Chapter II. CAMPAIGN OF 1780.

Sir Henry Clinton arrives with an army of 12,000 men in

South Carolina. The General Assembly sitting in Charleston,

break up. Gen. Lincoln shuts himself up in the town, and

Clinton lays siege to it. Before the town is entirely hemmed

in, Marion dislocates his ankle, and retires into the

country. The town capitulates. Tarleton's career of

slaughter. Defeat of Gen. Huger at Monk's Corner and of

Buford at the Waxhaws. Rising of the people in

Williamsburgh, and at Pedee. Gen. Marion sent to them as a

commander. Gates, defeat. Marion retakes 150 American

prisoners at Nelson's Ferry. Maj. Wemyss sent against him;

he retreats to the White Marsh, in North Carolina. Returns

and defeats the tories at Black Mingo and the fork of Black

river. Attempt on Georgetown frustrated. Marion takes post

at Snow Island. Sumter's career. Ferguson's defeat. Spirit

of the whigs begins to revive.

The year 1780, was the most eventful one, in the annals of South

Carolina. The late failure of the attack on Savannah; the little

opposition which Gen. Prevost met with, in a march of more than one

hundred miles through the state; the conduct of the planters, in

submitting, to save their property; and the well known weakness of

the southern army; all conspired to induce the enemy to believe, that

Charleston, and South Carolina, would become an easy prey. Sir Henry

Clinton, their commander in chief, meditating a formidable expedition

against them; with this view sailed from New York on the 26th December,

1779, with an army, which, with subsequent reinforcements amounted to

about 12,000 men. To oppose this great force, Gen. Lincoln had not more

than two thousand, a great part of which was militia. His head quarters

were in Charleston, where the general assembly were setting in calm

deliberation, for they had not yet heard of the rising storm. Lieut.

Col. Marion, had command of the out-post of this little army, at

Sheldon, near Pocotaligo, where he had orders to watch the motions of

Prevost, and prevent him from obtaining supplies of provisions, from the

Carolina side of Savannah river. It was expected he was to remain here

for some time, and great confidence was reposed in him, by Gen. Lincoln,

as appears by his letters, at this period. The British had a tedious

passage, in which they lost part of their ordnance, most of their

artillery, and all the horses, destined to mount their cavalry. On the

11th Feb. 1780, they landed about thirty miles from Charleston. The

assembly sitting there, immediately broke up, after delegating, "till

ten days after their next session, to John Rutledge, and such of his

council as he could conveniently consult, a power to do every thing

necessary for the public good; except the taking away the life of a

citizen, without a legal trial." This was nearly the same power, with

which the senate of Rome, invested their dictators. But a resolution,

fatal in its consequences, was unanimously adopted by this assembly:

namely, to defend the town to the utmost extremity. The power,

thus delegated to the governor and council, was carried into effect

afterwards, with vigour, and with what would now be thought an

infraction of private rights. But in the spirit of the times, and the

public situation, such vigour was necessary. The governor's council, was

composed of upright and virtuous men, and John Rutledge was one of the

most distinguished sons, to whom South Carolina has given birth. His

eloquence was proverbial, both in congress, and at home. It was that of

Demosthenes, concise, energetic, and commanding. There was something in

his very manner, and the tone of his voice, that riveted the attention

of his audience. They stood subdued before him. He swayed the councils

of the state, he swayed the councils of the general who commanded the

southern army: and if he erred, he erred with a good conscience, and

from the purest motives.

The first order issued by Governor Rutledge, was, to call out the

drafted militia, for the defence of the town, under pain of confiscation

of property. This order was but partially obeyed;--the militia, who were

friendly to the cause, had been much harassed in the last campaign, and

it was generally known that the small-pox was in the town. At the same

time, the governor sent out many influential officers, to secure the

execution of his first order; and though intended only to operate for

the present, this last order was in time productive of a fortunate

result; as these officers afterwards headed the people. In the mean

time, Gen. Lincoln had ordered Lieut. Col. Marion to select two hundred

men, out of the three regiments with him, at Sheldon, and to march

immediately to town. (31st Jan.) No troops were to be left in the field

but two hundred light infantry, and the horse under Col. Washington.

Marion repaired to town, according to orders; but before the garrison

was hemmed in by the enemy, he, by accident, in attempting to escape

from a drinking party, dislocated his ankle. Gen. Lincoln had issued an

order, "that all supernumerary officers, and all officers who were

unfit for duty, must quit the garrison, and retire into the country."

In consequence of this order, Marion retired to St. John's. He was

afterwards obliged to move about, from house to house, as favoured by

friends, and often to hide in the woods, until he got better; but, as

soon as he was able, he collected a few friends, and joined Gen. De

Kalb, who was then advancing, with about fourteen hundred men, of the

Maryland and Delaware troops, towards South Carolina. The correspondence

of Gen. Horry here breaks off suddenly; and we hear no more of Marion

for five months. But an accident, which must have appeared to him a

great misfortune, at the time, was afterwards productive of the most

happy effects. Another has been noted only a few pages back.

In the mean time, the enemy proceeded cautiously in the siege of

Charleston. They formed a depot on James Island, and erected a

fortification on it, and the main, near Wappoo cut. On the 28th of

March they crossed Ashley river, near the ferry, and made a lodgement in

Charleston neck. Col. Laurens, with the light infantry, skirmished with

them; but, as they greatly exceeded him in numbers, he was obliged to

retire within the lines. On the night of the 1st of April, Sir Henry

Clinton commenced his first parallel, at the distance of eleven hundred

yards from the American works. On the 7th, twelve sail of the enemy's

ships passed Fort Moultrie, under a heavy fire. The garrison had been

assiduous in preparing for defence; the old works were strengthened, and

lines and redoubts were extended from Ashley to Cooper river. A strong

abbatis was made in front, and a deep, wet ditch was opened from

the marsh on one side, to that on the other, and the lines were so

constructed as to rake it. On the 10th, the enemy had completed their

first parallel, and Gen. Lincoln was summoned to surrender; but refused.

All attempts at removing the force besieged, out of the town, had, while

it was practicable, been opposed by the governor and council, and the

officers of the South Carolina troops; and Gen. Lincoln, had not the

resolution to counteract them. At length it was thought advisable, that

the governor and three of his council should leave the town; and that

Lieut. Gov. Gadsden and five others should remain. The ships of war, in

the harbour of Charleston, being quite inadequate to oppose the

force which had passed Fort Moultrie, were divested of their guns, to

reinforce the batteries, and were sunk nearly opposite the exchange, to

impede the passage of the enemy up Cooper river. Soon after this, Sir

Henry Clinton, being reinforced by two thousand five hundred men,

under Lord Cornwallis, pushed them over Cooper river, and enclosed the

besieged on the side of St. Thomas' parish and Christ church; and the

town was now completely invested by land and water. About this time, the

American forces in the field having been defeated, as hereafter to be

narrated, and the British having completed their second parallel, an

offer to capitulate was made by Lincoln, to Sir Henry Clinton, and

rejected. The batteries of the besiegers, having now obtained a decided

superiority over those of the besieged, when the third parallel had

opened its cannonade, and the British having crossed the wet ditch

by sap, they opened a fire of rifles within twenty-five yards of the

Americans. The caution of Sir Henry Clinton, in advancing so slowly, had

been extreme, and the unsuspecting security of the Americans was still

great; but Gen. Duportail, a French officer of engineers, having arrived

in town before the communication was closed with the country, declared,

that the works of the besieged were not tenable, and might have been

stormed ten days before. This disclosed his true situation, and induced

Gen. Lincoln to listen to a capitulation, which was proposed to him on

the 8th of May. From that until the 10th, the negociation was continued.

On the 11th, the capitulation was agreed to, and, on the next day, the

Americans marched out and grounded their arms. After a siege of a month

and fourteen days, 2500 men submitted to an army of 12,000; and it

was only surprising they held out so long. The continental troops and

sailors were to remain prisoners of war until exchanged; the militia

were permitted to return home as prisoners on parole, which, as long

as they observed it, should secure them from being molested in their

property.

On the morning, when the Americans had paraded to surrender, tears were

seen coursing down the cheeks of Gen. Moultrie.

The loss of the Americans, in the siege, was not great; only five

officers of distinction: Col. Parker, and Capts. Bowman, Moultrie,

Templeton and Neyle, were killed. During the siege, Gen. Lincoln called

two councils of war, to devise the means of retreating from the

town, but all attempts of that kind were opposed, first by the civil

authority, next by the South Carolina officers, and finally by the

inhabitants. He ought not to have entered the town; he had the example

of the illustrious Washington before him, who had declined to act in

that manner, and had thus preserved the independence of his country. The

American army acting in the country, would have kept up the spirits

of the militia, and kept the British from mounting their cavalry, and

gaining supplies of provisions, with such ease as they did. Although

Lincoln's force was small, it was at least equal to that of Gen.

Washington, when he retreated over the Delaware, in 1776. The country

was not so open, and more fit for a partisan warfare, than New Jersey,

and in a few months the climate would have fought his battles. It was

not intended by the author to narrate the particulars of the siege of

Charleston; these have been detailed by the enlightened historian of

South Carolina, Dr. Ramsay. But the effects of it upon the minds of the

people in the country, come more particularly within his province; since

they would hereafter be disposed to act according as they were affected,

by passing incidents. There being now no force in the field, but the

two hundred light infantry, under Gen. Huger, and the horse under

Col. Washington; which were those mentioned in Lincoln's order to Gen.

