[54] The principal interpreter of the Indian languages of the temperate

parts of North America has been Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, of Hartford,

for whose labor in the bibliography of the subject see a chapter in

vol i. of the _Memorial History of Boston_. There is also a collection

edited by him, of books in and upon the Indian languages, in the

_Brinley Catalogue_, iii. 123-145. He gave in the _Proceedings_ of

the American Antiquarian Society, and also separately in 1874, a list

of books in the Indian languages, printed at Cambridge and Boston,

1653-1721 (Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 1,571). Cf. also Ludewig’s

_Literature of American Aboriginal Languages_, mentioned on an

earlier page. It was edited and corrected by William W. Turner. (Cf.

_Pinart-Brasseur Catalogue_, no. 565; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no.

959).

Icazbalceta published in 1866, at Mexico, a list of the writers on the

languages of America; and Romero made a similar enumeration of those of

Mexico, in 1862, in the _Boletin de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografia_,

vol. viii. Dr. Daniel G. Brinton has made a good introduction to the

literary history of the native Americans in his _Aboriginal American

Authors_, published by him at Philadelphia in 1883. For his own

linguistic contributions, see Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 187,

etc. One of the earliest enumerations of linguistic titles can be

picked out of the list which Boturini Benaduci, in 1746, appended to

his _Idea de una nueva historia general de la America septentrional_.

The most extensive enumeration of the literature of all the North

American tongues is doubtless to be the _Bibliography of North American

Linguistics_, which is preparing by Mr. James C. Pilling of the Bureau

of Ethnology in Washington, and which will be published in due time

by that bureau. A preliminary issue (100 copies) for corrections is

called _Proof-sheets of a Bibliography of the Indian Languages of North

America_ (pp. xl, 1135).

The _Bibliotheca Americana_ of Leclerc (Paris, 1879) affords many

titles to which a preliminary “Table des Divisions” affords an index,

and most of them are grouped under the heading “Linguistique,” p. 537,

etc. The third volume of H. H. Bancroft’s Native Races, particularly

in its notes, is a necessary aid in this study; and a convenient

summary of the whole subject will be found in chapter x. of John T.

Short’s _North Americans of Antiquity_. J. C. E. Buschmann has been

an ardent laborer in this field; the bibliographies give his printed

works (Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, p. 208, etc.), and Stargardt’s

_Catalogue_ (no. 135, p. 6) shows some of his manuscripts. The Comte

Hyacinthe de Charencey has for some years, from time to time, printed

various minor monographs on these subjects; and in 1883 he collected

his views in a volume of _Mélanges de philologie et de paléographie

Américaines_.

The Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, in his _Bibliothèque

Mexico-Guatemalienne_ (Leclerc, nos. 81, 1,084), has given for

Central America a very excellent list of the works on the linguistics

of the natives, which are all contained also in the _Catalogue_

of the Pinart-Brasseur sale, which took place in Paris in January

and February, 1884. Cf. the paper on Brasseur by Dr. Brinton, in

_Lippincott’s Magazine_, vol. i.; and the enumeration of his numerous

writings in Sabin’s _Dictionary_, ii. 7,420; also Leclerc, Field, and

Bancroft.

Dr. Félix C. Y. Sobron’s _Los Idiomas de la America Latina,—Estudios

Biografico-bibliograficos_, published a few years since at Madrid,

gives, according to Dr. Brinton, extended notices of several rare

volumes; but on the whole the book is neither exhaustive nor very

accurate.

Julius Platzmann’s _Verzeichniss einer Auswahl Amerikanischer

Grammatiken_, etc. (Leipsic, 1876), is a small but excellent list, with

proper notes. These bibliographies will show the now numerous works

upon the aboriginal tongues, their construction and their fruits.

There are several important series interesting to the student, which

are found in the catalogues. Such are the _Bibliothèque linguistique

Américaine_, published in seven volumes by Maisonneuve in Paris

(Leclerc, no. 2,674); the _Coleccion de linguistica y etnografía

Americanas_, or _Bibliothèque de linguistique et d’Ethnographie

Américaines_, 1875, etc., edited by A. L. Pinart; the _Library of

American Linguistics_, in thirteen volumes, edited by Dr. John G. Shea

(Cf. _Brinley Catalogue_, vol. iii. no. 5,631; Field, no. 1,396);

_Brinton’s Library of Aboriginal American Literature_, published by Dr.

D. G. Brinton in Philadelphia; and Brasseur de Bourbourg’s _Collection

de documents dans les langues indigènes_, Paris, 1861-1864, in four

volumes (cf. Field, p. 175).

The earliest work printed exclusively in a native language was the

_Catecismo de la Doctrina Cristiana en lengua Timuiquana_, published at

Mexico in 1617 (cf. Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 58,580; Finotti, p. 14). This

is the statement often made; but Mr. Pilling refers me to references

in Icazbalceta’s _Zumárraga_ (vol. 1. p. 200) to an earlier edition

of about 1547; and in the same author’s _Bibliografia Mexicana_ (p.

32), to one of 1553. Molina’s _Vocabulario de la lengua Castellana y

Mexicana_, placing the Nahuatl and Castilian in connection, was printed

at Mexico in 1555. The book is very rare, five or six copies only being

known; and Quaritch has priced an imperfect copy at £72 (Quaritch,

_Bibliog. Géog. linguistica_, 1879, no. 12,616; Carter-Brown, vol. i.

no. 206; _Brinley Catalogue_, vol. iii. no, 5,771). The edition of 1571

is also rare (_Pinart-Brasseur Catalogue_, no. 630; Carter-Brown, vol.

i. nos. 285, 286; Quaritch, 1879, no. 12,617). The first edition of

Molina’s Aztec grammar, _Arte de la lengua Mexicana y Castellana_, was

published the same year (1571). Quaritch (1879, no. 12,615) prices this

at £52 10_s._ Cf. also Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 284. One of the chief

of the more recent studies of the linguistics of Mexico is Francisco

Pimentel’s _Cuadro descriptivo y comparativo de las lenguas indigenas

de México_, Mexico, 1862-1865; and second edition in 1874-1875.

This subject has other treatment later in the present volume.

[55] It included two thousand and thirty-four items, ninety-four of

which were Mr. Squier’s own works.

[56] Vol. II. p. 578.

[57] He says that up to 1881 he had gathered 35,000 volumes, at a cost

of $300,000, exclusive of time and travelling expenses. His manuscripts

embraced 1,200 volumes. The annual growth of his library is still 1,000

volumes.

[58] One twelfth of the earth’s surface, as he says.

[59] Cf. account of Maximilian’s library in the _Bookworm_ (1869), p.

14.

[60] These biographical data are derived from a tract given out by

himself which he calls _A brief account of the literary undertakings

of Hubert Howe Bancroft_ (San Francisco, A. L. Bancroft & Co. [his own

business house], 1882, 8vo, pp. 12). Other accounts of his library will

be found in the _American Bibliopolist_, vii. 44; and in Apponyi’s

_Libraries of California_, 1878. Descriptions of the library and of the

brick building (built in 1881) which holds it, and of his organized

methods, have occasionally appeared in the _Overland Monthly_ and in

other serial issues of California, as well as in those of the Atlantic

cities. He has been free to make public the most which is known

regarding his work. He says that the grouping and separating of his

material has been done mostly by others, who have also written fully

one half of the text of what he does not hesitate to call _The Works

of Hubert Howe Bancroft_; and he leaves the reader to derive a correct

understanding of the case from his prefaces and illustrative tracts.

Cf. J. C. Derby’s _Fifty Years among authors, books, and publishers_

(New York, 1884), p. 31.

[61] Averaging twelve from that time to this; a hundred persons were

tried for every one ultimately retained as a valuable assistant,—is his

own statement.

[62] At a cost, as he says, of $80,000 to 1882.

[63] They appeared in _The Nation_ and in the _New York Independent_

early in 1883. The first aimed to show that there were substantial

grounds for dissent from Mr. Bancroft’s views regarding the Aztec

civilization. The second ignored that point in controversy, and merely

proposed, as was stated, to test the “bibliographic value” which Mr.

Bancroft had claimed for his book, and to point out the failures of the

index plan and the vicarious system as employed by him.

[64] Seemingly intended to make part of one of the later volumes of his

series, to be called _Essays and Miscellanies_.

[65] With a general title (as following his _Native Races_) of _The

History of the Pacific States_, we are to have in twenty-eight volumes

the history of Central America, Mexico, North Mexico, New Mexico,

Arizona, California, Nevada, Utah, Northwest Coast, Oregon, Washington,

Idaho, Montana, British Columbia, and Alaska,—to be followed by six

volumes of allied subjects, not easily interwoven in the general

narrative, making thirty-nine volumes for the entire work. The volumes

are now appearing at the rate of three or four a year.

[66] The list which is prefixed to the first volume of the _History

of California_, forming vol. xiii. of his Pacific States series, is

particularly indicative of the rich stores of his library, and greatly

eclipses the previous lists of Mr. A. S. Taylor, which appeared in

the _Sacramento Daily Union_, June 25, 1863 and March 13, 1866. Cf.

Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. xxxix. A copy of Taylor’s pioneer

work, with his own corrections, is in Harvard College Library. Mr.

