stranger with
kind hospitality. His planting interest was judiciously managed, and his
property increased yearly. In the summer months he made excursions, into
the upper country almost every year, for the benefit of his health. In
these journeys he loved to renew former recollections. He had retained
his marquee, camp bed and cooking utensils, and he always travelled as
he had done in his brigade. To his wife nothing could be more pleasant,
and she has often recounted these jaunts to her friends with delight.
The old pot, kettle and frying-pan, tin plates, knives and forks were
preserved as precious relics: the sumpter mules as friends. His faithful
servant Oscar, who had accompanied him through all his difficulties,
always received high marks of his favour. As to honours, Gen. Marion did
not aspire higher than to a seat in the senate, which he continued to
fill as long as he pleased, as a member for St. John's. In May, 1790, he
was a member of the convention for forming the state constitution;
after which he declined all public duties. In politics he was a moderate
federalist; such as were many great revolutionary characters. In May,
1794, the militia of the state were re-organized, and soon after
Gen. Marion resigned his commission in the militia. Shortly after his
resignation, at a meeting of the citizens of Georgetown, a committee
of four was appointed to draw up an address to the general. These were
William D. James, Robert Brownfield, Thomas Mitchell and Joseph Blythe.
An address was prepared by the chairman (James,) and unanimously
adopted. Copies were also directed to be distributed through the
district. It is as follows:
"Dear General,
At the present juncture, when the necessity of public affairs requires
the military of this state to be organized anew, to repel the attacks of
an enemy from whatever quarter they may be forced upon us, we, citizens
of the district of Georgetown, finding you no longer at our head, have
agreed to convey to you our grateful sentiments for your former numerous
services. In the decline of life when the merits of the veteran are too
often forgotten, we wish to remind you that yours are still fresh in the
remembrance of your fellow citizens. Could it be possible for men who
have served and fought under you, to be now forgetful of that general,
by whose prudent conduct their lives have been saved and their families
preserved from being plundered by a rapacious enemy? We mean not to
flatter you. At this time it is impossible for you to suspect it. Our
present language is the language of free men expressing only sentiments
of gratitude. Your achievements may not have sufficiently swelled the
historic page. They were performed by those who could better wield the
sword than the pen. By men whose constant dangers precluded them
from the leisure, and whose necessities deprived them of the common
implements of writing. But this is of little moment: they remain
recorded in such indelible characters upon our minds, that neither
change of circumstances nor length of time can efface them. Taught by
us, our children shall hereafter point out the places and say to their
children, here Gen. Marion, posted to advantage, made a glorious stand
in defence of the liberties of his country; there, on disadvantageous
ground, retreated to save the lives of his fellow citizens. What could
be more glorious for the general commanding free men than thus to fight,
and thus to save the lives of his fellow soldiers? Continue general in
peace to till those acres which you once wrested from the hands of an
enemy. Continue to enjoy dignity, accompanied with ease, and to lengthen
out your days blessed with the consciousness of conduct unaccused
of rapine or oppression, and of actions ever directed by the purest
patriotism."
This address was presented to the general and gave him great pleasure;
but as he had not latterly been much in the habit of using his pen, his
answer was a verbal one, expressive of his sincere thanks.
On the 27th day of February, 1795, Gen. Marion died at his house in St.
John's parish. As his fame is yet but indistinctly known, and much of
that through the medium of fable, the present attempt has been made to
arrest its progress, to do honour to his memory, and to transmit his
example to posterity.
Gen. Marion's Epitaph.
--------
Sacred to the Memory
of
BRIG. GEN. FRANCIS MARION,
_Who departed this life, on the 27th of February, 1795,_
In the Sixty-Third Year of his Age;
Deeply regretted by all his fellow citizens.
HISTORY
will record his worth, and rising generations embalm
his memory, as one of the most distinguished
Patriots and Heroes of the American Revolution;
which elevated his native Country
TO HONOUR AND INDEPENDENCE,
and
secured to her the blessings of
LIBERTY AND PEACE.
This tribute of veneration and gratitude is erected
in commemoration of
the noble and disinterested virtues of the
CITIZEN;
and the gallant exploits of the
SOLDIER;
Who lived without fear, and died without reproach.
--------
Taken from the marble slab at Belle Isle, this 20th September, 1821, by
Theodore Gourdin.
Appendix.
_The following is the letter of Dr. Robert Brownfield to the author,
giving a detailed account of the defeat of Buford's regiment, referred
to at page 39._ [Chapter II Paragraph 6]
Dear Sir,
In obedience to your request, I send you a detailed account of the
defeat and massacre of Col. Buford's regiment, near the borders of North
Carolina, on the road leading from Camden to Salisbury. This regiment
consisting of three hundred and fifty men, well appointed and equipped,
had marched from Virginia for the relief of Charleston, and had advanced
to Santee, where they were met by intelligence of the surrender; a
retreat then became unavoidable.--Between this place and Camden they
fell in with Gen. Caswell, at the head of about seven hundred North
Carolina militia, whose object had been the same, and whose retreat
became equally imperious. At Camden these two corps unfortunately
separated; Caswell filed off to Pedee, and Buford pursued the road
to Salisbury. This measure was accounted for by the want of correct
intelligence of Tarleton's prompt and rapid movements, who was in full
pursuit with three hundred cavalry, and each a soldier of infantry
behind him.--Neglecting Caswell and his militia, the pursuit was
continued after Buford to the Waxhaw. Finding he was approximating
this corps, he despatched a flag, saying he was at Barclay's with seven
hundred men, and summoned them to surrender on the terms granted to the
garrison in Charleston. Buford immediately laid the summons before
a council of his officers with three distinct propositions from
himself:--Shall we comply with Tarleton's summons? Shall we abandon the
baggage, and, by a rapid movement, save ourselves? or, shall we fortify
ourselves by the waggons, and wait his approach?
The first and second were decidedly rejected by the unanimous voice
of the council, declaring it to be incompatible with their honour as
soldiers, or the duty they owed their country, either to surrender
or abandon the baggage on the bare statement of Tarleton. They had no
certainty of the truth of his assertion, and that it might be only a
_ruse de guerre_ to alarm their fears and obtain a bloodless victory.
The third was also negatived on the ground, that although they might
by this means defend themselves against Tarleton, but as no succour was
near, and as Tarleton could, in a short time, obtain reinforcements from
Cornwallis, against which no effectual resistance could be made, this
measure would be unavailable.
The discussion soon resulted in a resolution to continue the march,
maintaining the best possible order for the reception of the enemy. In a
short time Tarleton's bugle was heard, and a furious attack was made
on the rear guard, commanded by Lieut. Pearson. Not a man escaped. Poor
Pearson was inhumanely mangled on the face as he lay on his back. His
nose and lip were bisected obliquely; several of his teeth were broken
out in the upper jaw, and the under completely divided on each side.
These wounds were inflicted after he had fallen, with several others
on his head, shoulders, and arms. As a just tribute to the honour and
Job-like patience of poor Pearson, it ought to be mentioned, that he lay
for five weeks without uttering a single groan. His only nourishment
was milk, drawn from a bottle through a quill. During that period he was
totally deprived of speech, nor could he articulate distinctly after his
wounds were healed.
