Produced by Alan R. Light, Gary Johnson, and Carolyn Lancaster
A SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF BRIG. GEN. FRANCIS MARION
And A History of his Brigade,
From its Rise in June, 1780, until Disbanded in December, 1782;
With Descriptions of Characters and Scenes, not heretofore published.
Containing also, An Appendix, with Copies of Letters which passed
between several of the Leading Characters of that Day; Principally From
Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion.
By William Dobein James, A.M.
During that Period one of Marion's Militia.
At Present one of the Associate Judges in Equity, South Carolina.
_Quae contentio, divina et humana cuncta perniscuit, eoque
vecordiae processit uti civilibus studiis bellum finem
faceret._--Sall.
Transcriber's Note on text: Some obvious errors have been corrected.
Some spellings are modernized. See notes at end of etext for additional
explanations.
District of South-Carolina.
--| L. S. |-- BE IT REMEMBERED, that on the fifth day of April,---------
Anno Domini, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-one, and in the
forty-fifth year of the Independence of the United States of America,
the Honourable WILLIAM DOBEIN JAMES, deposited in this office the title
of a book, the right whereof he claims as author and proprietor, in the
words following, TO WIT:
"A Sketch of the life of Brigadier General FRANCIS MARION, and a history
of his Brigade from its rise in June, 1780, until disbanded in December,
1782; with descriptions of characters and scenes not heretofore
published.--Containing also an appendix, with copies of letters
which passed between several of the leading characters of that day,
principally from Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion. By William Dobein James,
A.M. during that period one of Marion's militia--at present one of the
Associate Judges in Equity, South-Carolina."
In conformity to the act of Congress of the United States, entitled, "An
Act for the encouragement of learning by securing the copies of maps,
charts and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies during
the times therein mentioned," and also an act entitled, "An Act
supplementary to an act, entitled, 'An act for the encouragement of
learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts and books, to the
authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein
mentioned,' and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing,
engraving and etching historical and other prints."
JAMES JERVEY, Clerk of the District of South-Carolina.
Preface.
During the siege of Charleston, in May, 1780, the grammar school at
Salem, on Black river, where I had been placed by my father, Major JOHN
JAMES, broke up; and I was compelled to abandon my school boy studies,
and become a militia man, at the age of fifteen. At that time of life it
was a great loss; but still I was so fortunate as to have General
MARION as my commander, and my much honoured father, who was a sincere
christian, as my adviser and protector. I do not intend to write a
history of my own life; but it was thus, that I became in a great
measure an eye witness of the scenes hereafter described; and what I did
not see, I often heard from others in whom confidence could be placed.
I felt an early inclination to record these events; but Major WEMYSS
burnt all my stock of paper, and my little classical library, in my
father's house; and, for two years and a half afterwards, I had not the
common implements of writing or of reading. This may appear strange at
present; but it is a fact, that even our general, when sending out a
patrole, would request the officer to try to get him a quire of paper.
After the war, other active pursuits prevented me from indulging my
inclination; and the public attention, being long fixed upon the
bloody wars and great battles in Europe, had lost all relish for our
revolutionary history, and its comparatively little conflicts. However,
when Dr. RAMSAY announced that he was about to publish his history of
South Carolina, I hastily sketched out from memory a short history of
MARION'S brigade, for him; which he inserted in fifteen pages of his
first volume. This brings it down no lower than the arrival of General
GREENE in South Carolina. Fortunately the events of the late war revived
the national spirit, and with that a taste for our own history; by it
too, my inclination was renewed to communicate that of MARION'S brigade.
However, I still wanted materials to confide in more certain than
memory.
The last year I happened to mention my wish to Mr. RICHARD SINGELLTON,
of Colleton, son-in-law of Major JOHN POSTELL, and he obligingly placed
in my hands a bundle of original letters from General MARION to that
distinguished officer. Not long after I heard that the late General
PETER HORRY had preserved copies of General MARION'S correspondence with
General GREENE and other officers; and I applied to his executor, Mr.