Bancroft speaks very ungraciously of it.

[67] See Vol. IV., chap. i. p. 19.

[68] Jackson, _Bibl. Géog._, no. 639; _Menzies Catalogue_, nos. 1,459,

1,460; Wynne’s _Private Libraries of New York_, p. 335. Mr. Murphy

died Dec. 1, 1882, aged seventy-two; and his collection, then very

much enlarged, was sold in March, 1884. Its _Catalogue_, edited by Mr.

John Russell Bartlett, shows one of the richest libraries of Americana

which has been given to public sale in America. It is accompanied by a

biographical sketch of its collector. Cf. Vol. IV. p. 22.

[69] Cf. Wynne’s _Private Libraries of New York_, p. 106. Mr. Brevoort

died December 7, 1887.

[70] Cf. Sabin, v. 283; Farnham’s _Private Libraries of Boston_.

[71] February, 1880, aged eighty years. His father was Robert Lenox,

a Scotchman, who began business in New York in 1783, and retired in

1812 with a large fortune, including a farm of thirty acres, worth

then about $6,000, and to-day $10,000,000,—if such figures can be made

accurate. Cf. also Charles Deane in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, April,

1880. Henry Stevens’s _Recoll. of Lenox_ is conspicuous for what it

does not reveal.

[72] The Lenox Library is now under the direction of the distinguished

American historical student, Dr. George H. Moore, so long in charge of

the New York Historical Society’s library. Cf. an account of Dr. Moore

by Howard Crosby in the _Historical Magazine_, vol. xvii. (January,

1870). The officer in immediate charge of the library is Dr. S. Austin

Allibone, well known for his _Dictionary of Authors_.

[73] Mr. Bartlett was early in life a dealer in books in New York; and

the Americana catalogues of Bartlett and Welford, forty years ago, were

among the best of dealers’ lists. Jackson’s _Bibl. Géog._, no. 641.

[74] The field of Americana before 1800 has been so nearly exhausted

in its composition, that recent purchases have been made in other

departments, particularly of costly books on the fine arts.

[75] Cf. Vol. III. p. 380.

[76] Because Greenland in the map of the Ptolemy of this year is laid

down. The slightest reference to America in books of the sixteenth

century have entitled them to admission.

[77] The book purports to have been printed in one hundred copies; but

not more than half that number, it is said, have been distributed.

Some copies have a title reading, _Bibliographical notices of rare

and curious books relating to America, printed in the fifteenth and

sixteenth centuries, in the library of the late John Carter Brown, by

John Russell Bartlett_.

[78] Sir Arthur Helps, in referring to the assistance he had got from

books sent to him from America, and from this library in particular,

says: “As far as I have been able to judge, the American collectors of

books are exceedingly liberal and courteous in the use of them, and

seem really to understand what the object should be in forming a great

library.” _Spanish Conquest_, American edition, p. 122.

[79] Cf. _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1875.

[80] Dr. Trumbull himself has been a keen collector of books on

American history, particularly in illustration of his special study

of aboriginal linguistics; while his influence has not been unfelt in

the forming of the Watkinson Library, and of that of the Connecticut

Historical Society, both at Hartford.

[81] The first sale—there are to be four—took place in March, 1878,

and illustrated a new device in testamentary bequests. Mr. Brinley

devised to certain libraries the sum of several thousand dollars each,

to be used to their credit for purchases made at the public sale of his

books. The result was a competition that carried the aggregate of the

sales, it is computed, as much beyond the sum which might otherwise

have been obtained, as was the amount devised,—thus impairing in

no degree the estate for the heirs, and securing credit for public

bequests. The scheme has been followed in the sale of the library (the

third part of which was Americana, largely from the Menzies library) of

the late J. J. Cooke, of Providence, with an equivalent appreciation

of the prices of the books. It is a question if the interests of the

libraries benefited are advanced by such artificial stimulation of

prices, which a factitious competition helps to make permanent.

[82] _American Bibliopolist_, viii. 128; Wynne’s _Private Libraries of

New York_, p. 318. The collection was not exclusively American.

[83] Memoir of Mr. Crowninshield, by Charles Deane, in _Mass. Hist.

Soc. Proc._, xvii. 356. Mr. Stevens is said to have given about $9,500

for the library. It was sold in various parts, the more extensive

portion in July, 1860. Allibone, vol. ii. p. 2,248.

[84] This collection—which Mr. Allan is said to have held at

$15,000—brought $39,000 at auction after his death.

[85] Another catalogue rich in pamphlets relating to America is that of

Albert G. Greene, New York, 18339.

[86] The _Catalogue_ is more correctly printed than the _Essay_. Sabin,

_Bibliog. of Bibliog._, p. cxxv.

[87] _Bibliotheca Mejicana, a collection of books relating to Mexico,

and North and South America_; sold by Puttick & Simpson in London,

June, 1869. (About 3,000 titles.)

[88] Jackson, _Bibl. Géog._, nos. 844, 845.

[89] _Catalogue de la collection précieuse de livres anciens et

modernes formant la Bibliothèque de feu M. Serge Sobolewski (de

Moscou)_ Leipsic, 1873.

[90] _Bibliotheca Sunderlandiana. Sale Catalogue of the Sunderland or

Blenheim Library. Five Parts._ London, 1881-1883. (13,858 nos.)

[91] _Catalogue de livres rares et précieux, manuscrits et imprimés,

principalement sur l’Amérique et sur les langues du monde entier,

composant la bibliothèque de Alphonse L. Pinart, et comprenant en

totalité la bibliothèque Mexico-Guatémalienne de M. l’abbé Brasseur de

Bourbourg._ Paris, 1883. viii. 248 pp. 8º.

[92] _Catalogue de la précieuse bibliothèque de feu M. le Docteur J.

Court, comprenant une collection unique de voyageurs et d’historiens

relatifs à l’Amérique. Première partie._ Paris, 1884. (458 nos.)

[93] There is an account of his family antecedents, well spiced as his

wont is, in the introduction to his _Bibliotheca Historica_, 1870.

[94] Trübner, _Bibliographical Guide to American Literature_ (1859), p.

iv.; _North American Review_, July, 1850, p. 205, by George Livermore.

[95] Allibone, ii. 2247-2248.

[96] Sabin, vol. xii. no. 49,961.

[97] Stevens, _Historical Collections_, i. 874. It was ostensibly made

in preparation for his projected _Bibliographia Americana_.

[98] _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 90; Allibone, vol. ii. p.

2248.

[99] Allibone, ii. 2248; _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 875;

_Bibliotheca Historica_ (1870), no. 1,974.

[100] Allibone, ii. 2248; _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 878.

[101] It was first published, less perfectly, in the _American

Journal of Science_, vol. xcviii. p. 299; and of the separate issue

seventy-five copies only were printed. _Bibliotheca Historica_ (1870),

no. 1,976. It was also issued as a part of a volume on the proposed

_Tehuantepec Railway_, prepared by his brother, Simon Stevens, and

published by the Appletons of New York the same year. _Ibid._ no.

1,977; _Historical Collections_, vol. i. nos. 894-895; Allibone, vol.

ii. p. 2348, nos. 17, 18, 19.

[102] _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 897.

[103] It is a droll fancy of his to call his bookshop the “Nuggetory;”

to append to his name “G. M. B.,” for Green Mountain Boy; and even

to parade in a similar titular fashion his rejection at a London

Club,—“Bk-bld—Ath.-Cl.”

[104] _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 898.

[105] _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 899.

[106] The public is largely indebted to the efforts of Mr. Theodore F.

Dwight, the librarian and keeper of the Archives of the Department of

State at Washington, for the ultimate success of the endeavor to secure

these manuscripts to the nation. Mr. Stevens had lately (1885) formed a

copartnership with his son, Mr. Henry N. Stevens, and had begun a new

series of Catalogues, of which No. 1 gives his own publications, and

No. 2 is a bibliography of New Hampshire History. He died in London,

February 28, 1886.

[107] _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1863, p. 203. Dr. Homes, of

Albany, is confident Joseph Bumstead was earlier in Boston than Mr.

Drake. The _Boston Directory_ represents him as a printer in 1800, and

as a bookseller after 1816.

[108] His earliest catalogue appeared in 1842, as of his private

library. Sabin’s _Bibl. of Bibl._, p. xlix. A collection announced for

sale in Boston in 1845 was withdrawn after the catalogue was printed,

having been sold to the Connecticut Historical Society for $4,000.

At one time he amassed a large collection of American school-books

to illustrate our educational history. They were bought (about four

hundred in all) by the British Museum.

[109] Cf. Jackson’s _Bibl. Géog._, no. 684, and pp. 185, 199. Also see

Vol. III. 361.

[110] His catalogues are spiced with annotations signed “Western

Memorabilia.” Sabin (_Dictionary_, vii. 369) quotes the saying

of a rival regarding Gowans’s catalogues, that their notes “were

distinguished by much originality, some personality, and not a little

bad grammar.” His shop and its master are drawn in F. B. Perkins’s

_Scrope, or the Lost Library_. _A Novel_. Mr. Gowans died in November,

1870, at sixty-seven, leaving a stock, it is said, of 250,000 bound

volumes, besides a pamphlet collection of enormous extent. Mr. W. C.