This attack gave Buford the first confirmation of Tarleton's declaration
by his flag. Unfortunately he was then compelled to prepare for action,
on ground which presented no impediment to the full action of cavalry.
Tarleton having arranged his infantry in the centre, and his cavalry on
the wings, advanced to the charge with the horrid yells of infuriated
demons. They were received with firmness, and completely checked, until
the cavalry were gaining the rear. Buford now perceiving that further
resistance was hopeless, ordered a flag to be hoisted and the arms to be
grounded, expecting the usual treatment sanctioned by civilized warfare.
This, however, made no part of Tarleton's creed. His ostensible pretext,
for the relentless barbarity that ensued, was, that his horse was killed
under him just as the flag was raised. He affected to believe that this
was done afterwards, and imputed it to treachery on the part of Buford;
but, in reality, a safe opportunity was presented to gratify that thirst
for blood which marked his character in every conjuncture that promised
probable impunity to himself. Ensign Cruit, who advanced with the flag,
was instantly cut down. Viewing this as an earnest of what they were to
expect, a resumption of their arms was attempted, to sell their lives
as dearly as possible; but before this was fully effected, Tarleton with
his cruel myrmidons was in the midst of them, when commenced a scene of
indiscriminate carnage never surpassed by the ruthless atrocities of the
most barbarous savages.
The demand for quarters, seldom refused to a vanquished foe, was at once
found to be in vain;--not a man was spared--and it was the concurrent
testimony of all the survivors, that for fifteen minutes after every man
was prostrate. They went over the ground plunging their bayonets into
every one that exhibited any signs of life, and in some instances, where
several had fallen one over the other, these monsters were seen to throw
off on the point of the bayonet the uppermost, to come at those
beneath. Capt. Carter,* who commanded the artillery and who led the van,
continued his march without bringing his guns into action; this conduct
excited suspicions unfavourable to the character of Carter, and these
were strengthened by his being paroled on the ground, and his whole
company without insult or injury being made prisoners of war. Whether
he was called to account for his conduct, I have never learnt. These
excepted, the only survivors of this tragic scene were Capts. Stokes,
Lawson and Hoard, Lieuts. Pearson and Jamison, and Ensign Cruit.
* Not Capt. Benjamin Carter, of Camden.
To consign to oblivion the memory of these gallant suffering few would
be culpable injustice. When men have devoted their lives to the service
of their country, and whose fate has been so singularly disastrous;
there is an honest anxiety concerning them, springing from the best and
warmest feelings of our nature, which certainly should be gratified.
This is peculiarly the truth in regard to Capt. John Stokes, although
in his military character perhaps not otherwise distinguished from his
brother officers, than by the number of his wounds and the pre-eminence
of sufferings. He received twenty-three wounds, and as he never for a
moment lost his recollection, he often repeated to me the manner and
order in which they were inflicted.
Early in the sanguinary conflict he was attacked by a dragoon, who aimed
many deadly blows at his head, all of which by the dextrous use of the
small sword he easily parried; when another on the right, by one
stroke, cut off his right hand through the metacarpal bones. He was then
assailed by both, and instinctively attempted to defend his head with
his left arm until the forefinger was cut off, and the arm hacked in
eight or ten places from the wrist to the shoulder. His head was then
laid open almost the whole length of the crown to the eye brows. After
he fell he received several cuts on the face and shoulders. A soldier
passing on in the work of death, asked if he expected quarters? Stokes
answered I have not, nor do I mean to ask quarters, finish me as soon as
possible; he then transfixed him twice with his bayonet. Another asked
the same question and received the same answer, and he also thrust his
bayonet twice through his body. Stokes had his eye fixed on a wounded
British officer, sitting at some distance, when a serjeant came up, who
addressed him with apparent humanity, and offered him protection from
further injury at the risk of his life. All I ask, said Stokes, is to
be laid by that officer that I may die in his presence. While performing
this generous office the humane serjeant was twice obliged to lay him
down, and stand over him to defend him against the fury of his comrades.
Doct. Stapleton, Tarleton's surgeon, whose name ought to be held up to
eternal obloquy, was then dressing the wounds of the officer. Stokes,
who lay bleeding at every pore, asked him to do something for his
wounds, which he scornfully and inhumanely refused, until peremptorily
ordered by the more humane officer, and even then only filled the wounds
with rough tow, the particles of which could not be separated from the
brain for several days.
Capt. Stokes was a native of Pittsylvania county, Virginia. He was
early intended for the bar, and having gone through the usual course of
classical and other preparatory studies, he commenced the practice
with the most flattering indications of future eminence. But the
calm pursuits of peace not comporting with the ardour of his mind, he
relinquished the fair prospect of professional emolument, and accepted a
captaincy in Buford's regiment.
At this catastrophe, he was about twenty-seven years of age. His height
was about the common standard; his figure and appearance, even in his
mangled situation, inspired respect and veneration; and the fire of
genius that sparkled in his dark piercing eye, gave indications of a
mind fitted not only for the field, but for all the departments of civil
life.
Shortly after the adoption of the constitution of the United States,
he was promoted to the bench in the Federal Court--married Miss
Pearson--and settled on the Yadkin river, where the county is called
Stokes, after his name.
(Signed,)
R. Brownfield.
*****
The following letter from Major Keating Simons, was received too late to
be inserted either in the body, or in a note to this work, although
it contains one of the finest traits of the character of Gen.
Marion.--Major Muller and Major Simons acted as brigade majors to the
general, and both were high in his confidence.
After the war Major Simons engaged in the useful business of a factor,
and received the patronage and approbation of numerous friends. While
himself labouring under many difficulties, arising from the war, he
extended his helping hand to his old friend the general, struggling
from the same cause under still greater embarrassments, and had the
satisfaction to assist in extricating him from many of them. This debt
of gratitude was not forgotten; when Mrs. Marion was dying she left the
one half of her fortune to the late Keating Lewis Simons, Esq. eldest
son of the major: but two short years since the ornament of the bar and
of his country.
_Charleston, November 17th, 1821._
Dear Sir,
The anecdote of Gen. Marion you requested me to relate to you, I now
take the first opportunity to mention. It occurred late in the year
1782, when the British troops were preparing to evacuate Charleston:
they had a covering party on James' island to protect their
wood-cutters, and another on Lamprere's point to protect their getting
water for their shipping. Col. Kosciusko, a Polander, solicited Gen.
Greene to afford him an opportunity of distinguishing himself; and
as the covering party to the wood-cutters was the only one which now
presented itself, the general gave him a command to attack them, which
he did, and was defeated with the loss of a great many men, and among
the slain was the gallant Capt. Wilmot.
About the same time that Gen. Greene gave Kosciusko this command,
he wrote to Gen. Marion, "that he understood the watering party at
Lamprere's point was so situated as to afford him an opportunity
of attacking it with success." Gen. Marion replied, "that he had not
overlooked the situation of the British at that spot, but he viewed the
war in Carolina as over, and as the enemy were preparing to go away, he
had sent a party to protect them from being annoyed by his own men; that
he commanded his fellow citizens who had already shed blood enough in
the cause of freedom, and that he would not spill another drop of it,
now when it was unnecessary; no, not for the highest honours that could
be conferred upon him."