JAMES GUIGNARD, who very politely placed five duodecimo volumes in
my hands, closely written by the general. The originals were left by
General HORRY with the Rev. M. L. WEEMS, but it appears he made no
use of them in his life of MARION. The dates and facts stated in these
copies agree pretty well with the account in the history of South
Carolina by Dr. RAMSAY, and General MOULTRIE'S memoirs of the American
revolution.
I have also taken the pains to consult several of MARION'S officers
and men, who still survive. The Hon. THOMAS WATIES gave me considerable
information respecting the first part of the general's operations, which
I did not witness; as, after MARION'S retreat to the White marsh, I was
left sick in North Carolina. During MARION'S struggle with WATSON I had
returned, but was confined to my bed with the small pox; and the greater
part of that account was received from Captain GAVIN WITHERSPOON, ROBERT
WITHERSPOON, Esq. and others. Respecting the affairs about Camden,
General CANTEY and Dr. BROWNFIELD gave me much information; and the
present sheriff of Charleston district, FRANCIS G. DELIESSELINE, Esq.
and myself have compared notes _generally_ on the subject.
Of all these sources of information I have availed myself; besides
having recourse to every account of the events of that period which I
had it in my power to consult. This, I hope, will account satisfactorily
for any departures made from the statement I furnished Dr. RAMSAY.
There are no doubt many errors in my narrative, as nothing human is
exempt from them; but it is believed there are not more than usually
occur in what is considered accurate history. It may also need
correction in other matters, and it may not be pregnant with great
events; but still it is a kind of domestic history, which teaches
lessons of patience and patriotism, not surpassed in modern, and seldom
in ancient times.
WM. DOBEIN JAMES.
Introduction.
A view of the first settlement of the French Protestants on
the Santee. Lawson's account of them. The ancestors of
General Marion emigrate among them.
The revocation of the edict of Nantz, by Lewis XIV., though highly
detrimental to France, proved beneficial to Holland, England and
other European countries; which received the protestant refugees, and
encouraged their arts and industry. The effects of this unjust and
bigoted decree, extended themselves likewise to North America, but more
particularly to South Carolina: About seventeen years after its first
settlement, in the year 1690, and a short time subsequently, between
seventy and eighty French families, fleeing from the bloody persecution
excited against them in their mother country, settled on the banks of
the Santee. Among these were the ancestors of General FRANCIS MARION.
These families extended themselves at first only from the lower ferry at
South Santee, in St. James' parish, up to within a few miles of Lenud's
ferry, and back from the river into the parish of St. Dennis, called
the Orange quarter. From their first settlement, they appear to have
conciliated their neighbours, the Sewee and Santee Indians; and to have
submitted to their rigorous fate with that resignation and cheerfulness
which is characteristic of their nation.--Many must have been the
hardships endured by them in settling upon a soil covered with woods,
abounding in serpents and beasts of prey, naturally sterile, and
infested by a climate the most insalubrious. For a picture of their
sufferings read the language of one of them, Judith Manigault, bred a
lady in ease and affluence:--"Since leaving France we have experienced
every kind of affliction, disease, pestilence, famine, poverty, hard
labour; I have been for six months together without tasting bread,
working the ground like a slave." They cultivated the barren high
lands, and at first naturally attempted to raise wheat, barley and other
European grains upon them, until better taught by the Indians. Tradition
informs us, that men and their wives worked together in felling trees,
building houses, making fences, and grubbing up their grounds, until
their settlements were formed; and afterwards continued their labours at
the whip-saw,* and in burning tar for market. Such was their industry,
that in fourteen years after their first settlement, and according
to the first certain account of them, they were in prosperous
circumstances. In the year 1701, John Lawson, then Surveyor General of
the province, visited these enterprising people, and as there are but
two copies of his "Journal of a thousand miles travelled through several
nations of Indians", known at present to be in existence, no apology
appears to be necessary for presenting extracts of the most interesting
parts of it to the reader:--
* Gen. Horry states, that his grandfather and grandmother
commenced the handsome fortune they left, by working
together at the whip-saw.