Prime told the story of his life, genially, in _Harper’s Magazine_

(1872), in an article on “Old Books in New York.” Speaking of his

stock, Mr. Prime says: “There were many more valuable collections in

the hands of booksellers, but none so large, and probably none so

wholly without arrangement.” Mr. Gowans was a Scotchman by birth, and

came to America in 1821. After a varied experience on a Mississippi

flat-boat, he came to New York, and in 1827 began life afresh as a

bookseller’s clerk. Cf. _American Bibliopolist_, January, 1871, p. 5.

[111] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. xxx.

[112] Jackson, _Bibl. Géog._, nos. 670-676.

[113] Jackson, no. 687. See Vol. IV. p. 435. Munsell issued privately,

in 1872, a catalogue of the works printed by him. Sabin, _Bibl. of

Bibl._, p. cv. Cf. a _Biographical Sketch of Joel Munsell, by George

R. Howell, with a Genealogy of the Munsell Family, by Frank Munsell_.

Boston, 1880. This was printed (16 pp.) for the New England Historic

Genealogical Society.

[114] Jackson, no. 669.

[115] They have been issued in 1869, 1871, 1873, 1876, 1877, 1878,

1879, 1883. Jackson, nos. 705-711. Lesser lists have been issued

in Cincinnati by William Dodge. The chief dealer in Americana in

Boston, who issues catalogues, is, at the present time, Mr. George E.

Littlefield.

[116] Another is now in progress.

[117] With these canons Mr. Quaritch’s prices can be understood. The

extent and character of his stock can be inferred from the fact that

his purchases at the Perkins sale (1873) amounted to £11,000; at the

Tite sale (1874), £9,500; at the Didot sales (1878-1879), £11,600; and

at the Sunderland sales (1883), £32,650, out of a total of £56,851.

At the recent sales of the Beckford and Hamilton collections, which

produced £86,444, over one half, or £44,105, went to Mr. Quaritch.

These figures enable one to understand how, in a sense, Mr. Quaritch

commands the world’s market of choice books. A sketch, _B. Q., a

biographical and bibliographical Fragment_ (1880, 25 copies), in the

privately printed series of monographs issued to a club in London, of

which Mr. Quaritch is president, called “The Sette of Odd Volumes,”

has supplied the above data. The sketch is by C. W. H. Wyman, and

is also reprinted in his _Bibliography of Printing_, and in the

_Antiquarian Magazine and Bibliographer_, November, 1882. One of the

club’s “opuscula” (no. iii.) has an excellent likeness of Mr. Quaritch

prefixed. Cf. also the memoir and portrait in Bigmore and Wyman’s

_Bibliography of Printing_, ii. 230.

[118] Jackson, nos. 643-649; Trübner, _Bibliographical Guide_, p. xix.

[119] Mr. Trübner died in London March 30, 1884. Cf. memorial in

_The Library Chronicle_, April, 1884, p. 43, by W. E. A. Axon;

also a “Nekrolog” by Karl J. Trübner in the _Centralblatt für

Bibliothekswesen_, June, 1884, p. 240.

[120] Cf. notice by Mr. Brevoort in _Magazine of American History_, iv.

230.

[121] There is a paper on “Edwin Tross et ses publications relatives

à l’Amérique” in _Miscellanées bibliographiques_, Paris, 1878, p. 53,

giving a list of his imprints which concern America.

[122] Jackson, nos. 689, 703, 717.

[123] Vol. IV. chap. viii. editorial note. There is an account

of Muller and his bibliographical work in the _Centralblatt für

Bibliothekswesen_, November, 1884.

[124] Jackson, nos. 650-654; Trübner, _Bibliographical Guide_, p.

xix; Sabin, _Bibliog. of Bibliog._, p. cv; Petzholdt, _Bibliotheca

Bibliographica_.

[125] More or less help will be derived from the American portion of

the _Liste provisoire de bibliographies géographiques spéciales, par

James Jackson_, published in 1881 by the Société de Géographie de

Paris,—a book of which use has been made in the preceding pages.

[126] See the chapter on the libraries of Boston in the _Memorial

History of Boston_, vol. iv.

[127] The extent of Dr. Dexter’s library is evident from the signs

of possession which are so numerously scattered through the 7,250

titles that constitute the exhaustive and very careful bibliography of

Congregationalism and the allied phases of religious history, which

forms an appendix to his _Congregationalism as seen in its Literature_,

New York, 1880. He explains in the Introduction to his volume the

wide scope which he intended to give to this list; and to show how

poorly off our largest public libraries in America are in the earliest

books illustrating this movement, he says that of the 1,000 earliest

titles which he gives, and which bear date between 1546 and 1644, he

found only 208 in American libraries. His arrangement of titles is

chronological, but he has a full name-index.

The students of the early English colonies cannot fail to find

for certain phases of their history much help from Joseph

Smith’s _Descriptive Catalogue of Friends’ Books_, London, 1867;

his _Bibliotheca Anti-Quakeriana_, 1873; and his _Bibliotheca

Quakeristica_, a bibliography of miscellaneous literature relating to

the Friends, of which Part I. was issued in London in 1883.

[128] The private library of George Bancroft is in Washington. It is

described as it existed some years ago in Wynne’s _Private Libraries of

New York_.

[129] A book on the private libraries of San Francisco by Apponyi was

issued in 1878.

[130] An account of the libraries of the various historical societies

in the United States is given in the _Public Libraries of the United

States_, issued by the Bureau of Education at Washington in 1876.

[131] The title is quoted differently by different authorities.

Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 32, and _Additions_, no. 16; his

_Christophe Colomb_, i. 89; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iv. 67;

Sabin, _Dictionary of Books relating to America_, x. 327; D’Avezac,

_Waltzemüller_, p. 79; Varnhagen, _Nouvelles Recherches_, p. 17;

Irving’s _Columbus_, app. ix.

[132] See Vol. IV. p. 12. The editorship is in dispute,—whether Zorzi

or Montalboddo. The better opinion seems to be that Humboldt erred in

assigning it to Zorzi rather than to Montalboddo. Cf. Humboldt, _Examen

critique_; Brunet, v. 1155, 1158; Sabin, _Dictionary_, vol. xii. no.

50,050; D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 80; Graesse, _Trésor_; Harrisse,

_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 48, 109, app. p. 469, and _Additions_, no.

26; _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_, October, 1857, p. 312;

Santarem’s _Vespucius_, Eng. tr., p. 73; Irving’s _Columbus_, app.

xxx.; Navarrete, _Opúsculos_, i. 101; Harrisse, _Christophe Colomb_, i.

89. There are copies of this 1507 edition in the Lenox and Carter-Brown

libraries, and in the Grenville Library; and one in the Beckford

sale, 1882 (no. 186), brought £270. Cf. also _Murphy Catalogue_,

no. 2,612[A], and _Catalogue de la précicuse bibliothèque de feu M.

le Docteur F. Court_ (Paris, 1884), no. 262. The _Paesi novamente

retrovati_ is shown in the chapter on the Cortereals in Vol. IV. to

be of importance in elucidating the somewhat obscure story of that

portion of the early Portuguese discoveries in North America. Since

Vol. IV. was printed, two important contributions to this study have

been made. One is the monograph of Henry Harrisse, _Les Cortereal et

leur voyages au Nouveau-monde. D’après des documents nouveaux ou peu

connus tirés des archives de Lisbonne et de Modène. Suivi du texte

inédit d’un recit de la troisième expédition de Gasper Cortereal et

d’une carte nautique portugaise de 1502 reproduite ici pour la première

jois. Mémoire lu à l’Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres

dans sa séance du 1er juin, 1883_, and published in Paris in 1883,

as Vol. III. of the _Recueil de voyages et de documents pour servir

à l’histoire de la géographie depuis le XIIIe jusqu’à la fin du XVIe

siècle_. The other is the excerpt from the _Archivo des Açores_,

which was drawn from that work by the editor, Ernesto do Canto, and

printed separately at Ponta Delgarda (S. Miguel) in an edition of one

hundred copies, under the title of _Os Corte-Reaes, memoria historica

accompanhada de muitos documentos ineditos_. Do Canto refers (p. 34) to

other monographs on the Portuguese discoveries in America as follows:

Sebastião Francisco Mendo Trigoso,—_Ensaio sobre os Descobrimentos e

Commercio dos Portuguezes em as Terras Septentrionaes da America_,

presented to the Lisbon Academy (1813), and published in their

_Memorias da Litteratura_, viii. 305. Joaquim José Gonçalves de Mattos

Corrêa,—_Acerca da prioridade das Descobertas feitas pelos portuguezes

nas costas orientaes da America do norte_, which was printed in

_Annaes maritimos e Coloniaes_, Lisbon, 1841, pp. 269-423. Luciano

Cordeiro,—_De la part prise par les Portugais dans le découverte de

l’Amerique_, Lisbon, 1876. This was a communication made to the Congrès

des Américanistes in 1875. Cf. Vol. IV. p. 15.

[133] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 55; D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_,

p. 80; Wieser, _Magalhâes-Strasse_, pp. 15, 17. There are copies in the

Lenox, Carter-Brown, Harvard College, and Cincinnati Public libraries.