If you think this anecdote worth mentioning in the biography of that
great man, it is quite at your service.
With much respect and esteem,
I am, dear Sir,
Yours very truly,
Keating Simons.
Correspondence.
Gen. Lincoln to Lieut. Col. Marion, at Sheldon.
_Head Quarters, Charleston, Jan. 31, 1780._
Sir,
The state of affairs is such as to make it necessary that we draw our
force to a point as much and as soon as possible. No troops will be kept
in the field except two hundred light infantry and the horse.* You
will, therefore, please to select from the three regiments with you, two
hundred of your best men, and those who are best clothed, and organize
them into corps with proper officers. All the remainder with the baggage
of the whole (saving such as is absolutely necessary for light troops)
will march immediately to this town. You will please take the command of
the light infantry, until Lieut. Col. Henderson arrives, which I expect
will be in a few days. After that I wish to see you as soon as possible
in Charleston.--Cross will deliver you this with a letter to Col.
Parker, and another to Major Jamieson. You will send them towards
Augusta in the common route by four horsemen. Two will guide Col.
Parker to this town by the shortest way, the other two will guide Major
Jamieson to your camp.
* Washington's.
I am, Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
B. Lincoln.
*****
Col. Marion to Col. P. Horry.
_Lynch's Creek, Aug. 17, 1780.*_
* Written about a week after Gen. Marion took command of the
militia.
Sir,
You will take the command of such men as will be collected from Capts.
Bounneau's, Mitchell's and Benson's companies, and immediately proceed
to Santee, from the lower ferry to Lenud's, and destroy all the boats
and canoes on the river, and post guards at each crossing place, to
prevent persons from crossing to or from Charleston, on either side of
the river.--You will give all necessary intelligence, and the number of
men you may have collected as early as possible. You will procure about
twenty-five weight of gunpowder, and a proportionable quantity of ball
or swanshot, also flints, and send them up to me immediately, to the
Kingstree, by an express.
I am with esteem,
Your obedient servant,
Francis Marion.
N. B.--You will also take the command of Capt. Lenud's company, and
furnish your men with arms, wherever you can find them, giving receipts.
*****
Extract of a Letter from Col. Marion to Col. P. Horry.
_Lynch's Creek, Aug. 27, 1780._
Dear Sir,
I am sorry to acquaint you that Gen. Gates is defeated with great
loss; he was obliged to retreat to Charlotte, which obliges me also to
retreat. You will without delay retreat with what men you can get,
to Briton's neck, where I have encamped. It is necessary to obtain
ammunition, arms and accoutrements, and as many horses as you can get;
also stores from Georgetown, which you will send if possible up the
river to Briton's neck.
On the 20th inst. I attacked a guard of the 63d and Prince of Wales'
regiment, with a number of tories, at the Great Savannah, near Nelson's
ferry. Killed and took twenty-two regulars, and two tories prisoners,
and retook one hundred and fifty continentals of the Maryland line; one
waggon and a drum; one captain and a subaltern were also captured. Our
loss is one killed, and Capt. Benson is slightly wounded on the head.
*****
Brig. Gen. Marion to Adjt. Postell.*
* Major John Postell.
_Snow's Island, Dec. 30, 1780._
Sir,
You will proceed with a party down Black river, from Black Mingo to the
mouth of Pedee, and come up to this place; you will take all the boats
and canoes from Euhaney up, and impress negroes to bring them to camp;
put some men to see them safe; you will take every horse, to whomsoever
he may belong, whether friend or foe. You will take all arms and
ammunition for the use of our service. You will forbid all persons from
carrying any grains, stock or any sort of provisions to Georgetown,
or where the enemy may get them, on pain of being held as traitors and
enemies to the Americans. All persons who will not join you you will
take prisoners and bring to me. You will return as soon as possible.
Let me know any intelligence you may gain of the enemy's strength or
movements.
I am, your obedient servant,
Francis Marion.
_Adjt. Postell._
N. B.--You will bring up as much rice and salt in the boats as possible.
*****
Gen. Marion to Capt. John Postell.
_Goddard's Plantation,* Pedee, Jan. 19, 1781._
* Snow's Island.
Dear Sir,
I send Lieut. King with fifteen men, to reinforce you. I would have all
the flats and boats you can collect, loaded with rice, and sent to Mr.
Joseph Allston's plantation, on Bull's creek, to the north of Pedee,
where there is a ferry to Euhaney; and the rice is to be there stored,
and the boats kept going until all that is beat out in your district
is carried. From there I will send for it up higher. You must take such
negroes for the boats as belong to those persons who may be with the
enemy, or from those estates which the enemy think forfeited. Gen.
Greene is in want of a number of negroes--say fifty--for the use of
the army. You will collect them in your district, and send them to me;
taking care not to distress any family, but taking them where they can
be best spared. I shall detain those negroes that came up with the
boats you have sent. One boat has arrived, and I have sent to assist
in getting up the others. I beg you would give me intelligence of the
movements of the enemy in Georgetown, and, if possible, their particular
strength: what corps of horse and foot, and how many militia, and if
there are any cannon mounted on their redoubt, and whether they are
making any new works. You will send Capt. W----, and Mr. S----, and all
such men (who have taken, or are suspected of having taken part with the
enemy) to me. You must not suffer any person to carry property where the
enemy has possession, or have any intercourse with them.
I am, with regard, dear Sir,
Your obedient servant,
Francis Marion.
*****
Extract of a Letter from Gen. Marion to Capt. Postell.
_January 19, 1781._
Dear Sir,
Your father may keep the canoe you mention. I have received the
prisoners, by Mr. M'Pherson,* and shall give them the pleasure of seeing
head quarters.
* Depeyster's company of grenadiers.
I am, dear Sir,
Your obedient servant,
Francis Marion.
*****
Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion.
_Camp, on Pedee, Jan. 19, 1781._
Dear Sir,
The enclosed letter, from Capt. Odingsells, came to hand last evening,
I have directed him to apply to you for orders on the subject. I have
detached Major Anderson, with one thousand regulars, and one hundred
Virginia militia, to attack and disperse the tories at Mr. Amy's mill,
on Drowning creek. The party marched yesterday, with orders to endeavour
to surprise them; perhaps you might be able to make some detachment that
would contribute to their success. By the last accounts, Lieut. Col.
Tarleton was in motion, with about one thousand troops, towards Gen.
Morgan, who is in the fork of Broad river. Lord Cornwallis is moving in
force to cover him. I wish your answer respecting the practicability
of surprising the party near Nelson's; the route, and force you will
be able to detach. This inquiry is a matter that requires the greatest
secrecy.
I am, dear Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,
N. Greene.
*****
Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion.
_Camp,* Jan. 22, 1781._
* Camp Hicks.