"On December 28th, 1700, I began my voyage for North Carolina, from
Charleston, in a large canoe. At four in the afternoon, at half flood,
we passed over the breach through the marsh, leaving Sullivan's Island
on our starboard; the first place we designed for was Santee river, on
which there is a colony of French protestants, allowed and encouraged by
the lords proprietors."--After passing through Sewee bay and up Santee,
the mouth of which was fresh, he visited the Sewees; "formerly," he
says, "a large nation, though now very much decreased, since the English
have seated their lands, and all other nations of Indians are observed
to partake of the same fate. With hard rowing we got that night (11th
January, 1701,) to Mons. Eugee's *1* house, which stands about fifteen
miles up the river, being the first christian dwelling we met withal in
that settlement, and were very courteously received by him and his
wife. Many of the French follow a trade with the Indians, living very
conveniently for that interest. Here are about seventy families seated
on this river, who live as decently and happily as any planters in these
southward parts of America. The French being a temperate, industrious
people, some of them bringing very little effects, yet by their
endeavours and mutual assistance among themselves (which is highly
commendable) have outstript our English, who brought with them larger
fortunes. We lay all that night at Mons. Eugee's,*1* and the next
morning set out further to go the remainder of our voyage by land. At
noon we came up with several French plantations, meeting with several
creeks by the way: the French were very officious in assisting with
their small dories, to pass over these waters, (whom we met coming
from their church) being all of them very clean and decent in their
apparel--their houses and plantations suitable in neatness and
contrivance. They are all of the same opinion with the church of Geneva.
Towards the afternoon we came to Mons. L'Jandro's,*2* where we got our
dinner. We got that night to Mons. Galliar's,*3* who lives in a very
curious contrived house, built of brick and stone, which is gotten near
that place. Near here, comes in the road from Charleston and the rest of
the English settlement, it being a very good way by land and not above
thirty-six miles."*4* After this, our author gives a long description
of his difficulty and danger in crossing the Santee in a small canoe, in
time of a freshet. He then goes on as follows:--"We intended for Mons.
Galliar's jun. but were lost *************. When we got to the house
we found several of the French inhabitants, who treated us very
courteously; wondering about our undertaking such a voyage through a
country inhabited by none but savages, and them of so different nations
and tongues. After we had refreshed ourselves, we parted from a very
kind, loving, affable people, who wished us a safe and prosperous
voyage." Our traveller had now arrived at the extreme boundary of the
white population of South Carolina, and consequently of the United
States, and this was but forty miles from Charleston. In the course
of one hundred and twenty years what a change, and what a subject for
reflection! But, to return to the French refugees. The same persevering
industry and courteous manners which distinguished the ancestors, were
handed down to their children, and are still conspicuous among their
descendants of the third and fourth generations. Most of them may be
classed among our useful and honourable citizens, and many have highly
distinguished themselves in the state, both in civil and military
affairs: but in the latter character, the subject of these memoirs,
General FRANCIS MARION, stands forth the most prominent and illustrious
example.*5*
*1* Huger, who lived in the fork between South Santee and
Wambaw Creek.
*2* Gendron.
*3* Gaillard's.
*4* Near this place the French laid out a town, and called
it Jamestown; whence the name St. James', Santee.
*5* After leaving the house of Bartholomew Gaillard, jun. on
the east side of Santee, Mr. Lawson saw no more
settlements of the whites. He visited the Santee Indians,
who, from his description of the country, must have lived
about Nelson's ferry and Scott's lake. In passing up the
river, the Indian path led over a hill, where he saw, as he
says, "the most amazing prospect I had seen since I had been
in Carolina. We travelled by a swamp side, which swamp, I
believe to be no less than twenty miles over; the other side
being, as far as I could well discern; there appearing great
ridges of mountains bearing from us W.N.W. One Alp, with a
top like a sugar loaf, advanced its head above the rest very
considerably; the day was very serene, which gave us the
advantage of seeing a long way; these mountains were clothed
all over with trees, which seemed to us to be very large
timbers. At the sight of this fair prospect we stayed all
night; our Indian going before half an hour, provided three
fat turkeys e'er we got up to him." The prospect he
describes is evidently the one seen from the Santee Hills;
the old Indian path passed over a point of one of these at
Captain Baker's plantation, from which the prospect extends
more than twenty miles; and the Alp, which was so
conspicuous, must have been Cook's Mount, opposite
Stateburgh.--Our traveller afterwards visited the Congaree,
the Wateree, and Waxhaw Indians, in South Carolina, and
divers tribes in North Carolina, as far as Roanoke; and it
is melancholy to think, that all of these appear to be now
extinct. They treated him with their best; such as bear meat
and oil, venison, turkeys, maize, cow peas, chinquepins,
hickory nuts and acorns. The Kings and Queens of the
different tribes always took charge of him as their guest.