The Beckford copy brought, in 1882, £78. Quaritch offered a copy in

1883 for £45. At the Potier sale, in 1870 (no. 1,791), a copy brought

2,015 francs; the same had brought 389 francs in 1844 at the Nodier

sale. _Livres payés en vente publique 1,000 francs et au dessus_, 1877,

p. 77. Cf. also Court, no. 263.

[134] Only one copy in the United States, says Sabin.

[135] In Carter-Brown and Lenox libraries; also in the Marciana and

Brera libraries. Leclerc in 1878 priced a copy at 1,000 francs. Cf.

Harrisse, no. 90, also p. 463, and _Additions_, no. 52; Sobolewski, no.

4,130; Brunet, v. 1158; Court, no. 264.

[136] Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,054; Leclerc, no. 2,583 (500 francs).

A copy was sold in London in March, 1883. There is a copy in the

Cincinnati Public Library.

[137] Harrisse, no. 109; Sobolewski, no. 4,131; Carter-Brown, vol. i.

no. 68; Murphy, no. 2,617.

[138] _Newe unbekanthe landte_ (Nuremberg, 1508), by Ruchamer; copies

are in the Lenox, Carter-Brown, Congress, and Cincinnati Public

libraries. Cf. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,056; Carter-Brown, vol. i.

no. 36; Harrisse, no. 57; Murphy, no. 2,613; Sobolewski, no. 4,069;

D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 83; Rosenthal, _Catalogue_ (1884), no. 67,

at 1,000 marks.

[139] _Nye unbekande Lande_ (1508), in Platt-Deutsch, by Henning

Ghetel, of Lubeck, following the German. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,057;

Harrisse, _Additions_, no. 29. The Carter-Brown copy (_Catalogue_,

vol. i. no. 37) cost about 1,000 marks at the Sobolewski (no. 4,070)

sale, when it was described as an “édition absolument inconnu jusqu’au

présent.” Mr. C. H. Kalbfleisch has since secured a copy at 3,000

marks,—probably the copy advertised “as the second copy known,” by

Albert Cohn, of Berlin, in 1881, in his _Katalog_, vol. cxxxix. no. 27.

Cf. _Studi biografici e bibliografici della Società Italiana_, i. 219.

[140] _Itinerariū Portugallēsiū e Lusitania in Indiā_ (Milan, 1508),

a Latin version by Archangelus Madrinanus, of Milan. Cf. D’Avezac,

_Waltzemüller_, p. 82; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,058; Harrisse, no. 58;

Sobolewski, no. 4,128; Muller (1870), no. 1,844. There are copies in

the Lenox, Barlow, Harvard College, Carter-Brown (_Catalogue_, vol. i.

no. 35), and Congressional libraries. The Beckford copy (no. 1,081)

brought £78. Sabin quotes Bolton Corney’s copy at £137. Copies have

been recently priced at £30, £36, and £45. A copy noted in the _Court

Catalogue_ (no. 177) differs from Harrisse’s collation.

[141] _Sensuyt le nouveau mōde_, supposed to be 1515; some copies vary

in text. The Lenox Library has two varieties. Cf. Sabin, vol. xii. nos.

50,059, 50,061; Harrisse, no. 83, and _Additions_, no. 46; D’Avezac,

_Waltzemüller_, p. 84. An edition of 1516 (_Le nouveau monde_) is in

the Carter-Brown and Lenox libraries (Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,062;

Court, no. 248; Harrisse, no. 86; Sobolewski, no. 4,129). One placed

in 1521 (_Sensuyt le nouveau mōde_) is in Harvard College Library

(Harrisse, no. 111; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,063). Another (_Sensuyt

le nouveau monde_) is placed under 1528 (Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,064;

Harrisse, no. 146, and _Additions_, no. 87).

[142] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 50. Harrisse also gives a chapter to

Peter Martyr in his _Christophe Colomb_, i. 85.

[143] See also the reference in Joannes Tritemius’ _De scriptoribus

ecclesiasticis_ (Cologne, 1546), pp. 481-482. There have been within

a few years two monographs upon Martyr:(1) Hermann A. Schumacher’s

_Petrus Martyr, der Geschichtsschreiber des Weltmeeres_ (New York,

1879); (2) Dr. Heinrich Heidenheimer’s _Petrus Martyr Anglerius und

sein Opus epistolarum_ (Berlin, 1881). This last writer gives a section

to his geographical studies.

[144] Humboldt, _Examen critique_, ii. 279; Irving, _Columbus_, app.;

Prescott, _Ferdinand and Isabella_ (1873), ii. 74, and _Mexico_,

ii. 96; H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 312; Helps, _Spanish

Conquest_. Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 66 and 160.

[145] Morelli’s edition of _Letter of Columbus_, 1810.

[146] There is an examination of this edition on page 109 of Vol. II.

[147] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 88; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_,

vol. i. no. 50; Huth, p. 920; Brunet, i. 293; Murphy, no. 1,606;

Leclerc, no. 2,647 (600 francs); Stevens, _Nuggets_, £10 10_s._;

_Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_. There is a copy in Charles Deane’s

collection. Tross priced a copy in 1873 at 900 francs.

[148] _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 61; Graesse, _Trésor_, i.

130; Sabin, i. 201, who says Rich put it under 1560.

[149] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 62; _Additions_, p. 78.

[150] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 110.

[151] There are copies in Harvard College and Carter-Brown libraries.

Cf. Sabin, i. 199; Leclerc, no. 24 (150 francs); Court, no. 13;

Murphy, no. 1,606[A]; Stevens, _Historical Collection_, i. 48; his

_Nuggets_, £2 2_s._ But recent prices have been £20 and £25; Brunet,

i. 294; Ternaux, no. 24; Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 8,173. This tract

was reprinted in the _Novus orbis_ (Basle, 1532), and was appended

to the Antwerp edition (1536) of Brocard’s _Descriptio terræ sanctæ_

(Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 218; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 117).

It is also in the _Novus orbis_ of Rotterdam, 1596 (Carter-Brown, vol.

i. no. 505).

[152] There are copies in the Harvard College, Lenox, and Carter-Brown

libraries. It is very rare; a fair copy was priced in London, in 1881,

at £62. Cf. Brunet, i. 293; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 94;

Sabin, i. 198; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 154; Murphy, no.

1,607; Court, no. 14.

[153] The book is very rare. There is a copy in Harvard College

Library. A copy was priced in London at £36; but Quaritch holds

the Beckford copy (no. 2,275), in fine binding, at £148. Harrisse

(_Bill. Amer. Vet._, no. 167) errs in his description. Cf. Brunet,

i. 294; Sobolewski, no. 3,667; Sabin, i. 199; Huth, p. 920; Stevens,

_Historical Collections_, i. 48; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 99; Murphy,

no. 3,002; Court, no. 124.

[154] Richard Eden’s copy of this book, with his annotations,

apparently used in making his translation of 1555, was sold in the

Brinley sale, no. 40, having been earlier in the Judge Davis sale in

1847 (no. 1,352). The first of the Stevens copies, in his sale of 1870

(nos. 75, 1,234), is now in Mr. Deane’s library. There are also copies

in the Force (Library of Congress), Carter-Brown (_Catalogue_, vol. i.

no. 104), and Ticknor (_Catalogue_, p. 14) collections, and in Harvard

College Library. Cf. Sabin, i.; Stevens’s _Nuggets_, £1 11_s._ 6_d._;

Ternaux, no. 47; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 176; Muller (1877),

no. 2,031; Court, no. 15; Murphy, no. 1,608; Leclerc (1878), no. 25 (80

francs); Quaritch, no. 11,628 (£3 10_s._; again, £5 5_s._); Sunderland,

vol. iv. no. 8,176 (£50). Priced in Germany at 60 and 100 marks.

[155] Ramusio’s name does not appear, but D’Avezac thinks his

editorship is probable; cf. _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_

(1872), p. 11. There are copies in Harvard College, Carter-Brown, J.

C. Brevoort, H. C. Murphy, and Lenox libraries. For an account of a

map said to belong to it, see Winsor’s _Bibliography of Ptolemy_,

sub anno 1540. Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 190; Stevens, _Historical

Collections_, vol. i. no. 344, and _Nuggets_, vol. ii. no. 1,808;

Murphy, no. 1,609; Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 8,177; Carter-Brown, vol.

i. no. 107; Ternaux, no. 43; Court, no. 213. Ramusio also included

Martyr in the third volume of his _Navigationi_. Cf. the opinions of

Mr. Deane and Mr. Brevoort on the _Summario_ as given in Vol. III. p.

20.

[156] Brunet, Graesse, Ternaux.

[157] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 214.

[158] Vol. i. p. 199.

[159] See Vol. III. p. 200; Murphy, no. 1,610.

[160] The book is rare; the copy in the Menzies sale (no. 1,332)

brought $42.50. Cf. further in Vol. III. p. 204; also Cooke, no. 1,642.