Marion; the British were suffered to detach small parties through the

country, and to take all the horses which were fit, either to transport

their cannon and baggage, or to mount their cavalry. In one month after

their landing, Col. Tarleton had his legion mounted, and began his

career of slaughter. On the 18th March, he surprised a party of

80 militia, at Saltketcher bridge, killed and wounded several, and

dispersed the rest. On the 23d, he put to flight another party at

Ponpon, killed three, wounded one, and took four prisoners. On the 27th,

near Rantowle's bridge, he had a rencounter with Col. Washington, at the

head of his legion of 300 men; Tarleton was worsted in this affair, and

lost seven men, prisoners. On the 13th April, the American infantry and

cavalry under Gen. Huger, lay, the infantry at Biggen church, and the

cavalry under Col. Washington, at Monk's corner. Col. Tarleton with

Ferguson's corps of marksmen, advanced on from the quarter-house to

Goose Creek, where he was joined by Col. Webster, with the 33d and

64th regiments of infantry. There an attack upon the American post was

concerted, and it was judged advisable to make it in the night, as that

would render the superiority of Washington's cavalry useless. A servant

of one of Huger's officers was taken on the road, and he agreed for a

few dollars, to conduct the enemy through a by-road, to Monk's corner.

At three o'clock in the morning, they charged Washington's guard on the

main road, and pursued them into the camp. The Americans were completely

surprised. Major Vernier, of Pulaski's legion, and twenty-five men, were

killed. One hundred officers, and dragoons, fifty waggons loaded with

ammunition, clothing and arms, and four hundred horses, with their

accoutrements, were taken. A most valuable acquisition to the British.

Major Cochrane with the British legion of infantry, forced the passage

at Biggen bridge, and drove Gen. Huger and the infantry before him.--In

this affair, Major James Conyers, of the Americans, distinguished

himself by a skilful retreat, and by calling off the attention of the

enemy from his sleeping friends, to himself. The British had only one

officer and two men wounded. The account of the loss of the Americans in

this affair, is taken from Tarleton, who blames "the injudicious conduct

of the American commander, who besides making a false disposition of his

corps, by placing his cavalry in front of the bridge, during the night,

and his infantry in the rear, neglected sending patroles in front of his

videttes." In this surprise, the British made free use of the bayonet,

the houses in Monk's corner, then a village, were afterwards deserted,

and long bore the marks of deadly thrust, and much bloodshed. Col. White

soon after took the command of the American cavalry, but with no better

fortune. On the 5th May, he took a British officer and seventeen men of

the legion, at Ball's plantation, near Strawberry, in the morning,

and pushed back twenty-five miles, to Lenud's ferry, on Santee. While

crossing there, Tarleton surprised him, at three in the afternoon; who

states, that five officers and 36 men of the Americans were killed and

wounded, and seven officers and sixty dragoons were taken; while he lost

only two men, and retook his dragoons. Cols. White and Washington, Major

Jamieson, and several officers and men, escaped by swimming the river,

but many perished in the like attempt.* Thus the American corps of

cavalry and infantry, in the open field, was completely annihilated, and

from the Saltketcher to the Santee, a distance of one hundred and twenty

miles, either terror or a general depression of spirits, had spread

through the country. What served to increase this, was the cannonade

at the town. This was a novel thing in South Carolina, and along water

courses, it was heard more than one hundred miles. In that distance,

there were but few families, who had not a husband, father, brother or

son in the garrison; and these listened to the sound, with the deepest

anxiety, and, as was natural, with no little despondency.

* Two boys, Francis G. Deliesseline and Samuel Dupre, had

the boldness to undertake, and did recover fourteen of

White's cavalry horses from the British, and delivered them

to Major Jamieson in Georgetown, refusing a reward he

offered.

As soon as the town had surrendered, Lord Cornwallis, with 2500 men, and

five field pieces, marched from St. Thomas' to Nelson's ferry. Thence

he detached Tarleton, with 700 infantry and cavalry, in quest of Gen.

Caswell and Col. Buford, who had been approaching to the relief of

Charleston, with about 700 militia, and between 3 and 400 continentals.

At Camden, Caswell, with the militia, quitted Buford, who then commanded

the continentals, and retreated by the way of Pedee. Buford's regiment

was soon after placed under the command of Gen. Huger, as an escort to

Gov. Rutledge, then at Camden; and was detained, with a fatal security,

by the general, for two days in that place. And so much off their guard,

were our rulers themselves, that Gov. Rutledge, and his council, were

soon after hospitably entertained, at Clermont, by Col. Rugely, an

Englishman, professedly opposed to the American cause. At midnight,

he woke them up, advised them of Tarleton's approach, and with some

difficulty, persuaded them to escape; at daylight, Tarleton arrived at

Clermont. That morning, Huger gave up the command again to Buford,

and took the Charlotte road, with the governor and his two remaining

council, Daniel Huger and John L. Gervais. Buford proceeded on rapidly,

upon the Salisbury road, and from circumstances, his baggage waggons

must have been sent on before he took the command again, that morning;

otherwise, in making the very quick march he did, they must have been

left far in his rear. But Tarleton blames him, for sending them ahead,

because they might have served him as a rampart, and other historians

have adopted his account. After a pursuit of one hundred miles, in

fifty-four hours, Tarleton approached Buford, about forty miles from

Camden, and twenty-six from Clermont; and dispatched Capt. David Kinloch

with a flag, summoning him to surrender upon the terms granted to the

garrison of Charleston. Buford called a council of his officers, who

deeming it a deception, he continued his march. In the afternoon,

Tarleton overtook him, unfortunately, in an open wood, and cut to pieces

his rear guard. At the sound of his bugle, Buford drew up his men, all

infantry; but Capt. Carter, (not Benjamin,) who commanded his artillery,

and led the van, continued his march. Tarleton advanced, with his

infantry in the centre, and his cavalry on the wings. He was checked by

Buford's fire; but the cavalry wheeling, gained his rear. Seeing no hope

of any longer making a defence, Buford sent Ensign Cruitt with a flag

of truce, and grounded his arms. Disregarding the flag, and the rules

of civilized warfare, Tarleton cut Cruitt down, and charged upon

Buford, with his cavalry in the rear; while Maj. Cochrane, an infuriated

Scotchman, rushed with fixed bayonets, in front. A few of Buford's men,

resumed their arms, and fired, when the British were within ten steps,

but with little effect;* as might have been expected, from what has been

stated.

* See Dr. Brownfield's account of this affair, which throws

more light upon it, than any thing heretofore written.

Appendix, p. 1. To paliate his conduct, Tarleton has written

a most partial account of it, which has been followed by

Moultrie, and substantially by Ramsay. The faults committed

by Buford, he says, were his sending his baggage ahead, and

not firing till the cavalry were within ten steps.--But

Buford, notwithstanding all the odium excited against him by

his ill fortune, was tried by a court martial, and

acquitted. Tarleton excuses his cruelty, by stating, that

his horse was knocked down, at the first fire: and his men,

thinking him killed, to avenge his death, were more

sanguinary than usual, and he was unable, from that

circumstance, for a while to restrain them. But Lord

Cornwallis approved the whole, and praised and caressed

Tarleton, while he was fortunate.

Buford's regiment was entirely broken by the charge, no quarters were

given by the British; 113 men were killed of the Americans, and 151 so

badly wounded as to be left on the ground. This was nearly two thirds of

the whole American force, according to Tarleton's own account; and

the manner in which those left on the ground were mangled, is told, by

others, as horrible. No habitation was near, but the lone cabin of a

poor widow woman; and the situation of the dead, was fortunate, when

compared with that of the living. Tarleton says, he lost but two

officers, and three privates killed, and one officer and thirteen

privates wounded. The massacre took place at the spot where the road

from Lancaster to Chesterfield now crosses the Salisbury road. The

news of these two events, the surrender of the town, and the defeat of

Buford, were spread through the country about the same time, and the

spirit of the whigs, sunk into despondency. The American cause appeared

to be lost; but, on this expedition, Tarleton burnt the house of Gen.

Sumter, near Stateburgh,* and roused the spirit of the lion; at Camden,

a party of his men cut to pieces Samuel Wiley, whom they mistook for his

brother, John Wiley, then sheriff of the district, at his own house.**

Governor Rutledge and his council again escaped Tarleton, by a few

minutes, and by taking the road to Charlotte, in North Carolina. On

the 1st of June, Sir Henry Clinton and Admiral Arbuthnot offered to the

inhabitants, with some exceptions, "pardon for their past treasonable

offences, and a reinstatement in their rights and immunities heretofore

enjoyed, exempt from taxation, except by their own legislature."

To many, this specious offer appeared to be all that they had been

contending for; and they flocked in from all quarters to gain such high

privileges. These, having signed declarations of allegiance, received

protections as subjects, or were parolled to their plantations as

prisoners of war. But, in the short space of twenty days, a second

proclamation was issued, stating, that it was necessary for all persons

to take an active part in securing his majesty's government, that

all the inhabitants then prisoners on parole, except those taken at

Charleston, and others in confinement, should be freed from their

paroles, and restored to the rights of citizens; and all who neglected

to return to their allegiance should be considered as rebels.

* The proper name is Stateburgh. But so great is the

propensity of Americans for introducing the S into the

already hissing English language, that it is now written

commonly Statesburgh.

** Tarleton despatched his favourite sergeant Hutt, who

always charged by his side, with a sergeant's guard, to

perform this deed. The visit was quite unexpected by Wiley.

In going up to his house, two men were left concealed,

behind two large gate posts, at the entrance of the yard;

while Hutt, with the rest, broke into the house abruptly; he

demanded Wiley's shoe buckles, and while he stooped down to

unbuckle them, the wretch Hutt aimed a stroke with his sword

at his head. Wiley, seeing the gleam of the descending

weapon, parried the blow from his head, by his hand, with

the loss of some fingers; then, springing out of the door,

he ran for the gate, where the two concealed men despatched

him with many blows. The cause of offence was, that John

Wiley, as sheriff, had superintended the execution of some

men under the existing state laws, at that time against

treason. After the battle of Cowpens Hutt disappeared.