LIFE OF MARION.
Chapter I. (EARLY HISTORY)
Birth of Gen. Marion. His Ancestry. First Destination of
Going to Sea. Voyage to the West Indies and Shipwreck. His
settlement in St. John's, Berkley. Expedition under
Governor Lyttleton. A Sketch of the Attack on Fort
Moultrie, 1776. And the Campaign of 1779.
FRANCIS MARION was born at Winyaw,* near Georgetown, South Carolina,
in the year 1732;--memorable for giving birth to many distinguished
American patriots. Marion was of French extraction; his grandfather,
Gabriel, left France soon after the revocation of the edict of Nantz, in
1685, on account of his being a protestant, and retired from persecution
to this new world, then a wilderness; no doubt under many distresses and
dangers, and with few of the facilities with which emigrants settle new,
but rich countries, at the present day. His son, also called Gabriel,
was the father of five sons, Isaac, Gabriel, Benjamin, Francis, and Job,
and of two daughters, grandmothers of the families of the Mitchells, of
Georgetown, and of the Dwights, formerly of the same place, but now of
St. Stephen's parish.
* This is in error--The Marion family moved to Winyaw when
Francis was six or seven years old. Francis was probably
born either at St. John's Parish, Berkeley, or St. James's
Parish, Goose Creek; the respective homes of his father's
and mother's families. 1732 is probably correct as the year
of Francis's birth, but is not absolutely certain. Despite
beginning with this error, the author's remoteness from this
event is not continued with the events mentioned later in
the book, to which he was a witness. Those remarks should be
given their proper weight.--A. L., 1997.
Of the education of FRANCIS MARION, we have no account; but from the
internal evidence afforded by his original letters, it appears to have
been no more than a plain English one; for the Huguenots seem to
have already so far assimilated themselves to the country as to have
forgotten their French. It was indeed a rare thing, in this early state
of our country, to receive any more than the rudiments of an English
education; since men were too much employed in the clearing and tilth of
barren lands, to attend much to science.
Such an education seemed to dispose Marion to be modest and reserved in
conversation; to think, if not to read much; and, above all, not to be
communicative. An early friend of his, the late Captain John Palmer, has
stated, that his first inclination was for a seafaring life, and that
at the age of sixteen he made a voyage to the West Indies. The vessel
in which he embarked foundered at sea, and the crew, consisting of
six persons, took to an open boat, without water or provisions: but,
providentially, a dog swam to them from the ship, whose blood served
them for drink, and his raw flesh for food, for six days; on the
seventh, Francis Marion, and three of the crew, reached land, but the
other two perished at sea. Things which appear accidental at the time,
often sway the destinies of human life. Thus it was, that from the
effect of this narrow escape, and the entreaties of a tender mother,
Francis Marion was induced to abandon the sea, for an element, on which
he was to become singularly useful. His mother's maiden name was Cordes,
and she also was of French extraction. Engaged in cultivating the
soil, we hear no more of Marion for ten years. Mr. Henry Ravenel, of
Pineville, now more than 70 years of age, knew him in the year 1758;
he had then lost his father; and, removing with his mother and brother
Gabriel from Georgetown, they settled for one year near Frierson's lock,
on the present Santee canal. The next year Gabriel removed to Belle
Isle, in St. Stephen's parish, late the residence of his son, the Hon.