Sir,
I have received your letter of the 18th, containing an account of the
several little skirmishes between your people and the enemy, which were
clever and do them much honour. I am sorry that so few horses fit for
service are to be had in your quarter, as we are in great want. Get as
many as you can, and let us have fifteen or twenty sent to camp without
loss of time, they being wanted for immediate service. Major Hyrne who
is appointed deputy commissary general of prisoners, has settled the
business with Mr. Walter. I beg you will please to favour me with weekly
returns of the militia serving under you, and the number of horses you
have in service, and the particular duties on which they are employed,
to be made every Monday morning. I also wish separate returns of the
continental troops serving with you, the rank and names of the officers,
and the corps to which they belong.
I am, Sir, Your most obedient servant, N. Greene.
*****
Brig. Gen. Marion to Capt. John Postell.
_January 23, 1781._
Sir,
Particular circumstances make me desire that you will immediately march
all the men under your command to join me at the Kingstree; you must
proceed by forced marches until you come up to me, for no time is to be
lost. Leave your post as secretly as possible, without letting any one
know where you are going, or of your intention to leave it.
I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, Francis Marion.
[Six days after this date Gen. Marion detached Major Postell on the
expedition which we have mentioned, page 91.] [Chapter III Paragraph
7--the party of supernumerary officers, who captured and destroyed
British supplies.--A. L.]
*****
Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion.
_Camp, on Pedee, Jan. 23, 1781._
Dear Sir,
I have the particular pleasure to congratulate you on the entire defeat
of the enemy under Lieut. Col. Tarleton. Major Giles, this moment
arrived, brings the glorious intelligence, which I have the pleasure to
transmit.
On the 17th, at day-break, the enemy consisting of eleven hundred and
fifty British troops, and fifty militia, attacked Gen. Morgan, who was
at the Cowpens, between Pacolet and Broad river, with two hundred and
ninety infantry, eighty cavalry and about six hundred militia. The
action lasted fifty minutes and was remarkably severe. Our brave troops
charged the enemy with bayonets, and entirely routed them, killing near
one hundred and fifty, wounding upwards of two hundred, and taking more
than five hundred prisoners, exclusive of the prisoners with two pieces
of artillery, thirty-five waggons, upwards of one hundred dragoon
horses, and with the loss only of ten men killed and fifty-five wounded.
Our intrepid party pursued the enemy upwards of twenty miles. About
thirty commissioned officers are among the prisoners. Col. Tarleton had
his horse killed and was wounded, but made his escape with two hundred
of his troops. This important intelligence I wish you to communicate to
Lieut. Col. Lee if possible. I have not time to write him. If he has
not attacked Georgetown, I wish he could privately transmit it to the
garrison.
I am with esteem, Your most obedient humble servant, N. Greene.
*****
Extract of a Letter from Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion.
_Camp, on Pedee, Jan. 25, 1781._
Dear Sir,
Your letter of the 20th is before me; before this I hope you have
received the agreeable news of the defeat of Lieut. Col. Tarleton by
Gen. Morgan; after this nothing will appear difficult.
*****
Gen. Huger to Brig. Gen. Marion.
_Camp, Hick's Creek, Jan. 28, 1781._
Dear Sir,
Gen. Greene wishes that you will attempt to cross the Santee, and if
possible reach some of the enemy's magazines and destroy them. I am
persuaded you will not leave any practicable measure unattempted to
effect this business. The execution is left entirely to your judgment
and address.
I am, dear Sir, With much esteem, Your most obedient humble servant, Is.
Huger.
*****
Gen. Marion to Capt. John Postell.
_Cordes' Plantation, Jan. 29, 1781._
Dear Sir,
You will cross Santee river with twenty-five men, and make a forced
march to Watboo bridge, there burn all the British stores of every
kind; it is possible you will find a small guard there, which you may
surprise, but bring no prisoners with you. You will return the same
way, and recross the river at the same place, which must be done before
daylight next morning. After effecting my purpose at Watboo, it will not
be out of your way to come by Monk's corner, and destroy any stores or
waggons you may find there. You can learn from the people at Watboo what
guard there is at the corner; if it should be too strong you will not
attempt that place. In going to Watboo, you must see if there is a
guard at the church; if there is you will shun it; you will consider
provisions of all kinds British property. The destruction of all
the British stores in the above-mentioned places is of the greatest
consequence to us, and only requires boldness and expedition. Take care
that your men do not get at liquor, or clog themselves with plunder so
as to endanger their retreat.
I am with regard, dear Sir, Your obedient servant, Francis Marion.
*****
Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion.
_Camp, at Guilford Court House, Feb. 11, 1781._
Dear Sir,
I received your favour of the 31st ult. and request you to give my
particular thanks to Major and Capt. Postell for the spirit and address
with which they executed your orders over the Santee. Your crossing
the Santee must depend upon your own discretion. I think it would be
attended with many advantages, if it can be executed with safety. Gen.
Sumter is desired to call out all the militia of South Carolina and
employ them in destroying the enemy's stores and perplexing their
affairs in the state. Please to communicate and concert with him your
future operations until we have a better opportunity to have more free
intercourse. Great activity is necessary to keep the spirits of the
people from sinking, as well as to alarm the enemy respecting the safety
of their posts. We formed a junction at this place last night, but
our force is so much inferior to the enemy's that we dare not hazard a
general action if it can be avoided, but I am not certain that it can.
The enemy are within thirty miles of us, up towards the shallow ford on
the Yadkin.
I am, dear Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, N. Greene.
*****
Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion.
_Camp, at Halifax Court House, Virginia, Feb. 16, 1781._
Dear Sir,
I have seen your letter to Gen. Huger of the 6th inst. and am surprised
that Col. Baker or Capt. Snipes should pretend that they had my
directions for crossing the Santee. I beg you will encourage the militia
and engage them to continue their exertions.--If the supplies expected
from the northward arrive in season, we shall be able to assist you. The
movements of the enemy were so rapid, that few of the militia joined us
on our march from Pedee, which reduced us to the necessity of passing
the Dan, or risking an action on very unequal terms. The enemy are upon
the banks of the river, but the people of this country appear to be in
earnest. I hope we shall soon be able to push Lord Cornwallis in turn. I
wrote to you from Guilford, which I hope you have received.
I am, dear Sir, Your most obedient servant, N. Greene.
*****
Gen. Marion to Lieut. Col. Balfour.
_Santee, March 7, 1781._
Sir,
I sent Capt. John Postell with a flag to exchange some prisoners, which
Capt. Saunders, commandant of Georgetown, had agreed to, but contrary to
the law of nations, he has been seized and detained as a prisoner. As
I cannot imagine that his conduct will be approved of by you, I hope
orders will be immediately given to have my flag discharged, or I must
immediately acquaint congress of this violation. The ill consequence of
which it is now in your power to prevent. I am sorry to complain of the
ill treatment my officers and men meet with from Capt. Saunders; the
officers are closely employed in a small place, where they can neither
stand or lie at length, nor have they more than half rations. I have
treated your officers and men who have fallen into my hands in a
different manner. Should these evils not be prevented in future, it will
not be in my power to prevent retaliation. Lord Rawdon and Col. Watson
have hanged three men of my brigade for supposed crimes, which will make
as many of your men in my hands suffer. I hope this will be prevented in
future, for it is my wish to act with humanity and tenderness to those
unfortunate men, the chances of war may throw in my power.
I have the honour to be Your obedient servant, Francis Marion.
*****
Gen. Marion to Col. Watson, of the British.