Nothing could have astonished the people more, than this last

proclamation, those who had taken the paroles expected to remain on

their plantations in security and ease; but now, they were called upon

to return to their allegiance, and assist in securing his majesty's

government. The purport of which was well understood; they were in fact

to take up arms against their countrymen: at the very thought of which

they were abhorrent. This crooked policy was no sooner adopted, than

the British cause began to decline in South Carolina. The thread of

the events above recorded, will now naturally lead us to the history of

Marion's brigade. About the end of June, in this year, Capt. Ardesoif,

of the British navy, arrived at Georgetown, to carry the last

proclamation of Sir Henry Clinton into effect, and invited the people to

come in and swear allegiance to King George. Many of the inhabitants

of that district submitted to this new act of degradation. But there

remained a portion of it, stretching from the Santee to the Pedee, and

including the whole of the present Williamsburgh, and part of

Marion district, into which the British arms had not penetrated. The

inhabitants of it were generally of Irish extraction; a people, who at

all times during the war, abhorred either submission or vassalage. Among

them, tradition has handed down the following story:--A public meeting

was called, to deliberate upon their critical situation, and Major John

James, who had heretofore commanded them in the field, and represented

them in legislature, was selected as the person who should go down to

Capt. Ardesoif, and know from him, whether, by his proclamation,

he meant that they should take up arms against their countrymen. He

proceeded to Georgetown, in the plain garb of a country planter, and was

introduced to the captain, at his lodgings, a considerable distance from

his ship. An altercation of the following nature took place. After the

major had narrated the nature of his mission, the captain, surprised

that such an embassy should be sent to him, answered, "the submission

must be unconditional." To an inquiry, whether the inhabitants would not

be allowed to stay at home, upon their plantations, in peace and quiet?

he replied, "although you have rebelled against his majesty, he offers

you a free pardon, of which you are undeserving, for you ought all to

be hanged; but as he offers you a free pardon, you must take up arms

in support of his cause." To Major James' suggesting that the people he

came to represent would not submit on such terms, the captain, irritated

at his republican language, particularly, it is supposed, at the word

_represent_, replied, "you damned rebel, if you speak in such language

I will immediately order you to be hanged up to the yard-arm."--The

captain wore a sword, and Major James none, but perceiving what turn

matters were likely to take, and not brooking such harsh language, he

suddenly seized the chair on which he was seated, brandished it in the

face of the captain, and making his retreat good through the back door

of the house, mounted his horse, and made his escape into the country.

This circumstance, apparently trivial, certainly hastened the rise

of Marion's brigade. The story narrated, as now told, or embellished,

always concluded in the same way: "you must take up arms in support of

his majesty's cause." Many of the people of Williamsburgh had submitted

and taken paroles, but to be obliged to imbrue their hands in the blood

of their countrymen, was in their minds a breach of one of the commands

of God, and they shuddered at the very thought.--They had besides, had

two officers put over them, by the British commander, Amos Gaskens and

John Hamilton; the first they despised on account of his petty larceny

tricks, and the last they hated because of his profanity. About this

time, news of the approach of Gates having arrived, a public meeting of

this people was called, and it was unanimously resolved to take up arms

in defence of their country. Major James was desired to command them

as heretofore, and they again arrayed themselves under their captains

William M'Cottry, Henry Mouzon, John James,* of the lake, and John

M'Cauley. The four companies, resolved on this great enterprise,

consisted of about two hundred men. Shortly after, Col. Hugh Giles, of

Pedee, proposed to join them, with two companies, Whitherspoon's and

Thornly's; and his offer was gladly accepted. Gen. Gates had now arrived

on the confines of the state, and in a consultation, held among these

officers, it was agreed to send to him, to appoint them a commander.

This was a wise resolution, and attended with the most salutary

consequences. In the mean time, they made prisoners of Col. Cassels,

Capt. Gaskens, and most of the officers appointed over them by the

British, and took post at the pass of Lynch's creek, at Witherspoon's

ferry. At this period, the tories on Lynch's creek, in the neighbourhood

of M'Callum's ferry, had already begun their murders and depredations.

Messrs. Matthew Bradley, Thomas Bradley, and John Roberts, respectable

citizens, who had then joined neither party, and also, some others,

were killed by them, in their own houses. These were headed by the two

Harrisons, one afterwards a colonel, the other a major in the British

service; whom Tarleton calls men of fortune. They were in fact two of

the greatest banditti that ever infested the country. Before the fall

of Charleston they lived in a wretched log hut, by the road, near

M'Callum's, in which there was no bed-covering but the skins of wild

beasts; during the contest the major was killed; but after it was

over, the colonel retired to Jamaica, with much wealth, acquired by

depredation. Capt. M'Cottry was now posted in advance of Witherspoon's

ferry, at Indian town, and Col. Tarleton, having crossed at Lenud's

ferry, and hearing of the Williamsburgh meeting, advanced, at the

head of seventy mounted militia and cavalry, to surprise Major James.

M'Cottry, first receiving notice of his movement, sent back for a

reinforcement, and immediately marched his company, of about fifty

mounted militia, to give him battle. Tarleton had been posted at dark,

at the Kingstree, and M'Cottry approached him at midnight, but Tarleton

marched away a few hours before he arrived. By means of the wife of

Hamilton, the only tory in that part of the country, he had gained

intelligence of M'Cottry's approach, as reported to him, with five

hundred men.--The latter pursued, but, perhaps fortunately, without

overtaking him. In this route Tarleton burnt the house of Capt. Mouzon;

and after posting thirty miles, from Kingstree up to Salem, took Mr.

James Bradley prisoner, the next day. Soon after this Lieut. Col.

Hugh Horry arrived from Georgetown; and by right he would have had the

command of Major James' party, but he declined it for some time. Of

him more will be said hereafter. On the 10th or 12th of August, General

Marion arrived at the post, at Lynch's creek, commissioned by Governor

Rutledge to take the command of the party there, and a large extent of

country on the east side of Santee. He was a stranger to the officers

and men, and they flocked about him, to obtain a sight of their future

commander.** He was rather below the middle stature of men, lean and

swarthy. His body was well set, but his knees and ankles were badly

formed; and he still limped upon one leg. He had a countenance

remarkably steady; his nose was aquiline; his chin projecting; his

forehead was large and high, and his eyes black and piercing. He was

now forty-eight years of age; but still even at this age, his frame

was capable of enduring fatigue and every privation, necessary for a

partisan. His wisdom and patriotism will become henceforth conspicuous.

Of a character, so much venerated, even trifles become important. He was

dressed in a close round bodied crimson jacket, of a coarse texture, and

wore a leather cap, part of the uniform of the second regiment, with a

silver crescent in front, inscribed with the words, "Liberty or death."

He was accompanied by his friend Col. Peter Horry, and some other

officers. On the second or third day after his arrival, General Marion

ordered his men to mount white cockades, to distinguish themselves from

the tories, and crossed the Pedee, at Port's ferry, to disperse a large

body of tories, under Major Ganey, stationed on Britton's neck, between

great and little Pedee. He surprised them at dawn in the morning, killed

one of their captains and several privates, and had two men wounded.

Major James was detached at the head of a volunteer troop of horse, to

attack their horse; he came up with them, charged, and drove them

before him. In this affair, Major James singled out Major Ganey, (as

he supposed) as the object of his single attack. At his approach Ganey

fled, and he pursued him closely, and nearly within the reach of his

sword, for half a mile; when behind a thicket, he came upon a party of

tories, who had rallied. Not at all intimidated, but with great presence

of mind, Major James called out, "Come on my boys!--Here they are!--Here

they are!" And the whole body of tories broke again, and rushed into

little Pedee swamp. Another party of tories lay higher up the river,

under the command of Capt. Barefield; who had been a soldier in one of

the South Carolina regiments. These stood to their ranks, so well, and

appeared to be so resolute, that Gen. Marion did not wish to expose his

men, by an attack on equal terms; he therefore feigned a retreat, and

led them into an ambuscade, near the Blue Savannah, where they were

defeated. This was the first manoeuvre of the kind, for which he

afterwards became so conspicuous.

* He was second cousin to the major. Of this family, there

were five brothers, than whom no men under Marion were more

brave; these were John, William, Gavin, Robert and James.

Gavin died a few weeks since, with whom the family became

extinct. More of Gavin and Robert hereafter. 20th July,

1821.

** He was not appointed a general till some time after this,

but as we have not the date of his commission, henceforth he

will be styled general; and his other officers, to avoid

repetitions, are designated generally by the rank they held

at the disbandment of the brigade.

Thus Gen. Marion, at once, fell upon employment, as the true way to

encourage and to command militia; and their spirits began to revive. He

returned to Port's ferry, and threw up a redoubt on the east bank of the

Pedee, on which he mounted two old iron field pieces, to awe the tories.

On the 17th of August, he detached Col. Peter Horry, with orders to take

command of four companies, Bonneau's, Mitchell's, Benson's, and Lenud's,

near Georgetown, and on the Santee; to destroy all the boats and canoes

on the river, from the lower ferry to Lenud's; to post guards, so as

to prevent all communication with Charleston, and to procure him

twenty-five weight of gunpowder, ball or buck shot, and flints in

proportion. This order was made in pursuance of a plan he afterwards

carried into effect; to leave no approach for the enemy into the

district of which he had taken the command. The latter part of the

order, shows how scanty were the means of his defence. There were few

men, even in those days of enthusiasm, who would not have shrunk from

such an undertaking. Gen. Marion himself marched to the upper part of

Santee, it is believed, with the same object in view with which he had

entrusted Horry. On his way he received intelligence of the defeat of

Gates at Camden, and, without communicating it, he proceeded immediately

towards Nelson's ferry. (16th August.) Near Nelson's, he was informed,

by his scouts, that a guard, with a party of prisoners, were on their

way to Charleston; and had stopped at the house, at the great Savannah,

on the main road, east of the river. (20th of August.) It was night, and

the general, a little before daylight next morning, gave the command of

sixteen men to Col. Hugh Horry. He was ordered to gain possession of

the road, at the pass of Horse creek, in the swamp, while the main body,

under himself, was to attack in the rear. In taking his position, in the

dark, Col. Horry advanced too near to a sentinel, who fired upon him. In

a moment he rushed up to the house, found the British arms piled before

the door, and seized upon them. Twenty-two British regulars, of the 63d

regiment, two tories, one captain, and a subaltern were taken, and one

hundred and fifty of the Maryland line, liberated. In his account of

this affair Gen. Marion says he had one man killed, and Maj. Benson

wounded. But the man, Josiah Cockfield, who was shot through the breast;

lived to fight bravely again, and to be again wounded. In the account

given of this action by Col. Tarleton, he says, contemptuously, the

guard was taken by "a Mr. Horry"; but Gen. Marion, as commanding

officer, is entitled to the credit of it. The news of the defeat of Gen.