Robert Marion. Francis settled himself in St. John's, at a place called
Pond Bluff, from the circumstance of there being a pond at the bottom
of a bluff, fronting the river low grounds. This place is situated
about four miles below Eutaw, on the Santee; and he continued to hold it
during life.* Others fix his settling in St. John's, at a later period:
this is of little consequence, but what is of some, was that in this
most useful of all stations, a tiller of the ground, he was industrious
and successful. In the same year, 1759, the Cherokee war broke out,
and he turned out as a volunteer, in his brother's troop of provincial
cavalry. In 1761, he served in the expedition under Col. Grant, as
a lieutenant in Captain Wm. Moultrie's company, forming part of a
provincial regiment, commanded by Col. Middleton. It is believed that he
distinguished himself in this expedition, in a severe conflict between
Col. Grant and the Indians, near Etchoee, an Indian town; but, if he
did so, the particulars have not been handed down to us, by any official
account. General Moultrie says of him, "he was an active, brave, and
hardy soldier; and an excellent partisan officer." We come now to that
part of Marion's life, where, acting in a more conspicuous situation,
things are known of him, with more certainty. In the beginning of the
year 1775, he was elected one, of what was then called the provincial
congress of South Carolina, from St. John's. This was the public body
which agreed to the famous continental association, recommended by
congress, to prevent the importation of goods, wares, and merchandizes,
from Great Britain: they likewise put a stop to all suits at law, except
where debtors refused to renew their obligations, and to give reasonable
security, or when justly suspected of intentions to leave the province,
or to defraud their creditors; and they appointed committees in
the several districts and parishes in the state, which were called
committees of public safety, to carry these acts into effect. These
exercised high municipal authority, and supported generally by a
population sometimes intemperate, inflicted singular punishments** upon
such as were not only guilty, but even suspected, of infringing the
association. The provincial congress also, after receiving the news of
the battle of Lexington, determined upon a defensive war, and resolved
to raise two regiments of infantry, and one of cavalry. Marion was
elected a captain in the second regiment of these two, of which William
Moultrie was colonel. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, and Thomas Pinckney,
since so much distinguished, were likewise elected captains in this
regiment at the same time. The first of Captain Marion's appearing in
arms against the British, was in the latter part of this year, when he
acted as one of three captains under Colonel Motte, in taking possession
of Fort Johnson, on James Island. On this occasion much resistance
was expected, but the garrison abandoned the fort, and escaped to
two British vessels, the Tamar and Cherokee, then lying in Charleston
harbour. In the autumn of the same year a post was established at
Dorchester, where it was thought prudent to send part of the military
stores, and the public records out of Charleston; and here Captain
Marion had the command. This is only worthy of remark in the
circumstance, that as the climate of this place is remarkably bad in
autumn, it shows that our patriots had already so much enthusiasm in the
cause in which they had embarked, that they refused no station, however
perilous. As the provincial congress and committees of public safety
exercised all the legislative and judicial powers in the state, as might
have been expected, they soon became too complicated for them, and were
thrown into great confusion. The criminal code was still left in force;
but there were no judges to exercise that jurisdiction. The provincial
congress, therefore, without waiting for a convention of the people,
framed a constitution: by this they took the name of the general
assembly of South Carolina, and limited their own continuance until the
21st October, 1776; and, in every two years after that period, a general
election was to take place for members of the assembly. The legislative
powers were vested in a president, the assembly, and a legislative
council, to be chosen out of their own body. All resolutions of the
continental and provincial congress, and all laws then of force, were
continued. They passed a law, that only two thirds of the rice made in
the state should be permitted to be exported, the other third was to
remain in the country for its consumption, and for exchange for the
necessary articles of life: and upon these prices were to be fixed; it
was recommended to the people to cultivate cotton; the breed of sheep
was directed to be improved; and, after a certain day, none were to be
killed for market or home consumption; but the continental congress
soon after, passed a law that no rice should be exported; and it was
submitted to, without a murmur. A vice-president and privy council
of six members were elected, and among other duties, were to exercise
chancery jurisdiction; and other judges were directed to be chosen by
the general assembly.