_Santee, March 7, 1781._
Sir,
Enclosed is a letter which I wish may be forwarded as soon as possible.
I make no doubt but that you will be surprised to see a flag sent at
the head of an armed party. The reason of it is, that Capt. Saunders,
commandant of Georgetown, has violated the law of nations, by taking,
detaining and imprisoning Capt. Postell, who carried prisoners to
exchange, which was agreed to by him. The hanging of prisoners and the
violation of my flag will be retaliated if a stop is not put to such
proceedings, which are disgraceful to all civilized nations. All of your
officers and men who have fallen into my hands, have been treated with
humanity and tenderness; and I wish sincerely that I may not be obliged
to act contrary to my inclinations; but such treatment as my unhappy
followers, whom the chances of war may throw in the hands of my enemies
receive, such may those expect who fall in my hands.
I have the honour to be Your obedient servant, Francis Marion.
*****
Extract of a Letter from Gov. J. Rutledge to Gen. Marion.
_Camp, at Haw River, March 8, 1781._
I have not yet received the blank militia commissions I expected out.
If I do not get some before I arrive at Richmond, I will there have some
printed and transmitted to you. In the mean time you will give brevets,
_and in order that you may carry sufficient authority over the several
officers in your brigade, you may remove any of them, and appoint others
in their stead, from time to time, as you think proper._
*****
Col. N. Balfour to Brig. Gen. Marion.
_Charleston, March 12, 1781._
Sir,
I have received your letter of the 7th inst. respecting the detention of
Capt. John Postell, when charged with a flag of truce to Georgetown,
and complaining of the same as a breach of the law of nations. The best
answer I can return to which is the transmission of his parole, which
will clearly evince that the breach of such law, as well as those of
honour, rest solely with that gentleman, who has acted in a military
capacity when engaged by the most solemn ties to remain in a state of
neutrality.
*****
Col. Balfour to Gen. Marion.
_Charleston, March 21, 1781._
Sir,
I am greatly astonished to find that you have detained one of our
officers,* sent out with a flag of truce to you, and acting under its
sanction; this is indeed an infraction of the laws of nations and of
war, as you complain of in the case of Capt. Postell, and such a one as
if not immediately redressed I shall be obliged to punish in the most
exemplary manner by the severest retaliation. If in this action you
could have alluded to the case of Capt. Postell, my letter of the 12th
inst. must surely have convinced you, how truly dissimilar they are
in every respect; but as from such conduct I must conceive, Sir,
this letter may not have reached you, I now enclose a copy for your
information and conviction. Let me observe, as faith had been violated
by Capt. Postell, he naturally became to us an object for capture and
punishment, under whatsoever circumstances he might be met, and to argue
from his justifiable detention, a right to extend the like to those most
unimpeachably upright in their conduct, is a confounding of right and
wrong, and a violation of all principles under which any intercourse can
subsist between powers at war with each other.
* Capt. Merritt.
I am, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, N. Balfour.
*****
Col. Watson to Gen. Marion.
_Blakely's, March 15, 1781._
Sir,
The very extraordinary method you took of sending the letter I received
from you, makes it rather difficult to guess in what way you mean
to carry on this war, and therefore induces me to take the mode of
addressing you through a neutral person. The bearer is a little boy
of John Witherspoon's. We have an officer and some men wounded, whom I
should be glad to send where they could be better taken care of. I
wish therefore to know if they will be permitted to pass, without
interruption from any of your parties, to Charleston.
Yours, &c. (Signed) John Watson.
P.S.--If you have no objection to their going, you will be so good as to
send a pass for them.
*****
Col. Watson to Gen. Marion.
_Blakely's, March 16, 1781._
Sir,
I do not think it necessary to enter into a detail of your conduct, or
by words to justify our own. Your mentioning that you wished to carry
on the war as usual with civilized nations, led me to mention the
circumstance I did. Care is taken to prevent any thing being taken from
those who do not bear arms against us, or who do not directly assist our
enemies; whatever other people are deprived of we do not call plunder,
but property fairly taken from the enemy; and what cannot be carried
away conveniently we destroy, if we think proper. _The burning of houses
and the property of the inhabitants, who are our enemies, is customary
in all civilized nations._ But further than the distress that is
occasioned to their families, the distressing women and children, is so
far from being countenanced by any officers in our service, that on the
contrary every assistance possible is afforded them.
I am, Sir, Yours, &c. (Signed) John Watson.
*****
Capt. John Saunders to Gen. Marion.
_Georgetown, March 24, 1781._
Sir,
The enclosed were received from Lieut. Col. Balfour, with orders to
forward them to you. There is such an apparent dissimilarity in the
cases of Mr. Merritt and Mr. Postell, that I am confident that Mr.
Merritt will be immediately sent in. I am happy to hear by Capt.
Spencer, who fell into my hands yesterday, that the detention of Mr.
Merritt is occasioned equally by that act as by sending an improper
person with a flag.
I am, Sir, Yours, &c. (Signed) John Saunders, _Commandant, Georgetown._
*****
Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion.
_Camp, Deep River, April 4, 1781._
Dear Sir,
This will be handed to you by Capt. Conyers,* who will inform you what
we have contemplated. He is sent forward to collect provisions for the
subsistence of the army, and I beg you will assist him in this necessary
business. The army will march tomorrow, and I hope you will be prepared
to support its operations with a considerable force; Gen. Sumter is
written to, and I doubt not will be prepared to cooperate with us. The
captain can give you a full history of Lord Cornwallis' manoeuvers
in this state, and of the several skirmishes as well as the battle of
Guilford, which finally terminated in a retreat of the enemy, and his
lordship was obliged in turn to run hastily.
* Soon after Major Conyers.
I am, dear Sir, yours, &c. N. Greene.
*****
Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion.
_Head Quarters, Widow Shoemaker's, April 17, 1781._
Dear Sir,
We are on our march for Camden, and shall be there the day after
tomorrow. I am greatly in the dark respecting the enemy's strength and
situation in South Carolina, and also of Lord Cornwallis' motions. This
last circumstance is of the highest importance to the safety of our
army, and I beg you to communicate to me all the intelligence you can
obtain, and take measures to get all you can. Lieut. Col. Lee is gone
towards the Santee; intelligence to him is as equally necessary as to
me. You will please therefore to send him information accordingly. Do
not spare either time or pains, and forward it as soon as possible.
Your present force and situation I should be glad to have a particular
account of. Please give me an official account of Col. Horry's attack
upon a party of Watson's detachment.
I am, dear Sir, Yours, &c. (Signed) N. Greene.
*****
Extract of a Letter from Col. Harden to Gen. Marion.
_Camp, on Saltketcher, April 17, 1781._
Dear General,
I marched on, and got within sight of Fort Balfour, at Pocotaligo, at
twelve o'clock in the day; I placed my men, and sent ten of the best
horses to draw them out, but luckily Cols. Fenwick and Letchmere were at
Vanberst, and were taken with seven of the dragoons, and brought to
me; the rest were in the fort. I then sent Capt. Harden with a flag, to
demand a surrender of the fort and the men in it; they sent for answer,
they would not give it up. I sent the second time, and told them that
if I was obliged to storm the fort, that I would give no quarter. Col.