Gates now became public, and repressed all joy upon this occasion; no

event which had yet happened, was considered so calamitous. An account

of it will be given in his own words. Extract of a letter, from Gen.

Gates, to the president of congress, dated Hillsborough, 20th August,

1780:--

"Sir,

In the deepest distress and anxiety of mind, I am obliged to acquaint

your excellency with the defeat of the troops under my command. I

arrived with the Maryland line, the artillery, and the North Carolina

militia, on the 13th inst. at Rugely's, thirteen miles from Camden;

took post there, and was the next day joined by Gen. Stevens, with

700 militia from Virginia. The 15th, at daylight, I reinforced Colonel

Sumter, with 300 North Carolina militia, 100 of the Maryland line, and

two three-pounders from the artillery: having previously ordered him

down from the Waxhaws, opposite to Camden, to intercept any stores

coming to the enemy, and particularly troops coming from Ninety-Six.

This was well executed by Col. Sumter. Having communicated my plan to

the general officers in the afternoon of the 15th, it was resolved to

march at ten at night, to take post in a very advantageous situation,

with a deep creek in front, (Gum Swamp*) seven miles from Camden. At ten

the army began to march, and having moved about five miles, the

legion was charged by the enemy's cavalry, and well supported by

Col. Porterfield, who beat back the enemy's horse, and was himself

unfortunately wounded, (mortally) but the enemy's infantry advancing

with a heavy fire, the troops in front gave way to the first Maryland

brigade, and a confusion ensued which took some time to regulate. At

length the army was ranged in line of battle. Gen. Gists' brigade on the

right, close to a swamp; the North Carolina militia in the centre; the

Virginia militia, the light infantry, and Porterfield's corps, on the

left; the artillery divided to the brigades. The first Maryland brigade

as a corps de reserve on the road. Col. Armand's corps was ordered to

support the left flank. At daylight, they attacked and drove in our

light party in front, when I ordered the left to advance and attack the

enemy; but, to my astonishment, the left wing and North Carolina militia

gave way. Gen. Caswell and myself, assisted by a number of officers, did

all in our power to rally them; but the enemy's cavalry harassing their

rear, they ran like a torrent, and bore all before them." This is all

the general seemed to know of the action. Part of the brigade of North

Carolina militia, commanded by Gen. Gregory, behaved well. They

formed on the left of the continentals, and kept the field while their

cartridges lasted. In bringing off his men, Gen. Gregory was thrice

wounded by a bayonet, and several of his brigade, made prisoners, had no

wounds but from the bayonet. The continental troops, under De Kalb

and Gist, with inferior numbers, stood their ground and maintained

the unequal conflict with great firmness. At one time they had taken a

considerable body of prisoners; but at length, overpowered by numbers,

they were compelled to leave the field. Tarleton's legion pursued the

fugitives to the Hanging rock, fifteen miles, and glutted themselves

with blood. Baron De Kalb, the second in command, an officer of great

spirit, and long experience, was taken prisoner, after receiving eleven

wounds, and died. Congress resolved that a monument should be erected

to him at Annapolis. The gratitude of the people of Camden, has erected

another in that town, and named a street De Kalb, after him.** Capts.

Williams and Duval, of the Maryland troops, were killed; and Gen.

Rutherford, of North Carolina, and Maj. Thomas Pinckney, of South

Carolina, were wounded, and taken prisoners. Du Buysson, aid to Baron De

Kalb, generously exposing himself to save his general, received several

wounds and was taken. Lord Cornwallis states the force of Gates to

have been six thousand men, and his own at near two thousand: a great

disparity indeed. The loss of the Americans he calculates at between

eight and nine hundred killed, and one thousand prisoners, many of whom

were wounded; a number of colours, seven pieces of brass cannon, all

the military stores and baggage, and one hundred and fifty waggons. His

Lordship no doubt obtained a splendid victory; but tarnished it by his

orders, issued soon after. Extract from the orders of Lord Cornwallis:--

* Had Gen. Gates reached the important pass of Gum Swamp,

and occupied it properly, the fortune of war might have been

changed. It is a miry creek, impassible for many miles,

except at the road. He missed it only by a few minutes. And

his popularity, though gained by much merit, was lost by no

greater crime than that of trusting too much to militia.

** The Marquis De La Fayette and Baron De Kalb arrived in

the United States in the same small vessel, which made the

land at North inlet, near Georgetown, about the middle of

June, in the year 1777. They lay in the offing, and seeing a

canoe, with two negroes in it, come out of the inlet a

fishing, they sent off a boat, which intercepted them.

Fortunately they belonged to Capt. Benjamin Huger, who had

just arrived at North Island with his family, to spend the

summer. The negroes conducted the marquis and baron to their

master's house, where he received them with joy, and, it

need not be added, with hospitality. Never was a meeting of

three more congenial souls. The major afterwards conducted

his two illustrious guests to Charleston. Major Huger was

the father of Col. Huger, who afterwards engaged in the well

known enterprize of delivering the marquis from the dungeon

of Olmutz; and perhaps the seeds of that honourable

undertaking were sown under his father's roof.

"I have given orders, that the inhabitants of the province, who have

taken part in this revolt, should be punished with the greatest rigour;

and also those who will not turn out, that they may be imprisoned, and

their property taken from them, or destroyed. I have likewise ordered,

that compensation be made out of their estates, to the persons who have

been injured or oppressed by them. I have ordered, in the most

positive manner, that every militia man who has borne arms with us, and

afterwards joined the army, shall be immediately hanged. I desire

you will take the most rigourous measures to punish the rebels in the

district in which you command; and that you obey in the strictest manner

the directions I have given in this letter, relative to the inhabitants

of this country." And wherever the British had garrisons or power these

orders were carried into effect. Under them, at, or near Camden,

Samuel Andrews, Richard Tucker, John Miles, Josiah Gayle, Eleazar

Smith,----Sones, and many others, were hanged. Under them also, Cols.

John Chesnut and Joseph Kershaw, Mr. James Brown, Mr. Strother, Mr.

James Bradley, and a multitude of others, languished in irons, while

their property was destroyed, and their families were starving. Yet

Tarleton says of Lord Cornwallis, "He endeavoured so to conduct himself

as to give offence to no party, and the consequence was that he was able

entirely to please none." Of what kind of stuff must this man's heart

have been made? But let us inquire a little further into the nature of

these orders; which, in their extent, would have condemned to death,

imprisonment and confiscation three fourths of the militia, who at

that time, or afterwards, acted under the American standard in South

Carolina. The proclamation of the British commanders of the 1st of

June, 1780, before noticed, was either a snare to entrap the people into

allegiance, and, as a necessary consequence, into recruits for their

army; or it was terms of capitulation, fairly offered by the British

commanders, to all such people as would submit to them. In other words,

it was _a solemn covenant_.*1* If the proclamation was a snare, to bring

the people to fight against their countrymen, as it has been generally

thought, it was a breach of faith in those commanders, and not binding

upon the people;*2* and the sooner they could avoid the treachery the

better. Then, upon this view of the case, the more wicked were the

orders of Lord Cornwallis, issued on the unsound principle of a

faithless proclamation. Again, if it was intended as a covenant; as the

paroles issued under it made them prisoners; the people, from the terms

and the nature of it, ought to have been suffered to remain at home, in

peace and quiet; for being prisoners, they could not, consistent with

reason or principle, serve under those who held them in imprisonment.

Further, the second proclamation declaring all paroles, after the 20th

June, to be null and void, was an arbitrary change of what had been

agreed upon by one party, the strongest, without the consent of the

other; which, in the language of civilians, _is odious_.*3* Then the

British commanders, having broken their covenant and declared it void,

upon what principle could the people be punished by a breach of it? Upon

none; for it did not exist. But further, the taking up arms in favour of

the British, in nine cases out of ten, was compulsory; and could have no

binding effect, either legally or morally speaking.

*1* Puff. L.N. viii.6.24. Vatt. B.2.C.14. S.214-15.

*2* Ibid, B.2.C.13. S.200.

*3* Vattel B.2.C.17. S.304. B.3.C.13. S.201.

In addition to the enormity of the principle, upon which such men were

to suffer, was the uncertainty of the law; for Lord Cornwallis' orders

are so confusedly drawn, they will admit, as against the accused, of any

latitude of construction: yet they denounce confiscation, imprisonment

and death. Under the circumstances stated, the confiscations of Lord

Cornwallis were robberies, his imprisonments were unjust and cruel, and

his executions, always upon the gibbet, were military murders. And if,

to gain his point, he did not, like the Duke of Alva, (employed in a

similar vocation) make use of the rack, the stake, and the faggot,

yet Lord Cornwallis resorted to every other mode of punishment, a more

improved civilization had left him, to suppress civil liberty. Such was

the character of the commander in chief of the British forces in South

Carolina.

Now, we hold a generous foe entitled to favour and respect, and we

shall hereafter bestow it, wherever due; but the interest of humanity

requires, and it is a sacred trust, in the historian, that cruel

domineering spirits should be fully exposed.