* Pond Bluff is presently at the bottom of Lake Marion, S.C.
--A. L., 1997.
** Such as tarring and feathering.
In a few years, such confusion followed, that we shall see the
president, soon after denominated governor, and two of the privy
council, exercising all the civil and military powers of the state.
John Rutledge was chosen president, Henry Laurens vice-president, and
_ex-officio_ president of the privy council. In this year, (1776,)
Francis Marion had risen to the rank of major in the second regiment,
and was stationed with his colonel in the fort at Sullivan's Island. He
was in the action of the 28th of June, between that fort and nine of
the British ships, under Sir Peter Parker. Of the particulars of this
battle, every one has heard, and they need not be narrated here. Two
of the ships carried fifty guns, the ship Bristol, commodore Sir Peter
Parker, and the Experiment; and as powder was very scarce in the fort,
the orders were, "mind the commodore!" "Fire at the two fifty gun
ships." Col. Moultrie received the thanks of the commander in chief, of
congress, Gen. Lee, and of president Rutledge, for his gallant conduct
in that victory; and, what was more, the heart-felt gratitude of his
countrymen. The fort was called by his name, and he was raised to the
rank of brigadier general. His major then rose to the rank of lieut.
colonel. This action excited the highest resentment in the breasts of
the British rulers; and in the end they inflicted severe vengeance on
the state of South Carolina. Three years, however, elapsed before they
made another attempt. In December, 1778, a British fleet of thirty seven
sail, arrived off Savannah in Georgia, and landed about 4000 men. One
half of these, under Col. Campbell, immediately made an attack upon
the town. Gen. Howe, with six or seven hundred Americans, attempted
to oppose them; but was defeated at the first onset. The enemy took
possession of the town; and, as the Georgia militia were backward in
turning out, the whole country soon fell under their dominion. Shortly
after the taking of Savannah, Gen. Lincoln took command of the American
army, and Gen. Prevost of the British. On the 3d of Feb. 1779, Gen.
Moultrie, with a party of about 300 militia, mostly citizens of
Charleston and Beaufort, with the company of ancient artillery of
Charleston, was posted at Beaufort, where he heard the enemy was
advancing. He immediately dispatched his aid, Capt. Francis Kinloch,
to reconnoitre; while he moved forward on the road to Beaufort ferry.
Kinloch returning soon, stated the supposed force of the British, and
that they were near upon the road; Moultrie now pushed on to gain a
defile, but found it occupied by the enemy. There being no alternative,
he then drew up his men in open ground, with two field pieces in the
centre, and one on the right. The British force was two companies
of picked light infantry, posted under cover of a swamp. The militia
engaged them, and fought under this disadvantage till their ammunition
was all expended, and Moultrie ordered a retreat; but the British made
a simultaneous movement, and it became a drawn battle. Lieut. Wilkins of
the ancient artillery, was mortally wounded, and seven men were killed.
Capt. Heyward, Lieuts. Sawyer and Brown, and fifteen men, were wounded.
In the general's account of the action, the loss of the British is
not stated; he speaks highly of the conduct of his officers and men;
particularly of Capt. John Barnwell; and indeed it was no little matter,
thus to bring militia, in the open field, to fight regulars under cover.
Lincoln's force was fluctuating, as it consisted principally of militia,
who could not be brought under control; and in the midst of arms, when
the enemy were at the distance of only three miles, their officers
refused to subject them to the articles of war; and insisted upon their
being tried by the militia laws of the state, which only subjected them
to a small pecuniary fine. The case too was a flagrant one; a private of
Col. Kershaw's regiment had absented himself from guard, and upon being
reproved by his captain, gave him abusive language; the captain ordered
him under guard, and the man attempted to shoot his officer; but was
prevented. This case was referred to the general assembly then sitting,
who also refused to bring the militia under the articles of war.