Kelsel then desired half an hour to consider. I gave him twenty minutes:
they then agreed to give up the fort on terms which I granted; and in
two hours, the fort with one militia colonel, one major, three captains,
three lieutenants and sixty privates of Col. Fenwick's, one lieutenant
and twenty-two dragoons with their horses, gave up to me, and they
marched out and piled their arms without the abbatis; and I marched in
and took possession of it; and during that night and the next day had it
destroyed.
(Signed) Wm. Harden.
*****
Gen. Marion to Gen. Greene.
_Fort Watson, (Scott's Lake) April 23, 1781._
Sir,
Lieut. Col. Lee made a junction with me at Santee, the 14th inst. after
a rapid march from Ramsay's mill, on Deep river, which he performed in
eight days. The 15th we marched to this place and invested it. Our hope
was to cut off their water. Some riflemen and continentals immediately
took post between the fort and the lake. The fort is situated on a small
hill, forty feet high, stockaded, and with three rows of abbatis around
it. No trees near enough to cover our men from their fire. The third day
after we had invested it, we found the enemy had sunk a well near the
stockade, which we could not prevent them from; as we had no entrenching
tools to make our approach, we immediately determined to erect a work
equal in height to the fort. This arduous work was completed this
morning by Major Maham, who undertook it. We then made a lodgment on
the side of the mount near the stockade. This was performed with great
spirit and address by Ensign Johnson and Mr. Lee, a volunteer in Col.
Lee's legion, who with difficulty ascended the hill and pulled away the
abbatis, which induced the commandant to hoist a flag; and Col. Lee and
myself agreed to the enclosed capitulation, which I hope may be
approved of by you. Our loss on this occasion is two killed, and three
continentals and three militia wounded. I am particularly indebted to
Col. Lee for his advice and indefatigable diligence in every part of
these tedious operations, against as strong a little post as could be
well made, and on the most advantageous spot that could be wished for.
The officers and men of the legion and militia, performed every thing
that could be expected, and Major Maham, of my brigade, had, in a
particular manner, a great share of this success, by his unwearied
diligence, in erecting a tower which principally occasioned the
reduction of the fort. In short, Sir, I have had the greatest assistance
from every one under my command. Enclosed is a list of the prisoners and
stores taken, and I shall, without loss of time, proceed to demolish the
fort; after which I shall march to the High Hills of Santee, encamp at
Capt. Richardson's, and await your orders.
(Signed) Francis Marion.
*****
Extract of a Letter from Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion.
_Camp, before Camden, April 24, 1781._
Dear Sir,
I thank you for the measures you have taken to furnish us with
provisions, and for the intelligence you communicate. A field piece is
coming to your assistance, which I hope will enable you and Col. Lee
to get possession of the fort. With the artillery you will receive one
hundred pounds of powder and four hundred pounds of lead; I wish my
present stock would enable me to forward you a larger supply, but it
will not, having sent you nearly half we have.
(Signed) N. Greene.
*****
Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion.
_Head Quarters, before Camden, April 26, 1781._
Dear Sir,
I have to acknowledge the receipt of your two letters, dated 23d and
25th inst. I congratulate you on your success against Fort Watson.
The articles of capitulation I highly approve of, and feel myself
particularly indebted to you, and all the officers and men under you,
for their spirit, perseverance and good conduct upon the occasion. The
enemy advanced upon us yesterday and gave us battle. The conflict was
short, and seemed at one time to promise us advantage; but we were
obliged to retire and give up the field; though without material loss.
We are now within five miles of Camden, and shall closely invest it in a
day or two again. That we may be enabled to operate with more certainty
against this post, I should be glad you would move up immediately to our
assistance, and take post on the north side of the town. I have detached
a field piece to your assistance, with an escort of a few continental
troops under the command of Major Eaton. I should be glad you would send
them a guide and conduct them to your camp.
I am, Sir, With great esteem and respect, Yours, &c. (Signed) N. Greene.
P.S.--I should be glad you would move up within seven miles of Camden.
*****
Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion.
_Camp, at Cornal's Creek, May 9, 1781._
Dear Sir,
I am favoured with yours of the 6th instant. I am sorry the militia are
deserting,* because there is no greater support. If they were influenced
by proper principles, and were impressed with a love of liberty and a
dread of slavery, they would not shrink at difficulties. If we had a
force sufficient to recover the country, their aid would not be wanted,
and they cannot be well acquainted with their true interest to desert
us, because they conceive our force unequal to the reduction of the
country without their consent. I shall be always happy to see you at
head quarters, but cannot think you seriously mean to solicit leave to
go to Philadelphia. It is true your task has been disagreeable, but
not more so than others. It is now going on seven years since the
commencement of this war. I have never had leave of absence an hour,
nor paid the least attention to my own private affairs. Your state is
invaded; your all is at stake; what has been done will signify nothing
unless we persevere to the end. I left a wife in distress and every
thing dear and valuable, to come and afford you all the assistance in my
power, and if you leave us in the midst of our difficulties, while you
have it so much in your power to promote the service, it must throw a
damp upon the spirits of the army, to find that the first men in the
state are retiring from the busy service, to indulge themselves in more
agreeable amusements. However, your reasons for wishing to decline the
command of the militia, may be more pressing than I imagine. I will
therefore, add nothing more upon this subject till I see you. My reasons
for writing so pressingly respecting the dragoons, was from the distress
we were in. It is not my wish to take the horses from the militia if
it will injure the public service--the effects and consequences you can
better judge of than I can. You have rendered important service to the
public with the militia under your command, and done great honour to
yourself; and I would not wish to render your situation less agreeable
with them, unless it is to answer some very great purpose; and this I
persuade myself you would agree to from a desire to promote the public
good. I wish you success in the fort you are besieging. Lord Rawdon was
out yesterday; we had the night before taken a new position on Sawney's
creek, and I imagine he came out to attack, expecting to find us on the
Twenty-five mile creek. We did not like the position on Sawney's creek
to risk an action on, and therefore took a new one at this place,
leaving the horse, light infantry and picketts at the old encampment;
the enemy came and drew up on the other side of the creek, but did not
attempt to cross, and retired into Camden before night. We are in
daily expectation of a large reinforcement of Virginia militia and some
continental troops; when those arrive we shall push our operations with
more vigour. No further news of Lord Cornwallis.
* This letter is an answer to one of Marion's, (which is
missing,) soon after his arrival at Fort Watson, with only
eighty men. See page 109. [Chapter III Paragraph 26. See
Simms for more complete details.--A. L.]
I am, Sir, With the highest esteem and regard, Yours, &c. N. Greene.
*****
Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion.
_Camp, before Ninety-Six, June 10, 1781._
Dear Sir,
I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favours of the 22d and 29th
ult. It gives me great pleasure to hear the enemy have left Georgetown,
and I am of opinion with you, that it will be attended with many good
consequences to that part of the country. After you have dismantled
the enemy's works, you will collect your force, take the position you
mentioned, and act in conjunction with Gen. Sumter, agreeable to the
advice I gave you before. I have the pleasure to congratulate you on the
reduction of the enemy's fort at Augusta. This event took place on the
7th inst. by capitulation; and I hope in a few days to have the pleasure
of congratulating you on the reduction of this place; but we are opposed
to many difficulties, and the garrison resists with great obduracy.