Soon after the affair at Nelson's, Gen. Marion marched back to

Port's ferry. On the way, many of the militia, and all the liberated

continentals, except three, deserted him. Two of these were Sergeants

M'Donald and Davis, who were afterwards noted, the first for his

daring spirit and address in single combat; the second, for his patient

services, after being crippled by a wound. It is a real pleasure to

record the virtues of men, who, serving in a subordinate capacity, never

expected such virtues should be known. By the exertions of Gen. Marion

and his officers, the spirits of the drooping militia began to revive.

But about the 27th day of August, when, having the command of only one

hundred and fifty men, he heard of the approach of Major Wemyss, above

Kingstree, at the head of the 63d regiment, and a body of tories, under

Maj. Harrison.

Maj. James was instantly despatched, at the head of a company of

volunteers, with orders to reconnoitre, and count them. Col. Peter Horry

was called in, and the general crossed Lynch's creek, and advanced to

give battle. The night after Maj. James received his orders, the moon

shone brightly, and by hiding himself in a thicket, close to their line

of march, he formed a good estimate of the force of the enemy. As

their rear guard passed, he burst from his hiding place, and took some

prisoners. On the same night, about an hour before day, Marion met

the major half a mile from his plantation. The officers immediately

dismounted, and retired to consult, and the men sat on their horses in a

state of anxious suspense. The conference was long and animated. At the

end of it, an order was given to direct the march back to Lynch's creek,

and no sooner was it given than a hollow groan might have been heard

along the whole line. A bitter cup had now been mingled for the people

of Williamsburgh and Pedee; and they were doomed to drain it to the

dregs: but in the end it proved a salutary medicine. Maj. James reported

the British force to be double that of Marion's; and Ganey's party of

tories in the rear, had always been estimated at five hundred men. In

such a crisis, a retreat was deemed prudent. Gen. Marion recrossed the

Pedee, at Port's; and the next evening, at the setting sun, commenced

his retreat to North Carolina. (28th August, 1780.) He was accompanied

by many officers, the names of all are not now recollected, and it may

appear invidious to mention a few; the number of privates had dwindled

down to sixty men. Capt. John James, with about ten chosen men, was

left behind to succour the distressed, and to convey intelligence.

The general's march, was, for some time, much impeded by the two field

pieces, which he attempted to take along; but, after crossing the little

Pedee, he wheeled them off to the right, and deposited them in a swamp;

where they may since have amused the wondering deer hunter. This was the

last instance of military parade evinced by the general. By marching

day and night, he arrived at Amy's mill, on Drowning creek; whence he

detached Maj. James, with a small party of volunteers, back to South

Carolina, to gain intelligence, and to rouse the militia. Considering

the distance back, and the British and tories in the rear, this was a

perilous undertaking. The general continued his march, and pitched his

camp for some time, on the east side of the White marsh, near the head

of the Waccamaw.

At this place, the author had, (in the absence of his father,) the

honour to be invited to dine with the general. The dinner was set before

the company by the general's servant, Oscar, partly on a pine log,

and partly on the ground; it was lean beef, without salt, and sweet

potatoes. The author had left a small pot of boiled homminy in his camp,

and requested leave of his host to send for it; and the proposal was

acquiesced in, gladly. The homminy had salt in it, and proved, although

eaten out of the pot, a most acceptable repast. The general said but

little, and that was chiefly what a son would be most likely to be

gratified by, in the praise of his father. They had nothing to drink but

bad water; and all the company appeared to be rather grave.

At length Maj. James arrived. The news was, that the country through

which Wemyss had marched, for seventy miles in length, and at places for

fifteen miles in width, exhibited one continued scene of desolation. On

most of the plantations every house was burnt to the ground, the negroes

were carried off, the inhabitants plundered, the stock, especially

sheep, wantonly killed; and all the provisions, which could be come at,

destroyed. Fortunately the corn was not generally housed, and much

of that was saved. Capt. James had fired upon a party at M'Gill's

plantation; but it only increased the rage of the enemy. Adam Cusan had

shot at the black servant of a tory officer, John Brockington, whom he

knew, across Black creek. He was taken prisoner soon after, and for this

offence, tried by a court martial, and, on the evidence of the negro,

hanged. His wife and children prostrated themselves before Wemyss, on

horseback, for a pardon; and he would have rode over them, had not

one of his own officers prevented the foul deed; from this scene he

proceeded on to superintend the execution. But these acts of wantonness

and cruelty had roused the militia; and Maj. James reported they were

ready to join the general. Marion, in a few days after, returned to

South Carolina by a forced march. On the second day, while passing

through the tory settlement, on Little Pedee, he traversed sixty miles,

and arriving near Lynch's creek, was joined by Capts. John James and

Henry Mouzon, with a considerable force. Here he was informed that a

party of tories, but more numerous than his own, lay at Black Mingo,

fifteen miles below, under the command of Capt. John Coming Ball. He

might soon have been reinforced, but finding his men unanimous for

battle, he gratified their wishes. The tories were posted at Shepherd's

ferry, on the south side of Black Mingo, a deep navigable creek, and

had command of the passage. To approach them, Gen. Marion was obliged

to cross the creek, one mile above, over a boggy causeway and bridge of

planks. It was nearly midnight when he arrived at the bridge; and while

the party was crossing it, an alarm gun was heard in the tory camp. The

general immediately ordered his men to follow him in full gallop, and,

in a few minutes, they reached the main road which led to the ferry,

about three hundred yards in front of it. Here they all dismounted,

except a small body, which acted as cavalry. The general ordered a corps

of supernumerary officers, under the command of Capt. Thomas Waties, to

proceed down the road, and attack Dollard's house, where it was supposed

the tories were posted, and at the same time he detached two companies

to the right, under Col. Hugh Horry, and the cavalry to the left, to

support the attack. Before the corps of officers could reach the house,

the party on the right had encountered the enemy, who had left

the house, and were drawn up in an old field opposite to it. This

circumstance gave to the latter all the advantage of a surprise, and

their first fire was so severe and unexpected, as to oblige Horry's men

to fall back in some confusion; these were, however, soon rallied by

the great exertions of Capt. John James. And the tories in the mean

time being attacked on their flank by the corps of officers, and finding

themselves between two fires, gave way after a few rounds, and took

refuge in Black Mingo swamp, which was in their rear. This action,

although of short duration, was so closely and sharply contested, that

the loss on both sides was nearly one third, killed and wounded.

Capt. George Logan, of Charleston, had been sick near the White marsh;

but, hearing that Marion had marched for South Carolina, he rose from

his bed, mounted his horse, and rode eighty miles the day before the

action, to join him, and was killed that night at Black Mingo. Such was

the energy of this fallen patriot. Two other gallant officers, Capt.

Henry Mouzon and his Lieut. Joseph Scott, were, by their wounds,

rendered unfit for further service.

Many of the enemy had been lately companions in arms with Marion, and in

a short time joined him again, and behaved well afterwards. As many of

his party had left their families in much distress, the general gave

them leave to go to their homes, and appointed them to meet him at

Snow's island, on the Pedee. They delayed so long, that he began to

despair of their coming, and proposed to a few officers, who were with

him, to abandon South Carolina, and join Gen. Greene, at Charlotte.

But Col. Hugh Horry, who was his bosom friend, and partook more of

his confidence than any other man, prevailed upon him to remain.

The services of Col. Hugh Horry, in the field, were certainly highly

meritorious; but he never rendered his country more effectual aid than

by this act of friendly persuasion. The militia at length came in.

The general soon after, marched up into Williamsburgh, and gained

reinforcements daily. His first intention was to chastise Harrison, on

Lynch's creek; and he was moving up for that purpose, but hearing that

Col. Tynes had summoned the people of Salem, and the fork of Black

river, out to do duty as his majesty's subjects, he instantly resolved

to break up the party, before its newly made converts should become

confirmed in the principles they had unwillingly adopted.--Tynes lay

encamped at Tarcote, in the fork of Black river, much off his guard,

and Gen. Marion crossing the lower ford of the northern branch of that

river, at Nelson's plantation, marched up and surprised him in the

night. The rout was universal, and attended, as Tarcote swamp was near,

with more dismay than slaughter. Gen. Marion lost not a man; some tories

were killed, and among the rest Capt. Amos Gaskens; a man noted before

the war for petty larceny, and after it commenced, for plundering under

Major Wemyss. The most of Tynes' men, soon after joined Gen. Marion, and

fought bravely.

The next enemy Gen. Marion proceeded to encounter was the renowned Col.

Tarleton. Hearing that he had left Charleston, where he had been for

some time past confined with a fever, and that he was to cross at

Nelson's ferry with a body of cavalry, Gen. Marion lay in wait for him,

in the river swamp, a part of two days. (Nov. 1780.) He had cut bushes,

and planted them on the road side in such a manner as would have ensured

him a deadly fire. But in the evening of the second day, he was informed

that Tarleton had passed before he had arrived on his way to Camden;