[161] It has three decades and three books of the “De Babylonica

legatione.” There are copies in Harvard College and the Carter-Brown

libraries. Cf. Rich (1832), no. 52; _Nuggets_, £1 10_s._ 6_d._; Sabin,

i. 201; Muller, (1877), no. 2,031; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 295;

Leclerc, no. 26 (80 francs); Harrassowitz, 35 marks; Quaritch, £1 5s.

and £1 16s.; Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 8,178; O’Callaghan, no. 1,479;

Cooke, no. 1,641; Court, no. 16; Murphy, no. 1,611.

[162] Graesse, i. 130; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 344; Stevens (1870),

no. 1,235.

[163] The Sunderland copy (vol. iv. no. 8,179), with the map, brought

£24; a French catalogue advertised one with the map for 250 francs.

Without the map it is worth about $25. See further in Vol. III. p. 42;

also Murphy, no. 1,612; Cooke, no. 1,643; Court, no. 17. Hakluyt’s text

was used by Lok in making an English version (he adopted, however,

Eden’s text of the first three decades), which was printed as _De Novo

Orbe; or, the Historie of the West Indies_. Bibliographers differ about

the editions. One without date is held by some to have been printed in

1597 (White-Kennett; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 1,013; Menzies,

no. 1,333, $35; Huth, p. 923); but others consider it the sheets of

the 1612 edition with a new title (see Vol. III. p. 47, Field, no.

1,014; Stevens, 1870, no. 1,236; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p.

10; O’Callaghan, no. 1,481; Murphy, no. 1,612*; Carter-Brown, vol. i.

nos. 129, 130). There are copies of this 1612 edition in the Boston

Athenæum, Harvard College, Carter-Brown, and Massachusetts Historical

Society libraries; it is worth from $30 to $40. Mr. Deane’s edition of

1612 has a dedication to Julius Cæsar, the English jurist of that day,

which is not in the edition without date. See Vol. III. p. 47. The same

was reissued as a “second edition,” with a title dated 1628, of which

there is a copy in Harvard College Library (Field, no. 1,015; Stevens,

_Nuggets_, £4 14_s._ 6_d._; Menzies, no. 1,334; Griswold, no. 475;

Quaritch, £9 and £12).

[164] Brunet, i. 294; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 10; _Bibl.

Amer. Vet._, no. 160; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 93; Sunderland, vol.

iv. no. 8,174, (£61). There is also a copy in Harvard College Library.

[165] Sabin, i. 200. Copy in Harvard College Library; it was printed at

the Elzevir Press (Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 11; Carter-Brown,

vol. ii. no. 1,036; Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 8,175).

[166] Prescott’s copy is in Harvard College Library (_Ferdinand and

Isabella_, 1873, ii. 76).

[167] Cf. Arana, _Bibliog. de obras anon._ (1882), no. 373.

[168] There are copies of this Basle edition in the Boston Public,

Harvard College, Carter-Brown, Lenox, Astor, and Barlow libraries.

Münster’s map, of which an account is given elsewhere, is often

wanting; the price for a copy with the map has risen from a guinea

in Rich’s day (1832), to £5. Cf. Harrisse, no. 171; Leclerc, no.

411; Muller (1877), no. 1,301; Ternaux, no. 38; Sabin, vol. ix. no.

34,100; Court, no. 249. The Paris edition has the Orontius Finæus map

properly, though others are sometimes found in it. Cf. Harrisse, nos.

172, 173; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 102; Sabin, vol. ix. nos. 34,101,

34,102; Leclerc, nos. 412 (150 francs), 2,769; Stevens, _Bibliotheca

geographica_, p. 124; Cooke, no. 2,879; Court, no. 250; Sunderland,

no. 263; Muller (1872), no. 1,847; Quaritch (1883) £12 16_s._ The

Lenox Library has copies of different imprints,—“apud Galeotum” and

“apud Parvum.” There are other copies in the Barlow and Carter-Brown

libraries. Good copies are worth about £10.

[169] Sabin (vol. ix. p. 30) says it is rarer than the original Latin.

There are copies in Harvard College, Congressional, and Carter-Brown

libraries. Cf. Rich (1832), £1 1_s._; Ternaux, no. 45; Sabin, vol. ix.

no. 34,106; Grenville, p. 498; Harrisse, no. 188, with references;

Stevens (1870), no. 1,419; Muller (1872), no. 1,853, and (1877) no.

1,309 (40 florins), with corrections of Harrisse; Sobolewski, no.

3,857; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 110; Huth, vol. iii. nos. 1,050-1,051.

Quaritch and others of late price it at £3. It was from this German

edition of the _Novus orbis_ that the collection, often quoted as that

of Cornelis Albyn, and called _Nieuwe Weerelt_, was made up in 1563,

with some additional matter. It is in the dialect of Brabant, and

Muller (_Books on America_, 1872, no. 1,854) says it is “exceedingly

rare, even in Holland;” he prices it at 50 florins. Cf. Leclerc, no.

2,579 (250 francs); Sabin, vol. ix. no. 34,107; Carter-Brown, vol. i.

no. 240; Huth, vol. iii. no. 1,051; A. R. Smith’s Catalogue (1874), no.

8 (£2 2_s._); Pinart, no. 668.

[170] It has pp. 585-600 in addition to the edition of 1532. There

are copies in the Cornell University (_Sparks Catalogue_, no. 1,107),

Lenox, Carter-Brown, Barlow, J. C. Brevoort, and American Antiquarian

Society libraries. One of the two copies in Harvard College Library

belonged at different times to Charles Sumner, E. A. Crowninshield

(no. 796), and the poet Thomas Gray, and has Gray’s annotations, and a

record that it cost him one shilling and ninepence. The map of the 1532

Basle edition belongs to this 1537 edition; but it is often wanting.

The _Huth Catalogue_ (vol. iii. p. 1050) calls the map of “extreme

rarity;” and Quaritch has pointed out that the larger names in the map

being set in type in the block, there is some variation in the style

of these inscriptions belonging to the different issues. Cf. Sabin,

vol. ix. no. 34,103; Harrisse, no. 223; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 123;

Leclerc, no. 413, with map (100 francs); Stevens (_Nuggets_) does not

mention the map, but his _Bibliotheca historica_ (1870), no. 1,455, and

_Historical Collections_, p. 66, give it; Muller (1872), no. 1,850 and

(1877) no. 1,306. Recent prices of good copies with the map are quoted

at £4 4_s._, 57 marks, and 70 francs; without the map it brings about

$4.00. Grolier’s copy was in the Beckford sale (1882), no. 187.

[171] There are copies in the Boston Public (two copies), Boston

Athenæum, Harvard College, Carter-Brown (no. 202), and American

Antiquarian Society libraries. The map is repeated from the earlier

Basle editions. Cf. _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 50; _Huth Catalogue_

(without map), iii. 1,050; Harrisse, no. 171; Stevens, _Historical

Collection_, vol. i. no. 501; Cooke, no. 1,064; Sabin, vol. ix. no.

34,104. Rich, in 1832, priced it with map at £2 2_s._; recent prices

are £4 4_s._ and £5 5_s._

[172] Edited by Balthazar Lydius. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 182;

Graesse, iv. 699; Brunet, iv. 132; Sabin, vol. ix. no. 34,105; Huth,

iii. 1051; Leclerc, no. 414 (40 francs); Stevens, _Nuggets_, £2 2_s._;

Court, no. 251; Muller (1872), no. 1,870. There are copies in Harvard

College Library and Boston Athenæum.

[173] The editions of Ptolemy recording or affecting the progress of

geography in respect to the New World are noted severally elsewhere

in the present work; but the whole series is viewed together in the

_Bibliography of Ptolemy’s Geography_, by Justin Winsor, which,

after appearing serially in the _Harvard University Bulletin_, was

issued separately by the University Library in 1884 as no. 18 of its

_Bibliographical Contributions_.

[174] H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 258. Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._,

no. 237) gives the date 1541 as apparently the first edition. His

authority is the _Labanoff Catalogue_; but the date therein is probably

an error (Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,384). The _Athenæ Rauricæ_ cites a

Latin edition of 1543,—it is supposed without warrant, though it is

also mentioned in Poggendorff’s _Biog.-liter. Handwörterbuch_, ii. 234.

[175] Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 258), describing a copy in the

Lenox Library. The map of America in this edition is given by Santarem,

and much reduced in Lelewel. There are twenty-four maps in it in all

(Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,385).

[176] Also published at Basle (Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_,

no. 152; Weigel, 1877, _Catalogue_; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,386). It

has twenty-eight maps. There is a copy in the Royal Library at Munich.

[177] The third and later German editions were as follows: 1546.