I am, Sir, With every sentiment of respect and esteem, Yours, &c. N.
Greene.
*****
Extract of a Letter from Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion.
_Head Quarters, near Sandy River, June 25, 1781._
Dear Sir,
I am favoured with your letter dated at the Congaree. The enemy have
obliged us to raise the siege of Ninety-Six, when it was upon the eve
of surrendering. It was my wish to have fought Lord Rawdon before he
reached Ninety-Six, and could I have collected your force and that
of Gen. Sumter and Pickens, I would have done it: and am persuaded we
should have defeated him; but being left alone, I was obliged to retire.
(Signed) N. Greene.
Finis.
Notes:
(1) About this etext.
(2) A. S. Salley's Introduction from the 1948 edition.
(3) For the purists: A list of changes and corrections to the text.
(1) About this etext.
This etext was prepared from the original 1821 edition and the 1948
edition. In the case of any differences in the text, the 1821 edition
was used, except where there was an obvious mistake (see the section for
the purists). Although the 1948 edition maintained the original text
as far as possible, a few errors crept in--only one which changed the
meaning of the text, and only in a minor way. This etext was transcribed
twice, and electronically compared using "diff". This weeds out most
errors, so that, with the correction of a number of errors in the
original, this is very likely the cleanest copy to date.
As far as I can tell, the original text has only been published twice
in unaltered form: in 1821 (Gould and Riley, Charleston, S. C.) and in
1948. That made it very difficult to find this text. I am indebted to
the following for their help in procuring these:
The librarians in the Southern Literature section at the Public Library
in Birmingham, Alabama, for helping me in the search for the 1821
edition.
Carolyn Lancaster, (lancaster_carolyn/furman@furman.edu) a Library
Assistant at the Special Collections Department, Furman University
Library, Greenville, South Carolina, for kindly aiding me to acquire
a photocopy of the 1821 edition. (The Collection contains the South
Carolina Baptist materials and Furman University Archives and older,
non-circulating, "rare books", such as this one.) Phone: (864) 294-2194.
Fax: (864) 294-3004. Mail: Special Collections, Furman University
Library, 3300 Poinsett Hwy., Greenville, SC 29613. Web:
http://carolus.furman.edu/library/welcome
Gary M. Johnson, at the Library of Congress (gjohnson@mail.loc.gov), for
a great deal of help, including a copy of the 1948 edition. The online
Library of Congress catalog is at: http://lcweb.loc.gov/
This etext was prepared by Alan Robert Light
(alight@mercury.interpath.net), who, as a former member of the South
Carolina National Guard, has a special interest in the subject. Two
related works are already online, available from Project Gutenberg and
perhaps from other sources. http://www.cs.cmu.edu/Web/books.html is a
good site. They are the biographies of Francis Marion by the Rev. Mason
Locke Weems and by William Gilmore Simms. The Weems biography is full of
errors, and is more useful as literature than as history. Weems is the
same author who invented the anecdote about George Washington and
the Cherry Tree. William Gilmore Simms was a prominent South Carolina
author, who wrote many books of history, fiction, and poetry. His 1844
biography of Marion is the broadest in scope of the three, and probably
the best for the casual reader. Of course, the interested reader should
read all three biographies.
(The information on Web pages, etc. is correct as of 21 May 1997.)
(2) A. S. Salley's Introduction from the 1948 edition.
A. S. Salley wrote several works of genealogy and S. C. local history.
He also wrote this short introduction to the 1948 edition, which we have
checked, and IS in the public domain.
Introduction to New Edition.
By A. S. Salley.
But for an accident General Francis Marion probably would not have been
the hero of the Revolution that he became.
In June, 1775, the Provincial Congress of South Carolina, the
extra-legal body of the revolting people of the province, organized
three regiments of regular troops in preparation against any attempt at
coercion by the British government. The first and second regiments were
constituted as infantry, or foot; the third regiment as rangers, or
horse.
The Congress elected twenty captains to man the first and second
regiments, and they took seniority according to their standing in the
vote. Francis Marion was elected one of the twenty captains and stood
third in the balloting and was assigned to the Second Regiment, ranking
second to Capt. Barnard Elliott.
In November, 1775, an artillery regiment was organized and Capt. Elliott
was promoted to major thereof. In February, 1776, a regiment of rifles
was organized and Major McIntosh of the Second was promoted to be
lieutenant-colonel thereof, which advanced Captain Marion to the
majority of the Second Regiment.
On September 16, 1776, the six regular regiments of South Carolina were
taken on the Continental Establishment and Colonel William Moultrie,
of the Second Regiment, was promoted to brigadier general;
Lieutenant-Colonel Motte was promoted to colonel and Major Marion became
the lieutenant-colonel. Colonel Motte resigned September 23, 1778, and
Marion became commander of the regiment.
As British regiments were commanded by lieutenant-colonels, British
authorities refused to exchange a captured Continental colonel for
one of their lieutenant-colonels in the hands of the Americans.
This complication caused the Continental Congress to cease
promoting lieutenant-colonels to colonels, and so Marion remained
as lieutenant-colonel of the Second Regiment, South Carolina Line,
Continental Establishment, until mustered out of the service in
February, 1783.
While a British fleet and army were besieging Charles Town March 28
- May 12, 1780, Lieutenant Colonel Marion sprained an ankle, which
rendered him unfit for active duty. Soon after General Lincoln published
an order furloughing him to his plantation until able to resume active
duty, but Charles Town was captured before Marion was able to return.
When General Gates was sent down to Hillsboro, North Carolina, to
take command of the Southern Army he published an order directing
all Continental officers and men not on parole to report to him at
Hillsboro. Marion was the senior officer of South Carolina to report.
His regiment having been captured with the garrison of Charles Town
Marion was without a command. He was directed by Gates to go down to the
Santee River and assemble a militia force and destroy the ferry boats
on the river to prevent the British from retreating to Charles Town or
receiving aid therefrom. Marion found a willing force of militia at hand
on the Santee with which he speedily drove off the guard at Murray's
Ferry and captured the guard at Nelson's Ferry and also captured a
convoy from Cornwallis's army taking American prisoners to Charles Town.
From then on he was very active. In November, 1780, Governor Rutledge
appointed him brigadier general of the Lower Brigade of the State
militia and his activity knew no bounds from then to the end of the war.
This history of Marion's career thereafter, accurately and authentically
tells the story, for Judge James, its author, was one of Marion's active
officers.
Perhaps Marion's highly meritorious services would never have received
the widespread attention that has been accorded them had it not been for
a fictitious publication issued in 1809 by Matthew Carey, a well known
publisher, of Philadelphia, entitled: _The / Life / of / Gen. Francis
Marion, / a Celebrated / Partizan Officer, / in / The Revolutionary War,
/ against the / British and Tories, in South-Carolina and Georgia._ From
documents furnished by his brother in arms, Brigadier-General P. Horry:
and his nephew, the Hon. Robert Marion, Esq. of Congress.