and the general immediately commenced his march up the road in the same

direction. In the night he stopped in a wood, near where Mr. Charles

Richardson now lives, and was about to encamp; but seeing a great light

towards Gen. Richardson's plantation, he concluded that it was the

houses of the plantation on fire, and that Tarleton was there. While

deliberating what was to be done, Col. Richard Richardson came in, and

informed him the enemy was there, and at least double his number, with

two field pieces; and it was discovered that one of his men had deserted

to them. Finding Tarleton had now a guide, and that his position was

unsafe, Marion immediately retreated; and crossing the Woodyard, then a

tremendous swamp, in the most profound darkness,* he never stopped till

he had passed Richbourgh's mill dam, on Jack's creek, distant about six

miles. Having now a mill pond and miry swamp between him and the enemy,

and the command of a narrow pass, the first words the general was

heard to say were, "Now we are safe!" As soon as Tarleton received

intelligence of Gen. Marion's position, and had got a guide, he thought

to make sure of his prey, and commenced his march: he was led in silence

to the spot which he contemplated as another scene of slaughter; but

his intended victim had flown. He pursued to the Woodyard, but could not

pass that night. The next morning Marion, knowing the vigilance of his

foe, decamped betimes; and pursuing his route down Black river, for

thirty-five miles, through woods, and swamps and bogs, where there

was no road, encamped the following night on advantageous ground, at

Benbow's ferry, now Lowry's bridge, about ten miles above Kingstree, on

the east side of Black river. In a partisan warfare this position was

the best that could have been taken. He could now defend himself, first

at Black river itself; and after that at three difficult passes, of

swamps, in his rear; all within ten miles, on that side of the river,

before he reached Kingstree; but on the direct road to that place,

on the west, there was but the one defile at the river; besides the

possibility of being overtaken before he reached it. Here then Marion

determined to make a stand, and felled trees across the road to impede

the enemy. On the morning after the retreat, Tarleton found Marion's

trail across the Woodyard, but went round it, and pursued, as he says,

"for seven hours, through swamps and defiles." In fact he pursued about

twenty-five miles, when arriving at Ox swamp,** which was wide and miry,

and without a road to pass it, he desisted, saying to his men, "Come

my boys! let us go back, and we will soon find the game cock, (meaning

Sumter) but as for this d----d _old fox_, the devil himself could not

catch him." After this, the two generals were thus characterized. It

is amusing to read Tarleton's pompous account of this pursuit. He

insinuates that Marion's sole view was to save himself; as Tarleton

stopped ten or twelve miles short of Benbow's, he might not have heard

of the preparations made there to receive him. For the same distance

Marion had been skirting the south branch of Black river, and could at

any time, in a few minutes, have plunged into it, and no regular body of

cavalry could have followed him. Had Tarleton proceeded with his jaded

horses to Benbow's, he would have exposed his force to such sharp

shooting as he had not yet experienced, and that in a place where he

could not have acted either with his artillery or cavalry.

* Darkness visible.

** This Ox swamp is twenty-three miles above Kingstree,

another mentioned hereafter, is thirteen miles below.

On this expedition, Tarleton burnt the house, out houses, corn and

fodder, and a great part of the cattle, hogs and poultry, of the estate

of Gen. Richardson. The general had been active with the Americans, but

was now dead; and the British leader, in civilized times, made his widow

and children suffer for the deeds of the husband and parent, after the

manner of the East, and coast of Barbary. What added to the cruel nature

of the act, was that he had first dined in the house, and helped himself

to the abundant good cheer it afforded. But we have seen before the

manner in which he requited hospitality. It was generally observed

of Tarleton and his corps, that they not only exercised more acts of

cruelty than any one in the British army, but also carried further the

spirit of depredation.

The wise policy of Gen. Marion had hitherto been to keep his own party,

as yet but small, constantly in motion, and thus to multiply it, in

the view of the enemy; and immediately to strike at all other parties

preparing to join them. Had parties from the country been suffered

to incorporate with the British, and to unite in their principles and

views, the sense of a dereliction of duty, and the punishment expected

to await it, as well as the pride of opinion, usually attending a new

conversion, might have kept them firm in their apostacy. Of a truth,

Gen. Marion made many converts to the cause of his country.

Many from inclination and principle felt a strong desire to join him,

and again to reconcile themselves to the cause they had at first adopted

and deserted with the utmost reluctance, and became confirmed in their

views, by his apparent abilities and successes; others had felt the

suddenness and unexpected severity of his midnight blows, and thought

the step of uniting with him would be the most prudent or politic. From

the operation of both sentiments, the people of that tract of country,

on a line, stretching from Camden across to the mouth of Black creek, on

Pedee, including generally both banks of the Wateree, Santee and Pedee,

down to the sea coast, were now (excepting Harrison's party on Lynch's

creek) either ready or preparing to join Gen. Marion. Many had already

served under him, within the lines of the British or tories, and

submitted to all the subsequent losses; which although the more to

their credit, it is now much to be regretted, that they cannot be

particularized. As to the people of old Cheraw district, above the line

designated, and especially on the Pedee, they were at this time under

their leader Gen. Thomas, waging an exterminating warfare with the

tories on their borders; which still remains, and it is more than

probable ever will remain, unrecorded.

From Benbow's ferry, Gen. Marion's first expedition was planned against

Georgetown. The formidable enemy he had nearly encountered, had not

diminished his energies. Georgetown, at that period, and afterwards,

was often the point to which his views were directed; since it was there

only he expected to take the supplies of ammunition, clothing and salt,

which he sorely wanted. To expedite his scheme he crossed Black river,

at Potato ferry, a retired place, and proceeded on towards Georgetown by

the Gap way.--Three miles from the town there is a swamp called White's

bay,* which discharges itself by two mouths, the one into Black river,

the other into Sampit, thus insulating the town. Over the one,

which empties itself into Sampit, there is a bridge, two miles from

Georgetown, called White's bridge. Back of these swamps, Gen. Marion

took his stand, near a place called the Camp, above the bridge. Here he

despatched Col. P. Horry towards the Black river, and Capt. John Melton

to the Sampit road, both leading into the town, to reconnoitre. At

White's plantation, Horry fell in with Capt. Merritt, who, with a few

dragoons, was escorting a couple of ladies from Georgetown; Merritt,

after defending himself bravely, escaped and gave the alarm. Melton,

unfortunately, came in contact with a party of tories, under Barefield,

much larger than his own, who were patroling near the bridge. A few

shots were exchanged, and Melton was compelled to retreat. But in this

short affair Gabriel Marion, nephew of the general, had his horse

killed under him, and was taken prisoner; but as soon as his name was

announced, he was inhumanely shot. The instrument of death was planted

so near that it burnt his linen at the breast. He had been a lieutenant

in the second regiment, was a young gentleman of good education, of whom

high expectations were formed, and who was much beloved in the brigade.

As the general had no children, he mourned over this nephew, as would a

father over an only son; but he soon recollected that he had an example

to set, and shortly after publicly expressed this consolation for

himself--that his nephew was a virtuous young man--that he had fallen

in the cause of his country, and he would mourn over him no more. At

the same time Mr. Swaineau, a worthy man, was killed. Ere this, he had

exercised the peaceful profession of a schoolmaster; but finding

there was no employment for him in these perilous times, he had boldly

shouldered the musket, and died a soldier. But so prone are mankind to

pass over the merits of this most useful class of men, that had he

not fallen by the side of a Marion, perhaps his memory would have been

forgotten. About the same time, Mr. Bentley, another schoolmaster, was

killed in action. The suspension of all public education, which led to

the fate of such men, and the discontinuance of all religious worship,

hereafter more particularly noticed, are striking instances of the

calamitous state of the country during this period.

* Inland swamps in the lower and middle country are called

_Bays_, from their natural growth, which is the _bay_ tree,

a name sufficiently appropriate.

The British in Georgetown being now alarmed, Gen. Marion's wise scheme

to surprise them was frustrated; and he retired to Snow's island. This

island became henceforth the most constant place of his encampment; a

secure retreat, a depot for his arms and ammunition; and, under similar

pressures, a second _Athelney_, from which he might sally out upon

the modern, but no less ferocious plunderers than their ancestors, the

Danes. Snow's island, not quite so marshy as was the retreat of the

great Alfred, lies at the confluence of Lynch's creek and the Pedee. On

the east flows the Pedee; on the west Clark's creek, a navigable stream,

issuing from Lynch's creek above; and on the north lies Lynch's creek,

nearly choked up by rafts of logs, but wide and deep. The island is

high river swamp, and large, of itself affording much provision and live

stock, as did all the Pedee river swamp at that day. In places, there

were open cultivated lands on the island; but it was much covered

by thick woods and cane brakes; it was also near to Ganey's party of

tories; and by crossing the river, and marching two or three hours,

Marion could forage in an enemy's country. All these advantages were

well suited to the views of such a leader as Gen. Marion; and the

reader is to bear in mind that such was the kind of swamps he commonly

occupied. Reinforcements were now coming in to him daily, and his party

began at this time to assume the appearance and force of a brigade. He

lay here to receive them, and to repose his men, and horses; which, from

the time he left the White marsh until he halted at Snow's island, had

passed over at least three hundred and sixty miles, in rapid marches and

counter marches, made principally in the night. Marion now kept out a

strict watch upon the enemy. About this time, Lieut. Roger Gordon was

sent out with a party, to patrole on Lynch's creek, and stopped at a

house for provisions and refreshments. While there, he was attacked by

Capt. Butler with a much larger party of tories, who having succeeded

in making good his approaches to the house, set it on fire. Gordon

then capitulated on a promise of quarters; but no sooner had his party

grounded their arms, than they were all put to death. Not long after,

Col. Kalb, Mr. Thomas Evans and some others, were murdered by Gibson, a

coloured man, and his party of tories, in a manner still more shocking

to humanity. In the dead of night, Kalb's own house was surrounded, and

set on fire; he, his wife, and family, and some neighbours were in it,

and in bed, when awaking, they sued for quarters. Gibson promised that

they should not be hurt, if they surrendered; but as soon as the men had

passed out into the light of the conflagration, they were all shot.

We have some time since mentioned the murder of the two Bradleys,

and others, on Lynch's Creek, and lately that of Gabriel Marion. Such

provocations were no longer to be borne. Henceforth, there commenced

such a bloody warfare between the whigs and tories, as is seldom

recorded in the annals of even civil commotion.* Besides the

provocations mentioned, when a tory was taken prisoner, there were

no means of securing him, and he commonly soon made his escape, and

thereafter became a guide to his associates. It was not so with whigs

who were made prisoners, for they could be sent to Georgetown or Camden.

But now, seldom were prisoners made on either side, and if made, that

was no security for their lives: they were sure to be put to death,

either openly or privately, by a few infuriated men, who could be

subjected to no subordination. Enough is said. Let the rest be buried in

oblivion.

* Bella, plus quam civilia; bella, nullos habitura

triumphos.