Had Gen. Jackson lately submitted to such an interference with his
authority, we should never have heard of the glorious victory of New
Orleans. Gen. Lincoln would have nothing more to do with the militia,
and gave up the command of them to Gen. Moultrie, to act with them as a
separate corps. Pursuant to this resolution, and after calling a council
of war, he marched off (20th April) about 2000 light troops and cavalry,
for Augusta, leaving his baggage to follow. Near Augusta, he expected a
reinforcement of 3000 men, and his intentions were to take possession
of some strong post in Georgia, to circumscribe the limits of the enemy,
and to prevent their receiving recruits from the Cherokee Indians, and
tories. He left Gen. Moultrie, with about 1200 militia, at Black Swamp.
As soon as Gen. Prevost heard of this movement, he availed himself
of it, and immediately crossed over the Savannah, from Abercorn to
Purysburgh, twenty-five miles below Black Swamp, with the intention of
surprising Moultrie, but he, receiving intelligence of his crossing,
retired to Coosawhatchie. At this place he left a rear guard, and
pitched his head quarters on the hill to the eastward of Tulifinny, two
miles in advance towards Charleston. (1st May.) After reconnoitring the
fords of Coosawhatchie, and Tulifinny above the bridges, the general
found so little water in the swamps, from the excessive drought which
then prevailed,* that he determined not to risk an action at this post.
He was about to send one of his aids to bring off his rear guard, when
Col. John Laurens offered himself as a volunteer for that service; he
was readily accepted, and captain, afterwards Major John James, with
150 picked riflemen, was sent to cover his flanks: these, with the rear
guard, made near a fourth of the retreating army. Instead of bringing
off the rear guard, Col. Laurens drew them over to the east side of
the river, posted the riflemen at the bridge, threw off the planks, and
engaged the enemy. The British occupied the houses on the west bank,
from which they kept up a galling fire; a number of Laurens' men were
killed and wounded, and, as he was very conspicuous on horse back in
regimentals, with a large white plume, he was soon wounded himself, and
his horse killed. Laurens then retired, and captain, afterwards Col.
Shubrick, ordered a retreat. In the mean time Moultrie had decamped,
and the riflemen were obliged, as the planks were thrown off, to pass
Tulifinny and Pocotaligo bridges on the string pieces; and did not
overtake the main body till they had passed Saltketcher bridge. Here let
us pause for a moment, and take a view of the ground; twelve miles
of country had been passed over in one morning, which was a continued
defile of causeway, lined on both sides with either thick woods, or
ditches and fences, and four rivers had been crossed; over which were
high bridges, and only a slight skirmish had taken place. True, the
swamps above the bridges were dry, but then they were so wide and thick,
that the British would never have ventured into them. It is likewise
true that Col. Laurens said the militia would not fight, yet the
riflemen stood till they were ordered to retreat, and their retreat had
like to have been cut off. Laurens was not wrong in fighting, for it is
always best to keep militia employed: but in engaging without orders,
and in not burning down the houses near the river, he is blamed by Gen.
Moultrie.** However Moultrie himself was more to blame in suffering the
enemy to pass over Coosawhatchie. At least they ought not to have been
permitted to cross the Saltketcher. There is no doubt but Moultrie was a
firm patriot and a brave soldier, but he acted now under the impulse
of an opinion, which then generally prevailed among the officers of the
South Carolina troops, that Charleston was all important, and if taken,
the state must be lost. We shall see the effect of this system in the
end. In the same manner the Edisto and Ashley were now passed, without
striking a blow. The Americans suffered greatly both for provisions and
for the want of water, drinking out of every puddle in the road, however
filthy. The enemy, on the contrary, passed through the richest part
of the state, and were suffered to scatter themselves abroad, and to
satiate themselves with choice fare, and valuable plunder. General
Moultrie continued his march to Charleston, and Prevost took post before
the lines.
* The fine spring at Tulifinny had then entirely failed.