General Peter Horry, who had been one of Marion's most active colonels,
had written a history of Marion's brigade, but had not readily found
a publisher when he encountered Rev. Mason L. Weems, an itinerant
book agent and preacher. Weems persuaded Horry to let him have the
manuscript, assuring him that he would secure a publisher. Horry agreed,
but admonished Weems "not to alter the sense or meaning of my work,
least when it came out I might not know it; and, perverted, it might
convey a very different meaning from the truth." Those were Horry's
own words to Weems, as recalled by Horry to Weems in a letter dated at
Georgetown, S.C., February 4, 1811.
In the same letter he reminded Weems: "I requested you would (if
necessary) so far alter the work as to make it read grammatically, and I
gave you leave to embellish the work, but entertained not the least
idea of what has happened though several of my friends were under such
apprehensions, which caused my being urgent on you not to alter as above
mentioned."... "Nor have the public received the real history of
General Marion. You have carved and mutilated it with so many
erroneous statements your embellishments, observation and remarks,
must necessarily be erroneous as proceeding from false grounds. Most
certainly 'tis not my history, but your romance."... "Can you suppose I
can be pleased with reading particulars (though so elevated, by you) of
Marion and myself, when I know such never existed."
The book has been through scores of editions and printings and the
falsehoods that Weems concocted--sometimes in malice--have been
accepted as truth and retold throughout the United States and used
in encyclopaedias and text books, government reports and political
speeches. As a result, Marion has been honored by having counties
and towns named for him to an extent equalled or surpassed by few of
America's greatest men.
Judge James's book had but a limited circulation and it has long been a
very scarce book; hence it has not been the factor it should have been
in correcting the fabrications in Weems's book.
Judge James's book is not entirely free from error. He begins his first
chapter with the statement: "Francis Marion was born at Winyaw, near
Georgetown, South-Carolina, in the year 1732." Marion's family had
no connection with Georgetown until six or seven years after Marion's
birth, when his father moved with his family to that town from St.
John's Parish, Berkeley, where he had resided since marriage. His wife's
family resided in the adjoining St. James's Parish, Goose Creek, and,
as there is no definite record of the place of Marion's birth, it could
have been at the home of either family. The year of his birth cannot be
fixed as 1732. The inscription on his tombstone gives the date of his
death as February 27, 1795, "in the sixty-third year of his age." If he
had been born at any time between January 1st and February 26, 1733, he
would have been in the 63rd year of his age February 27, 1795.
(3) For the purists: A list of changes and corrections to the text.
The following changes in spelling were made, to update them. In some
cases, both spellings were used, or an odd spelling was only used in one
distinguishable section of the text. They are listed more or less in the
order they appeared in the text.
South-Carolina > South Carolina
Broad-Street > Broad Street
North-Carolina > North Carolina
Major Weymss > Major Wemyss (both spellings given in the original)
These spellings appeared only in the quotations from Lawson:
staid > stayed
turkies > turkeys
hickorynuts > hickory nuts
West-Indies > West Indies
Hugonots > Huguenots
(The correct spelling is the latter, but the former spelling
may have some connection with the common American mispronunciation,
as "Hyoo-go-nots", rather than "Hyoo-ga-nose".)
intreaties > entreaties
Great-Britain > Great Britain
co-operate > cooperate
ancle > ankle
controul > control (both spellings given in text)
shew > show
New-Orleans > New Orleans
dispair > despair (extract from Lincoln's letter, chapter I)
Port-Royal > Port Royal
New-York > New York
Lenud's-ferry > Lenud's ferry (both spellings given in text)
Black-Mingo > Black Mingo
harrassed > harassed
adviseable > advisable
New-Jersey > New Jersey
Goose-Creek > Goose Creek
Wyley > Wiley (both spellings in a footnote, only Wiley in the text)
downfal > downfall
three pounders > three-pounders
alledged > alleged
swoln > swollen
six pounder > six-pounder
intreat > entreat (Gen. Greene's letter, Chapter III)
New-England > New England
True-Blue > True Blue
All-Saints > All Saints
These spellings appeared only in the Appendix:
Your's > Yours
inclose > enclose
Frequently the hyphen was omitted from numbers, but not always.
A few specific cases:
twenty five > twenty-five
twenty four > twenty-four
seventy five > seventy-five
thirty five > thirty-five
also:
coersion > coercion (in Salley's introduction)
Corrections to the 1821 text:
Moultrie himself was more too blame > Moultrie himself was more to blame
Chapter I Paragraph 6 ^^
Maj. Benjamin Huger, an active officer, a wise statesmen, > statesman
Chapter I Paragraph 7 ^
113 men were killed of the American's > of the Americans
Chapter II Paragraph 7 ^^
abhored either submission or vassalage > abhorred either...
Chapter II Paragraph 8 ^^
in the the praise of his father. > in the praise of his father.
Chapter II Paragraph 16 ^^^
and join Gen. Green > and join Gen. Greene
Chapter II Paragraph 19 ^
moving up for that pupose > moving up for that purpose
Chapter II Paragraph 19 ^
in the case of his country > in the cause of his country
Chapter II Paragraph 24 ^
and and marching two or three hours > and marching two or three hours
Chapter II Paragraph 25 ^^^
two days and an half > two days and a half
Chapter II, Detached Narratives Paragraph 4
from Winnsborourgh > from Winnsborough
Chapter III Paragraph 4 ^^
and and executed the order with great gallantry > and executed the order...
Chapter III Paragraph 4 ^^^
As the navigation of the Wateree river was as that time > at that time
Chapter III Paragraph 11 ^^
these were, however soon rallied > these were, however, soon rallied
Chapter III Paragraph 17 ^
they run to their arms and returned.... > they ran to their arms
Chapter III Paragraph 22 ^
with forces much impairied by the incessant > with forces much impaired
Chapter III Paragraph 28 ^^
so strongly recommended by Machiavel > by Machiavelli
Chapter III Paragraph 33 ^^
encouraged the garrison for awhile > for a while
Chapter III Paragraph 34 ^^
a new charge, made by Rowdon and Balfour themselves > Rawdon and Balfour
Chapter III Paragraph 41 ^
by some mistaken order be had gone to assist Washington > he had gone
Chapter III Paragraph 46 ^
Thus a most favourabe opportunity > Thus a most favourable opportunity
Chapter III Paragraph 46 ^
would have preplexed the narrative > would have perplexed the narrative
Chapter III Paragraph 53 ^^
with the officers. commanding of thirty-eight men. > officers, commanding
Chapter III, Detached Narratives Paragraph 5 ^^
supernumerary officers, who placed themseves > who placed themselves
Chapter III, Detached Narratives Paragraph 7 ^
an extensive avenue of old ceder trees > old cedar trees
Chapter IV Paragraph 13 ^
with a salary of about 500_l_. > with a salary of about 500 pounds.
(This change has been made only to avoid confusion.) ^^^^^^
Chapter IV Paragraph 20
Final Notes:
The format, but not the content, of quoted letters has been slightly
changed to accommodate the format of the etext.
Footnotes added by myself are always initialed (A. L.), unless they
merely note the chapter and paragraph corresponding to a page number
given in the text.