At and near Snow's island, Gen. Marion secured what boats he wanted; and

burnt those more remote. To prevent the approach of an enemy, he fell

upon a plan of insulating as much as possible the country under his

command. For this purpose he broke down bridges, and felled trees across

causeways and difficult passes. As there was no market in that day, and

the vicinity of a road was dangerous, the inhabitants aided him much in

this design. History furnishes innumerable instances of the good effect

of such a system of defensive warfare. His scouting parties moved

principally in the night, and in all directions, and to whatever course

they turned an enemy was easily found. The British had posts at Nelson's

ferry, Scott's lake, and Georgetown; and the tories on Lynch's creek,

and Little Pedee, were more numerous, but not so well directed as

Marion's party.

Col. P. Horry and Maj. John Postell, with detachments, were posted, the

first on Waccamaw creek, the second on the neck between Black and Pedee

rivers, with orders to take all boats and canoes, and all horses, from

friends or foes; to impress negroes as boat hands and pioneers, to seize

all arms and ammunition, to prevent provisions from being sent to the

enemy in Georgetown, and to send up as much rice and salt to Snow's

island, as possible. (30th Dec. 1780.) All who would not join them were

to be taken prisoners, and all who supplied the enemy with stock,

or grain, were to be treated as traitors. Thus martial law was fully

established, and, for self defence, never was it more necessary. When

Gen. Marion himself, or any of his parties, left the island on an

expedition, they almost invariably struck into the woods towards the

heads of the larger water courses, and crossed them near their source;

and if in haste, they swam over them. Many of the general's trails

remained for a long time after, and some are now roads. When it is said

hereafter that Gen. Marion crossed a river, for instance the Santee, it

is not to be understood that he stopped, like Caesar at the Rhine, to

build a bridge over it; or that he was provided with the convenient

modern apparatus of pontoons, or oftentimes with a common flat; even the

last would have been too slow for the usual rapidity of his motions.

He seldom waited for more than a single canoe, along side of which his

sorrel horse Ball,* was usually led into the river, and he floated over

like an amphibious animal. The rest of the horses soon learned to follow

instinctively. Where a canoe was not to be had, the general swam over

frequently on the back of this uncommon horse. No leader, in ancient

or modern times, ever passed rivers with more rapidity. His plans were

laid, and his movements conducted, with the most uncommon secrecy. After

making a movement, his most confidential officers and men have had

to search for him for days together, perhaps without finding him. His

scouts, when returning, and at a loss, used a loud and shrill whistle,

as a signal; which could be heard in the night to an astonishing

distance. It is well described in Scott's Lady of the Lake:

----"He whistled shrill,

And he was answered from the hill;

Wild as the scream of the curlew,

From crag to crag, the signal flew."

* He was taken from Capt. Ball, at Black Mingo.

As an instance of the secrecy with which Gen. Marion's plans were always

adopted and conducted, the following may be regarded as a specimen in

his progress throughout. His men having been several times unexpectedly

led out upon long expeditions, without preparation, and suffering for

the want of food on such occasions, after some time, were in the habit

of watching his cook, and if they saw him unusually busied in preparing

any of the frugal fare then in use, they prepared accordingly. The

general's favourite time for moving was at the sitting sun, and then it

was expected the march would continue all night. But the present time,

and afterwards, before striking any sudden blow, he has been known to

march sixty or seventy miles, without taking any other refreshment, than

a meal of cold potatoes and a drink of cold water, in twenty-four

hours. During this period men were but badly clothed in homespun, which

afforded little warmth. They slept in the open air, according to their

means, either with or without a blanket. They had nothing but water

to drink. They fed chiefly upon sweet potatoes, either with or without

fresh beef. And they submitted to this without a murmur; but all sighed

for salt! for salt! that first article of necessity for the human race.

Little do the luxurious of the present day know of the pressure of such

a want. Salt was now ten silver dollars the bushel, when brought more

than thirty miles from the Waccamaw sea shore, where it was coarsely

manufactured. It was harder to get one silver dollar then, than ten now;

so that on a low calculation, a bushel of coarse bay salt, sold at that

time for one hundred dollars value of the present day. As soon as Gen.

Marion could collect a sufficient quantity of this desirable article

at Snow's island, he distributed it out in quantities, not exceeding a

bushel to each whig family; and thus endeared himself the more to his

followers.

Thus closed the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty, over the

head of Gen. Marion. We will leave him for a moment, to such repose as

the island afforded, and state some matters to carry on the chain of

events.

On the 12th July, General Sumter commenced his brilliant career. On the

west of the Catawba, he defeated a large party of tories, and a party of

British, and killed Col. Ferguson, who commanded the former, and

Capt. Huck, at the head of the latter. This man had shocked the good

Presbyterians in that part of the country by his profanity; he burnt

their church, their parsonage, and their bibles, and treated them with

insult and cruelty. About the 30th July, Gen. Sumter nearly annihilated

the Prince of Wales' regiment, and routed a large body of tories at the

Hanging rock.--Soon after the defeat of Gates, the enemy was left at

liberty to turn a greater force upon Sumter, and his men, being worn

down by fatigue and want of sleep, he was surprised and defeated at

Fishing creek, by Tarleton, but with little loss, for he rallied his

forces _in three days after_.* On the 12th Nov. Major Wemyss attempted

to surprise him near the Fishdam ford, on Broad river, at the head of a

corps of infantry and dragoons. Col. Thomas Taylor, with his regiment,

was posted in advance, and his men lay securely at their fires, thinking

the enemy at a distance. But the colonel, from what has been termed a

_presentiment_, was uneasy and could not rest; he got up, and hearing

the barking of dogs and some other unusual noises, he woke up his men,

and removed them back from their fires. Soon after, the British appeared

at them, and thus offered themselves to the aim of experienced marksmen.

In the mean time Sumter came up to their aid, and the enemy was totally

defeated. Major Wemyss was severely wounded and taken. He had in his

pocket a list of the houses he had burnt at Williamsburgh and Pedee;

with great trepidation he showed it to Sumter, and begged he would

protect him from the militia.--Notwithstanding his atrocities he was

treated with indulgence; but became a cripple for life. On the 20th of

the same month Sumter was attacked by Col. Tarleton, at Black Stocks.

The action was severe, and of the British officers, Major Money, and

Lieuts. Gibson and Cape, were killed. Sumter lost few men, but he was

himself wounded. The ball passed through the shoulder and carried away

a small portion of the backbone. He was placed in a raw bullock's hide,

fastened between two horses, and thus carried with a guard of five men

to the mountains.

* Notwithstanding the _bruit_ made in history about this

defeat of Sumter, the author can re-assert, and from written

evidence now before him, that Sumter was _in three days_ at

the head of a very respectable force. This was not obtained

by any communication from the general, but by an

investigation of dates.

Tarleton, as usual, sent an account of his victory, much exaggerated, to

Lord Cornwallis, who writes to him on the 22d of the same month: "I most

heartily wish you joy of your success, but wish it had not cost you so

much." And again, on the next day: "I shall be very glad to hear that

Sumter is in a condition to give us no further trouble; he certainly has

been our greatest plague in this country." The inhabitants of the New

Acquisition, now York district, were among the warm friends of Gen.

Sumter; it was among these people he generally recruited his forces.

They never submitted to the British nor took protection. The most

distinguished leaders, under Sumter, were Colonels Niel, Hill, Lacey,

Winn, Bratton, Brandon, and Majors Davie and Winn. Davie commanded a

corps of cavalry, which was never surprised nor dispersed during the

war.

In the summer of 1780, Col. Ferguson, of the British 71st, had

undertaken to visit the tory settlements in the upper country, and train

up the young men to arms. Among these several unprincipled people had

joined him, and acted with their usual propensity for rapine and murder.

Many Americans, fleeing before them, passed over into the state of

Tennessee, then beginning to be settled. By their warm representations,

they roused the spirit of the people of that country, which has since

become so often conspicuous. Although safe from any enemy but the

savages of their cane brakes, they left their families, and generously

marched to the assistance of their friends. Nine hundred of them

mounted, under the command of Col. Campbell, poured down from the

Allegany, like the torrents from its summit. Gunpowder they had already

learnt to prepare from the saltpetre in their caves, and lead they dug

out of their mines. Dried venison satisfied their hunger, pure water

slaked their thirst, and at the side of a rock they enjoyed comfortable

repose. Armed with rifles, sure to the white speck on the target, at the

distance of one hundred paces, or to decapitate the wild turkey on the

top of the tallest pine--these were indeed a formidable band. Their

other leaders were Shelby, Sevier, Williams and Cleveland, all inured to

the pursuit of the savage or the wild beast of the forest. Thus equipped

and commanded, and with such few wants, they moved rapidly on to attack

Ferguson, a no less formidable foe, and on the 7th of October, 1780,

reached him, strongly posted on King's mountain. Campbell divided his

men into three bands, one under himself, one under Cleveland, and the

other under Shelby.--Cleveland commenced the attack, and fired until

Ferguson, advancing sufficiently near, ordered the British to charge

with bayonets; before these he retired. By this time Shelby had ascended

the mountain, and gave an unexpected and deadly fire. The bayonet had

scarcely been again successful, when Campbell reached the summit and

fired in another and more destructive volley. Ferguson presented a new

front, and the bayonet again prevailed. But Cleveland had rallied his

men and poured in the fourth fire: and now as often as one American

party was driven back, another returned to the attack, and as victory

was becoming sure, with more determined resolution. The unconquerable

spirit of Ferguson still refused to submit, but baited thus, as he

was on all sides, resistance became vain. At length this distinguished

officer received a mortal wound, and falling upon the field, his second

in command, Capt. Abraham De Peyster, sued for quarters. Eleven hundred

of the enemy were killed, wounded or taken, of which one hundred were

British. The Americans lost but few men, but among these were Col.

Williams and Major Chronicle. Thus, through the successes of Sumter

and Marion, and this brilliant achievement, towards the close of this

memorable year the drooping spirits of the people began to revive, and

men flocked on all sides to the standard of their country.

*****

Detached Narratives for 1780.