According to the _Athenæ Rauricæ_.—1550. Basle, 1,233 pages, woodcuts,

with views of towns added for the first time, and fourteen folios

of maps. Harrisse (no. 294) quotes the description in Ebert’s

_Dictionary_, no. 14,500. Cf. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,387; Leclerc,

no. 396; Rosenthal (Munich, 1884), no. 52, at 80 marks. Harrisse

(_Additions_, no. 179) says the Royal Library at Munich has three

different German editions of 1550.—1553. Basle. Muller (_Books on

America_, 1872, no. 1,020; 1877, no. 2,203) cites a copy, with

twenty-six maps; also Sabin (vol. xii. no. 51,388).—1556. Cited by

Sabin, vol. xii. no. 53,389.—1561. Basle. Cf. Rosenthal, _Catalogue_

(1884), no. 53.—1564. Basle. Cf. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,390;

_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 598. It has fourteen maps, the last being

of the New World.—1569, 1574, 1578. Basle. All are cited by Ebert and

Harrisse, who give them twenty-six maps, and say that the cuts are poor

impressions.—1574, 1578, 1588. Undated; but cited by Sabin, vol. xii.

no. 51,391-51,393.—1592, 1598. In these editions the twenty-six maps

and the woodcuts are engraved after new drawings. That of 1592 is in the

Boston Athenæum; that of 1598 is in Harvard College Library. The likeness

of Münster on the title is inscribed: “Seins alters lx jar.” America

is shown in the general mappemonde, and in map no. xxvi., “Die Newe

Welt.” Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,394-51,395.—1614, 1628. These Basle

editions reproduced the engravings of the 1592 and 1598 editions, and

are considered the completest issues of the German text. They are worth

from 30 to 40 marks each. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,396.

[178] The _Athenæ Rauricæ_ gives a Latin edition of 1545.

[179] This 1550 Latin edition has fourteen maps, and copies are worth

from $12 to $15. Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 300; _Huth Catalogue_,

iii. 1,009; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,379; Strutt, _Dictionary of

Engravers_.

[180] The title of the 1554 edition as shown in the copy in the Boston

Public Library reads as follows: _Cosmo | graphiae | uniuersalis

Lib. VI. in | quibus iuxta certioris fidei scriptorum | traditionem

describuntur, | Omnium habitabilis orbis partium situs, pro- | priæq’

dotes. | Regionum Topographicæ effigies. | Terræ ingenia, quibus sit

ut tam differentes & ua | rias specie res, & animatas, & inanimatas,

ferat. | Animalium peregrinorum naturæ & picturæ. | Nobiliorum

ciuitatum icones & descriptiones. | Regnorum initia, incrementa &

translationes. | Regum & principum genealogiæ. | Item omnium gentium

mores, leges, religio, mu- | tationes: atq’ memorabilium in hunc

usque an- | num 1554. gestarum rerum Historia. | Autore Sebast.

Munstero._ The same edition is in the Harvard College Library; but

the title varies, and reads thus: _Cosmo | graphiæ | uniuersalis

Lib. VI. in | quibus, iuxta certioris fidei scriptorum | traditionem

describuntur, | Omniū habitabilis orbis partiū situs, propriæq’ dotes.

| Regionum Topographicæ effigies. | Terræ ingenia, quibus sit ut tam

differentes & uarias | specie res, & animatas & inanimatas, ferat. |

Animalium peregrinorum naturæ & picturæ. Nobiliorum ciuitatum icones &

descriptiones. | Regnorum initia, incrementa & translationes. | Omnium

gentium mores, leges, religio, res gestæ, mu- | tationes: Item regum

& principum genealogiæ. | Autore Sebast. Munstero. | The colophon in

both reads: | Basileæ Apud Henrichum Petri, | Mense Septemb. Anno Sa |

lvtis M.D.LIIII._ | This copy belonged to Dr. Mather Byles, and has his

autograph; the title is mounted, and may have belonged to some other

one of the several “title-editions” which appeared about this time. Cf.

_Harvard University Bulletin_, ii. 285; _Carter-Brown_, vol. i. no.

194; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,380-51,381. The account of America is on

pages 1,099-1,113. These editions have been bought of late years for

about $4; but Rosenthal (Munich, 1884) prices a copy of 1552 at 130

marks, and one of 1554 at 150 marks.

[181] Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,382; Muller, _Books on America_ (1872),

p. 11.

[182] Some copies have nineteen maps, others twenty-two in all. Cf.

Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 291; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,383. Some

passages displeasing to the Catholics are said to have been omitted in

this edition. It is worth about $12 or $15.

[183] _Supplément_, col. 1,129; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,397.

[184] That of Basle, 1556, has on pp. 1,353-1,374, “Des nouvelles

ilsles: comment, quand et par qui elles ont esté trouvées,” with a map

and fourteen woodcuts. It is usually priced at about $20; the copies

are commonly worn (Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,398). The same publisher,

Henry Pierre, reissued it (without date) in 1568, with twelve folding

woodcut maps, the first of which pertains to America (Carter-Brown,

vol. i. no. 271; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,399). In 1575 a new French

edition, with the cuts reduced, was issued in three volumes, folio,

edited by Belleforest and others; it gives 101 pages to America. Cf.

Brunet, col. 1,945; _Supplément_, col. 1,129; Stevens (1870), p. 121;

Sunderland, no. 8,722 (£18 10_s._); Porquet (1884), no. 1,673, (150

francs); Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,400.

[185] Cf. Vol. III. of the present _History_, pp. 200, 201.

[186] Weigel (1877), p. 96; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,401.

[187] _Supplément_, col. 1,129. Cf. also Weigel (1877), p. 96;

Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,132; Sabin, vol. xii. nos. 51,402-51,403.

[188] _Terzo volume delle navigationi et viaggi_, etc., Venice, 1556.

His name is, Latinized, Ramusius.

[189] Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 46. A list of the Contents is

given in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (vol. i. p. 181), and in Leclerc

(no. 484), where a set (1554, 1583, 1565) is priced at 250 francs. Of

interest in connection with the present History, there are in the first

volume of Ramusio the voyages of Da Gama, Vespucius, and Magellan, as

well as matter of interest in connection with Cabot (see Vol. III. p.

24); in the second volume (1559), the travels of Marco Polo, the voyage

of the Zeni and of Cabot. The first edition of the first volume was

published in 1550; Ramusio’s name does not appear. A second edition

came out in 1554. Cf. _Murphy Catalogue_, nos. 2,096-2,098; Cooke, no.

2,117.

[190] Born in 1485-1486; died in 1557. There is an alleged portrait

of Ramusio in the new edition of _Il viaggio di Giovan Leone_, etc.

(Venice, 1857), the only volume of it published. The portrait of him by

Paul Veronese in the hall of the Great Council was burned in 1557; and

Cicogna (_Biblioteca Veneziana_, ii. 310) says that the likeness now in

the Sala dello Scudo is imaginary.

[191] Cf. also Camus, _Mémoire sur De Bry_, p. 8; Humboldt, _Examen

critique_; Hallam, _Literature of Europe_; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer.

Vet._, no. 304; Brunet, vol. iv. col. 1100; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no.

195 Clarke’s _Maritime Discovery_, p. x, where Tiraboschi’s account of

Ramusio is translated; and H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 282. Ternaux

mentions a second edition in 1564; but Harrisse could find no evidence

of it (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. xxxiii). There was a well-known second

edition of the third volume in 1565 (differing in title only from the

1556 edition), which, with a first volume of 1588 and a second volume

of 1583, is thought to make up the most desirable copy; though there

are some qualifications in the case, since the 1606 edition of the

third volume is really more complete.

[192] Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 275.

[193] Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 287, 288, 299, 337; Sunderland,

nos. 8,569, 8,570; Brinley, no. 44; Murphy, no. 1,709; Court, no. 241.

[194] Court, no. 242.

[195] Carter-Brown, i. 386; ii. 12; Brinley, no. 45.

[196] The different editions in the various languages are given in

Sabin, xii. 282.

[197] Sabin, vol. viii. no. 32,004.

[198] A complete reprint of all of Hakluyt’s publications, in fourteen

or fifteen volumes, is announced (1884) by E. and G. Goldsmid, of

Edinburgh.

[199] The title, however, as given in catalogues generally, runs:

_Collectiones peregrinationum in Indiam orientalem et Indiam

occidentalem, XXV partibus comprehensæ a Theodoro, Joan-Theodoro De

Bry, et a Matheo Merian publicatæ. Francofurti ad Mænum_, 1590-1634.

[200] This part is of extreme rarity, and Dibdin says that Lord Oxford

bought the copy in the Grenville Library in 1740 for £140. Cf. Vol. III.

[201] The earliest description of a set of De Bry of any

bibliographical moment is that of the Abbé de Rothelin, _Observations

et détails sur la collection des voyages_, etc. (Paris, 1742), pp.

44 (Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 473), which is reprinted in Lenglet du

Fresnoy’s _Méthode pour étudier la géographie_ (1768), i. 324. Gabriel

Martin, in his catalogue of the library of M. Cisternay du Fay, had

somewhat earlier announced that collector’s triumph in calling a set in

his catalogue (no. 2,825) “exemplum omni genere perfectum,” when his

copy brought 450 francs. The Abbé de Rothelin aimed to exceed Cisternay

du Fay, and did in the varieties which he brought together. The next

description was that of De Bure in his _Bibliographie instructive_

(vol. i. p. 67), printed 1763-1768; but the German editions were

overlooked by De Bure, as they had been by his predecessors. The

_Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (vol. i. no. 473) shows Sobolewski’s copy of

De Bure with manuscript notes. A lifetime later, in 1802, A. G. Camus

printed at Paris his _Mémoire sur les grands et petits voyages_ [de De

Bry] _et les voyages de Thevenot_. As a careful and critical piece of

work, this collation of Camus was superior to De Bure’s. A description

of a copy belonging to the Duke of Bedford was printed in Paris in

1836 (6 pp.). Weigel, in the _Serapeum_ (1845), pp. 65-89, printed his

“Bibliographische Mittheilungen über die deutschen Ausgaben von De

Bry,” which was also printed separately. It described a copy now owned

in New York. Muller, in his _Catalogue_ (1872), p. 217, indicates some

differences from Weigel’s collations. The copy formed by De Bure fell

into Mr. Grenville’s hands, and was largely improved by him before he

left it, with his library, to the British Museum. The _Bibliotheca

Grenvilliana_ describes it, and Bartlett (_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i.