** 1st Volume Moultrie's memoirs, p. 403-4.
We have for some time lost sight of Lieut. Col. Marion, and the reader
may naturally inquire, was he at Tulifinny? He was not. With the second
regiment under his command, he was in garrison at fort Moultrie. Before
Gen. Moultrie broke up his camp at Black Swamp, he wrote to Gen. Lincoln
to give him advice of the movement of the enemy to Purysburgh, and from
time to time of their progress to Charleston; but Lincoln marched up to
Augusta, crossed over into Georgia, and moved down on the other side
of the river for some time, very deliberately.* However, from Jannett's
ferry, he writes a letter, of which the following is an extract: "If the
enemy should give public evidence of their designs against Charleston, I
think, with your force, as you are in possession of _strong passes_, you
will be able to stop their progress and give us time to come up." On the
10th of May, he again writes to Gen. Moultrie, "We are making, and
shall continue to make, every exertion for the relief of Charleston. The
baggage will be left. The inability of the men only, will put a period
to our daily marches. Our men are full of spirits. Do not give up, or
suffer the people to despair." But the governor and council did despair
already, for a majority of them had finally offered to capitulate, and
proposed a neutrality, during the war between Great Britain and South
Carolina; and the question, whether the state should belong to Great
Britain, or remain one of the United States, to be determined by the
treaty of peace; from this offer, Gen. Gadsden and Mr. Thomas Ferguson
dissented. To carry terms so disgraceful, to Prevost, Col. Laurens
was pitched upon; but he indignantly refused to be the bearer. Cols.
M'Intosh and Roger Smith were then persuaded to go with a flag. The
British commander appointed Col. Prevost, as commissioner to receive
them; and he delivered a message from the general, "that he had nothing
to do with the governor, that his business was with Gen. Moultrie; and
as the garrison was in arms, they must surrender prisoners of war." At
this answer, the governor and council looked blank; and some were
for submitting even to this degrading proposal: but Moultrie cut the
conference short, by declaring, "that as it was left to him, he would
fight to the last extremity." Laurens, who was present, and sitting,
bounded to his feet at the expression, raised his hands, and thanked his
God! Thus it was only by a mistake of Prevost, as to the high powers
of the civil authority, that the town, and the state of South Carolina,
were then saved. What renders this offer the more astonishing, was,
that the garrison, 3180 strong, were in good spirits, and an army under
Lincoln, was marching to their assistance, on the rear of the enemy; who
were not much stronger than the besieged, being computed at 3680 men.**
Early the next morning, Prevost decamped, and retreated to John's and
James Islands. (May 13th.) There was great rejoicing in the town; but
the consequence to which it had arrived, by repelling two attempts of
the enemy, only brought against it a greater armament, and in the end,
sunk it into deeper distress. An attack upon the British at Stono ferry,
was now planned by Gen. Lincoln. Gen. Moultrie, was to throw over on
James Island, all the troops which could be spared from the town,
and make a feint on that side, or attack, if a favourable opportunity
offered; while the principal effort was to be made by Lincoln, at Stono.
He made the attack before Moultrie could cooperate, (June 20) and the
enemy remaining in their lines, and being reinforced, obliged him to
retreat. In this affair a few men were killed, and Col. Roberts, of the
artillery, mortally wounded. His loss was greatly and justly lamented.
William Richardson Davie, lately deceased, and afterwards so much
celebrated as Gen. Davie, was among the wounded. Prevost, soon after
this, retreated along the chain of islands on the coast, until he
reached Port Royal and Savannah. During the time Prevost lay before
the lines of Charleston, Maj. Benjamin Huger, an active officer, a
wise statesman, and a virtuous citizen, was unfortunately killed. What
rendered his fate the more melancholy, was, that the act was done by the
mistake of his own countrymen. It was at this time also, that Gen. Count
Pulaski, a Polander, began to distinguish himself as a partisan. His
address in single combat, was greatly celebrated. Col. Kowatch, under
his command, was killed before the lines, and shamefully mutilated by
the British. Of the campaign of 1779, it was not the intention of the
author to give a minute detail; but only to sketch out those feelings,
and that line of conduct, in the cabinet and field, which, followed up
in the succeeding year, brought ruin and disgrace upon the country.
* Lincoln's letter, 20th April.
** 1st vol. Moultrie's memoirs, from p. 425 to 435.