As these are intended to be unconnected, and entirely miscellaneous,

they will be inserted without much regard to time or place. We have just

recorded the fate of the distinguished Ferguson, and the first meed of

praise is due to him. Yes! reader, praise to a generous enemy! He was a

major, and commanded a rifle corps during the campaign of Washington, in

New Jersey. On one occasion Gen. Washington rode out with a few French

and American officers to reconnoitre, and Ferguson, with his riflemen,

lay in a wood near to the road by which they both went and returned.

Washington was conspicuous from his stature, and uniform, and the grey

horse which he rode. He passed hard by the corps, at an easy canter,

and Ferguson's men were preparing to fire upon him, when their leader

prevented the act. Who would not hereafter applaud the character of

Ferguson? In a letter which he wrote to a friend, that contains

this narrative, he mentions he was glad he did not know it was Gen.

Washington at the time, lest he should have been tempted to fire at him.

But the same generous spirit which prevented it in the one case, would,

it is more than probable, have actuated him in the other.

The next meed of praise is certainly due to friendship. In this action

the hon. Robert Stark, then a boy of fourteen, was among the American

combatants. Like a war worn veteran he was seen firing his rifle and

encouraging others to the onset. It was here that, actuated by the cause

of his country, and the rigourous confinement of his father in irons, he

first avenged himself of the enemy. His next battle was at the Cowpens,

where he acted as an adjutant under Gen. Pickens.

During the time General Marion lay at the White marsh, Capt. Gavin

Witherspoon, of Pedee, with three or four men, were concealing

themselves in Pedee swamp: in the night he discovered a camp of the

tories, whom he had reason to think were in pursuit of him, and watched

them till they had all fallen asleep; he proposed to his men to attack

them, but they were fearful of numbers. He then declared he would take

them himself. Creeping up cautiously, he found that they had encamped

at the butt of a pine, blown up by the roots, and that their guns were

piled up against a limb, at the distance of forty or fifty feet from

them. He continued to creep till he got possession of their guns, and

then called to them loudly to surrender. Not knowing his force, they

did so, and Witherspoon's men came to his assistance and tied them, in

number seven. Gavin, and John Witherspoon, his brother, were two active

spirited men at this period. They succeeded each other as captains in

the neck between Pedee and Lynch's creek; and at the call of danger were

generally foremost. After Capt. Baxter was promoted to be major, Thomas

Potts was elected captain of the upper Pedee company; he had been

captain in the rifle regiment of state troops, and was a brave soldier

and firm patriot.

Major Wemyss, in laying waste the country, was particularly inimical to

looms and sheep; no doubt that he might deprive the inhabitants of the

means of clothing themselves. What sheep he did not kill for the use of

his men, he ordered to be bayoneted. He burnt the Presbyterian church at

Indiantown; because, as he said, it was a sedition shop. Before a house

was burnt, permission was seldom given to remove the furniture. When

he came to Maj. James' he was met by his lady with much composure. He

wished to bring her husband to submission, and said to her, "If he

would come in and lay down his arms, he should have a free pardon." She

replied, "As to that she could not have any influence over him. That

times were such he was compelled to take a part, and he had taken that

of his country." Wemyss after this had her and her children locked up in

a chamber, from whence they did not come out, for two days and a half;

and until the house was about to be burnt. Capt. David Campbell (of

Edisto,) carried with his own hands, food and other refreshments to a

back window for her, apparently unknown to Wemyss. Capt. John James, son

of the major, had been taken in Charleston, and paroled. He was ordered

into custody, with the threat, that "If he was found to have broken his

parole, he would be hanged in the morning to yonder tree." Accordingly a

court martial sat over him in the morning. The witnesses called were

his own and his father's negroes; but, strange to tell, no evidence was

given against him, and he was acquitted. Such were the mock trials of

the British. As, when we come to speak of the battle of Eutaw, there

will be many chiefs of higher title to be named, it is but justice to

Capt. James now to mention, that before that time he was exchanged, and

fought there with much bravery, as an adjutant. As there was no trade or

intercourse between that part of the country and a market, people were

to be seen, after the fires, searching for every thing they could find,

knife blades, scissors, hinges, nails, &c. Handles were put to the

knives, dishes and plates were rudely manufactured out of wood, and log

huts were gradually built by the assistance of one another. Many negroes

were taken out of Williamsburgh; these were afterwards recovered by Maj.

James. Directly after the retreat of Rawdon from Camden, he, at the head

of five or six men, passed through the country from Santee to an island

near Beaufort, where he found and brought away one hundred and fifty,

all plundered from his own neighbourhood. This account has been inserted

here, that the chain of events might not hereafter be broken.

It is stated, (page 45,*) that Col. Tarleton took Mr. James Bradley

prisoner; the manner in which this was done, and the subsequent

treatment of Bradley, are well deserving a place in this narrative.

After being chased from his breakfast, thirteen miles below, by

M'Cottry, Tarleton and a few officers came to Bradley's at midday,

passed himself as Col. Washington, and requested an early dinner.

Bradley provided dinner for him, and unsuspectingly communicated to him

the plans of his countrymen. After dinner, Tarleton asked him to guide

him over two difficult fords across two branches of Black river, near

his house; Bradley consented, and after they had passed Magirt's swamp,

Tarleton told him he was a prisoner. A wild Arab would not have treated

him thus. Bradley, though circumvented in this manner, was a wise but

unsuspicious man; and before that had much influence in the legislature.

He was sent to Camden gaol, and confined in heavy irons; he was often

carted to the gallows and saw others executed; he expected death, and

was prepared for it; but he had many friends in Marion's brigade, and it

was well known to the enemy that his execution would have been severely

retaliated. He was not released from gaol until the 10th of May the next

year, when Rawdon retreated from Camden; and he bore the marks of the

irons until his death. Being requested, on one occasion he showed these

to the author, then a youth, and said, "If the good of your country

requires the sacrifice, be ready to suffer imprisonment and death in its

cause." Soon after his confinement, Mrs. Bradley petitioned Tarleton to

liberate her husband, but he treated her with scurrilous language and

great brutality. This man, who had been treated by Mrs. Bradley to a

plentiful meal, after he had fasted for twenty-four hours, and when

he and his followers were fainting with fatigue and want, had now

the impudence and cruelty to call her by the grossest names in the

vocabulary of bilingsgate. Mrs. Bradley! one of the most humane, gentle

and affectionate of her sex, who would willingly have offered him bread

in his true character. Tarleton even denied her admittance with her

supplies to her husband; and she sought and obtained it elsewhere.

* Chapter II Paragraph 8.--A. L.

To people of good feelings, but particularly the religious, this period

(1780 and 1781) was truly distressing. From the time of the fall of

Charleston, all public education was at an end, and soon after, all

public worship was discontinued. Men from sixty years of age, down to

boys of fourteen, (few of whom dared to stay at home) were engaged in

active and bloody warfare. These had their minds in constant occupation,

which, in whatever moral situation a man may be placed, brings with it a

certain degree of satisfaction, if not contentment. All were actuated

by the love of country, and but few by the love of fame: and next to

the duties of religion, the exercise of those of patriotism excites the

highest energy and brings the most sublime satisfaction to the human

mind. But to the female sex, and the superannuated of the male, little

consolation of that nature could be afforded. Even these were exposed to

that kind of danger which might be inflicted by brutality at home, and

most of them had relatives in the field to whom they were bound by the

most tender and sacred ties, who were subjected to constant dangers, and

for whose fate they were unceasingly anxious.--There was no place for

the pleasures of society, for in the country these were too remote from

a home that must constantly be watched. As a comfort in this situation

females employed themselves in domestic occupations, in which that

of the distaff had a considerable share, and all might indeed have

exercised their private devotions; but that faint picture of heaven,

that sweet consolation which is derived from associating with one's

friends in public worship, was wholly denied them. Most of the churches

in towns and the country, were either burnt or made depots for the

stores of the enemy; some in fact were converted into stables; and of

the remainder, all in the country were closed.--In a warfare of such

atrocity there was little safety in any situation where numbers were

collected, and as we have seen that the tories, by their murders,

violated the sanctity of private dwellings, how then could it be

expected they would be awed by the holiness of a church? In a camp,

where was no permanency and but little rest, there was no place for

chaplains,* and at home there was not security even for pious pastors;

consequently, as the most prudent course, they generally went into

exile. Among these one shall be mentioned, the Rev. Dr. Thomas Reese,

of Salem, on Black river. It was in his congregation that the murders

perpetrated by Harrison and his followers first began, and three

respectable men of his flock had already fallen victims to civil rage.

Had he gone about to administer comfort out of his own family, it would

have been termed sedition, and Dr. Reese would have made himself a

voluntary martyr. He took the wiser course of retiring with his family

before the storm, and under many privations, continued to preach. In

theology, modern philosophy, and all the sciences connected with his

profession he was deeply read. For classic literature, which it is so

common for the superficial to decry, he was a great advocate, and to

evince his sincerity retained his knowledge of the dead languages

as long as he lived. In his discourses he was neither an extempore

preacher, nor did he read. He wrote out his sermons correctly, and

then committing them carefully to memory, left the copy at home,

and afterwards delivered them from the pulpit with all the energy of

extemporary preaching, and so tenacious was his memory that he was never

known to faulter. He wrote many excellent sermons, all of which except

two, preserved in the American Preacher, and those not his best,

are believed to be lost. He also wrote an essay "on the influence of

religion in civil society", which, from Princeton college, where he was

educated, obtained for him the degree of Doctor of Divinity. But like

most American productions, it was soon neglected, and did not pass into

a second edition. In contemplating the meek and unobtrusive virtues of

this pious man, we do not hesitate to say he was a pattern of Christian

charity, as nearly resembling his divine master as has been seen in

modern times. The author knew him well for several years after the

peace of 1782; he was his friend and tutor, and he owes to Dr. Reese the

highest obligations, and to his memory the most profound respect.

* Marion was often without a surgeon to dress his wounded,

and if a wound reached an artery the patient bled to death.