321) thinks it the finest in Europe. Cf. Dibdin’s description, which

is copied in the _American Bibliopolist_ (1872), p. 13. The standard

collation at present is probably that of Brunet, in his _Manuel du

libraire_, vol. i. (1860), which was also printed separately; in this

he follows Weigel for the German texts. This account is followed by

Sabin in his _Dictionary_ (vol. iii. p. 20), whose article, prepared

by Charles A. Cutter, of the Boston Athenæum, has also been printed

separately. The Brunet account is accompanied by a valuable note

(also in Sabin, iii. 59), by Sobolewski, whose best set (reaching one

hundred and seventy parts) was a wonderful one, though he lacked the

English Hariot. This set came to this country through Muller (cf.

his _Catalogue_, 1875, p. 387), and is now in the Lenox Library.

Sobolewski’s second set went into the Field Collection, and was sold

in 1875; and again in the J. J. Cooke sale (_Catalogue_, iii. 297) in

1883. Cf. _Catalogue de la collection de feu M. Serge Sobolewski de

Moscou_, prepared by Albert Cohn. The sale took place in Leipsic in

July, 1873. Brunet and Sobolewski both point out the great difficulties

of a satisfactory collation, arising from the publisher’s habit of

mixing the sheets of the various editions, forming varieties almost

beyond the acquisition of the most enthusiastic collector, “so that,”

says Brunet, “perhaps no two copies of this work are exactly alike.”

“No man ever yet,” says Henry Stevens (_Historical Collections_, vol.

i. no. 179), “made up his De Bry perfect, if one may count on the three

great De Bry witnesses,—the Right Honorable Thomas Grenville, the

Russian prince Sobolewski, and the American Mr. Lenox,—who all went far

beyond De Bure, yet fell far short of attaining all the variations they

had heard of.” The collector will value various other collations now

accessible, like that in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 396

(also printed separately, twenty-five copies, in 1875); that printed by

Quaritch, confined to the German texts; that in the _Huth Catalogue_,

ii. 404; and that in the _Sunderland Catalogue_, nos. 2,052, 2,053.

[202] There are lists of the sets which have been sold since 1709 given

in Sabin (vol. iii. p. 47), from Brunet, and in the _Carter-Brown

Catalogue_ (vol. i. p. 408). The Rothelin copy, then esteemed the best

known, brought, in 1746, 750 francs. At a later day, with additions

secured under better knowledge, it again changed hands at 2,551 francs,

and once more, in 1855 (described in the _Bulletin du bibliophile_,

1855, pp. 38-41), Mr. Lenox bought it for 12,000 francs; and in 1873

Mr. Lenox also bought the best Sobolewski copy (fifty-five volumes) for

5,050 thalers. With these and other parts, procured elsewhere, this

library is supposed to lead all others in the facilities for a De Bry

bibliography. Fair copies of the _Grands voyages_ in Latin, in first or

second editions, are usually sold for about £100, and for both voyages

for £150, and sometimes £200. Muller, in 1872, held the fourteen parts,

in German, of the _Grands voyages_, at 1,000 florins. Fragmentary sets

are frequently in the Catalogues, but bring proportionately much less

prices. In unusually full sets the appreciation of value is rapid with

every additional part. Most large American libraries have sets of more

or less completeness. Besides those in the Carter-Brown (which took

thirty years to make, besides a duplicate set from the Sobolewski sale)

and Lenox libraries, there are others in the Boston Public, Harvard

College, Astor, and Long Island Historical Society libraries,—all of

fair proportions, and not unfrequently in duplicate and complemental

sets. The copy of the Great Voyages, in Latin (all first editions), in

the Murphy Library (_Catalogue_, no. 379), was gathered for Mr. Murphy

by Obadiah Rich. The Murphy Library also contained the German text in

first editions. In 1884 Quaritch offered the fine set from the Hamilton

Library (twenty-five parts), “presumed to be quite perfect,” for £670.

The Earl of Crawford and Balcarres is about publishing his bibliography

of De Bry.

[203] There are somewhat diverse views on this point expressed by

Brunet and in the Grenville Catalogue.

[204] Reference has been made elsewhere (Vol. III. pp. 123, 164) to

sketches, now preserved as a part of the Grenville copy of De Bry in

the British Museum, which seem to have been the originals from which De

Bry engraved the pictures in Hariot’s _Virginia_, etc. These were drawn

by Wyth, or White. A collection of twenty-four plates of such, from De

Bry, were published in New York in 1841 (_Field’s Indian Bibliography_,

no. 1,701). Cf. _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Oct. 20, 1866, for other of

De Bry’s drawings in the British Museum. De Bry’s engravings have been

since copied by Picard in his _Cérémonies et coutumes religieuses des

peuples idolatres_ (Amsterdam, 1723), and by others. Exception is taken

to the fidelity of De Bry’s engravings in the parts on Columbus; cf.

Navarrete, French translation, i. 320.

[205] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 453, 454, 455.

[206] Rich (1832), £5 5_s._ Cf. P. A. Tiele’s _Mémoire bibliographique

sur les journaux des navigateurs Néerlandais réimprimés dans les

collections de De Bry et de Hulsius_, Amsterdam, 1867.

[207] Stevens (1870), no. 668; Sabin, vi. 211.

[208] Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 456; vol. ii. no. 198; Muller (1875),

p. 389.

[209] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 457, 458; vol. ii. nos. 373, 791.

There was a second edition in 1655. Cf. Muller (1872), no. 636;

Sabin, vol. i. no. 50; iii. 59; Huth, ii. 612. Abelin also edited the

first four volumes (covering 1617-1643) of the _Theatrum Europeum_

(Frankfort, 1635), etc., which pertains incidentally to American

affairs (Muller, 1872, no. 1,514). Fitzer’s _Orientalische Indien_

(1628) and Arthus’s _Historia Indiæ orientalis_ (1608) are abridgments

of the _Small Voyages_.

[210] Vol. IV. p. 442.

[211] Sabin, vol. x. no. 42,392; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 530.

[212] Muller (1872), no. 1,867.

[213] Vol. III. p. 47. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. nos. 159, 169, 189,

223, 308, 330, 397. Sobolewski’s copy was in the Menzies sale (no.

1,649). Quaritch’s price is from £75 to £100, according to condition,

which is the price of good copies in recent sales.

[214] Muller (1872), no. 2,067.

[215] _Catalogue_ (1875), no. 3,284; (1877), no. 1,627; Tiele, no. 1.

[216] Muller (1872), no. 1,837.

[217] This collection also includes the voyages of Barentz, and of

Hudson, as well as several through Magellan’s Straits, with Madriga’s

voyage to Peru and Chili.

[218] The collection, as it is known, is sometimes dated 1644 and

1645, but usually 1646 (Muller, 1872, no. 1,871; Tiele, _Mémoire

bibliographique_, p. 9; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. nos. 567, 586; Sabin,

iv. 315, 316). A partial English translation appeared in London in 1703

(Muller, 1872, no. 1,886). The _Oost-Indische Voyagien_, issued at

Amsterdam in 1648 by Joost Hartgers, is a reprint of part of Commelin,

with some additions. Only one volume was printed; but Muller thinks

(1872 _Catalogue_, no. 1877) that some separate issues (1649-1651),

including Vries’s voyage to Virginia and New Netherland, were intended

to make part of a second volume. Cf. Sabin, viii. 118; Stevens,

_Nuggets_, no. 1,339.

[219] Vol. IV. p. 219.

[220] The original of Ogilby’s _America_: cf. Vol. III. p. 416.

[221] Muller (1872), no. 1,884. Another Dutch publication, deserving

of a passing notice, which, though not a collection of voyages,

enlarges upon the heroes of such voyages, is the _Leeven en Daden

der doorluchtigste Zee-helden_ (Amsterdam, 1676), by Lambert van den

Bos, which gives accounts of Columbus, Vespucius, Magellan, Drake,

Cavendish, the Zeni, Cabot, Cortereal, Frobisher, and Davis. There was

a German translation at Nuremberg in 1681 (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no.

1,149; Stevens, 1870, no. 231).

[222] Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,111. A second edition was printed by

the widow Cellier in Paris in 1683 (Muller, 1875, p. 395), containing

the same matter differently arranged.

[223] An earlier edition (1667) did not have them (Muller, 1875, p.

394). Capel’s _Vorstellungen des Norden_ (Hamburg, 1676) summarizes the

voyages of the Zeni, Hudson, and others to the Arctic regions.

[224] Sabin, iv. 68; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 50. It includes in

the later editions Castell’s description of America, with other of the

Harleian manuscripts, and gives Ferdinand Columbus’ life of his father.

[225] _Historical Magazine_, i. 125.

[226] Allibone; Bohn’s _Lowndes_, etc.

[227] Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,400; Sabin, viii. 92; Muller

(1872), no. 1,901.

[228] H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 745, who errs somewhat in

his statements; _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 1,074; Carter-Brown, vol. iii.

no. 88, with full table of contents. The best description is in Muller

(1872), no. 1,887. Although Vander Aa says, in the title of the folio

edition, that it is based on the Gottfriedt-Abelin _Newe Welt_, this

new collection is at least four times as extensive.

[229] Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 96.

[230] Carter-Brown, iii. 110.

[231] Carter-Brown, iii. 150.

[232] The publication began in numbers in 1708, and some copies are

dated 1710 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 158).

[233] Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 208, in ten vols., 1715-1718. H. H.

Bancroft (_Central America_, ii. 749), cites an edition (1715-1727)

in nine vols. Muller (1870, no. 2,021) cites an edition, ten vols.,

1731-1738.

[234] Sabin, vol. i. no. 1,250.

[235] Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 792; H. H. Bancroft, _Central

America_, ii. 747.

[236] Volumes xii. to xv. are given to America; the later volumes were

compiled by Querlon and De Leyre.

[237] Different sets vary in the number of volumes.

[238] Muller (1872), nos. 1,895-1,900; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no.

831; H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 746. A German translation

appeared at Leipsic in 1747 in twenty-one volumes.

[239] H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 750.

[240] Muller (1872), nos. 1,980, 1,981. There was a German translation,

with enlargements, by J. C. Adelung, Halle, 1767; an English

translation is also cited. A similar range was taken in Alexander

Dalrymple’s _Historical Collection of Voyages_ in the South Pacific

Ocean (London, 1770), of which there was a French translation in 1774

(Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,730). The most important contribution

in English on this subject, however, is in Dr. James Burney’s

_Chronological History of Discovery in the South Sea_ (1803-1817), five

volumes quarto.

[241] Dr. Johnson wrote the Introduction; there was a third edition in

1767 (Bohn’s _Lowndes_, p. 2994).

[242] H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 750.

[243] H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 754.

[244] Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,494.

[245] Sabin, v. 473; H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 750.

[246] Sabin, ix. 529; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,602; H. H.

Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 750.

[247] Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,733; H. H. Bancroft, _Central

America_, ii. 751.

[248] H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 751; Allibone.

[249] H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 749.

[250] H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 752.

[251] There was a quarto reprint in Philadelphia of a part of it in

1810-1812.

[252] There is a catalogue of voyages and an index in vol. xvii. Cf.

Allibone’s _Dictionary_.

[253] Stevens, _Bibliotheca geographica_, no. 317.

[254] Muller (1872), no. 1,842.

[255] Muller (1875), no. 3,303.

[256] Complete sets are sometimes offered by dealers at £30 to £35.

[257] H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 757.

[258] A Spanish translation of the modern voyages by Urrabieta was

published in Paris in 1860-1861. The Spanish _Enciclopedia de viajes

modernos_ (Madrid, 1859), five volumes, edited by Fernandez Cuesta,

refers to the later periods (H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, ii.

758).

[259] The plane earth cut the cosmic sphere like a diaphragm, shutting

the light from Tartarus.

_ἀυτὰρ ὕπερθεν_ _γῆς ῥίζαι πεφύασι καὶ ἀτρυγέτοιο θαλάσσης._ (Hesiod,

_Theog._ 727.)

“and above Impend the roots of earth and barren sea.”

(_The remains of Hesiod the Ascræan_, etc., translated by C. A. Elton,

2d ed. London, 1815.)

Critics differ as to the age of the vivid description of Tartarus in

the Theogony.

[260] Pythagoras has left no writings; Aristotle speaks only of his

school; Diogenes Laertius in one passage (_Vitae_, viii. 1 (Pythag.),

25) quotes an authority to the effect that Pythagoras asserted the

earth to be spherical and inhabited all over, so that there were

antipodes, to whom that is _over_ which to us is _under_. As all his

disciples agreed on the spherical form of the earth while differing

as to its position and motion, it is probable that they took the idea

of its form from him. Diogenes Laertius states that Parmenides called

the earth round (_στρογγύλη_, viii. 48), and also that he spoke of it

as spherical (_σφαιροειδῆ_, ix. 3); the passages are not, as has been

sometimes assumed, contradictory. The enunciation of the doctrine is

often attributed to Thales and to Anaximander, on the authority of

Plutarch, _De placitis philosophorum_, iii. 10, and Diogenes Laertius,

ii. 1, respectively; but the evidence is conflicting (Simplicius,

_Ad Aristot._, p. 506^b. ed. Brandis; Aristot., _De caelo_, ii. 13;

Plutarch, _De plac. phil._ iii., xv. 9).

[261] Plato, _Phaedo_, 109. Schaefer is in error when he asserts

(_Entwicklung der Ansichten der Alten ueber Gestalt and Grösse der

Erde_, 16) that Plato in the _Timaeus_ (55, 56) assigns a cubical form

to the earth. The question there is not of the shape of the earth, the

planet, but of the form of the constituent atoms of the element earth.

[262]

Terra pilae similis, nullo fulcimine nixa, Aëre subjecto tam grave

pendet onus. [Ipsa volubilitas libratum sustinet orbem: Quique premit

partes, angulus omnis abest. Cumque sit in media rerum regione locata,

Et tangat nullum plusve minusve latus; Ni convexa foret, parti vicinior

esset, Nec medium terram mundus haberet onus.] Arte Syracosia suspensus

in aëre clauso Stat globus, immensi parva figura poli; Et quantum a

summis, tantum secessit ab imis Terra. Quod ut fiat, forma rotunda

facit. (Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 269-280.)

The bracketed lines are found in but a few MSS. The last lines refer to

a globe said to have been constructed by Archimedes.

[263] Plato makes Socrates say that he took up the works of Anaxagoras,

hoping to learn whether the earth was round or flat (_Phaedo_, 46,

Stallb. i. 176). In Plutarch’s dialogue “_On the face appearing in the

orb of the moon_,” one of the characters is lavish in his ridicule of

the sphericity of the earth and of the theory of antipodes. See also

Lucretius, _De rerum nat._, i. 1052, etc., v. 650; Virgil, _Georgics_,

i. 247; Tacitus, _Germania_, 45.

[264] That extraordinary picture could, however, hardly have been

intended for an exposition of the actual physical geography of the

globe.

[265] Aristotle, _De caelo_, ii. 15.

[266] Archimedes, _Arenarius_, i. 1, ed. Helbig. Leipsic, 1881, vol.

ii. p. 243.

[267] The logical basis of Eratosthenes’s work was sound, but the

result was vitiated by errors of fact in his assumptions, which,

however, to some extent counterbalanced one another. The majority of

ancient writers who treat of the matter give 252,000 stadia as the

result, but Cleomedes (_Circ. doctr. de subl._, i. 10) gives 250,000.

It is surmised that the former number originated in a desire to assign

in round numbers 700 stadia to a degree. Forbiger, _Handbuch der alten

Geographie_, i. 180, n. 27.

[268] The stadium comprised six hundred feet, but the length of the

Greek foot is uncertain; indeed, there were at least two varieties, the

Olympic and the Attic, as in Egypt there was a royal and a common ell,

and a much larger number of supposititious feet (and, consequently,

stadia) have been discovered or invented by metrologists. Early French

scholars, like Ramé de l’Isle, D’Anville, Gosselin, supposed the true

length of the earth’s circumference to be known to the Greeks, and held

that all the estimates which have come down to us were expressions

of the same value in different stadia. It is now generally agreed

that these estimates really denote different conceptions of the size

of the earth, but opinions still differ widely as to the length of

the stadium used by the geographers. The value selected by Peschel

(_Geschichte der Erdkunde_, 2d ed., p. 46) is that likewise adopted

by Hultsch (_Griechische und Römische Metrologie_, 2d ed., 1882) and

Muellenhof (_Deutsche Alterthumskunde_, 2d ed., vol. i.). According to

these writers, Eratosthenes is supposed to have devised as a standard

geographical measure a stadium composed of feet equal to one half

the royal Egyptian ell. According to Pliny (_Hist. Nat._, xii. 14, §

5), Eratosthenes allowed forty stadia to the Egyptian schonus; if we

reckon the schonus at 12,000 royal ells, we have stadium = 12,000/40

× .525^m = 157.5^m. This would give a degree equal to 110,250^m, the

true value being, according to Peschel, 110,808^m. To this conclusion

Lepsius (_Das Stadium und die Gradmessung des Eratosthenes auf

Grundlage der Aegyptischen Masse_, in _Zeitschrift für Aegypt. Sprache

u. Alterthumskunde_, xv. [1877]. See also _Die Längenmasse der Alten_.

Berlin, 1884) objects that the royal ell was never used in composition,

and that the schonus was valued in different parts of Egypt at 12,000,

16,000, 24,000, _small_ ells. He believes that the schonus referred to

by Pliny contained 16,000 small ells, so that Eratosthenes’s stadium =

16,000/40 × .450^m = 180^m.

It is possible, however, that Eratosthenes did not devise a new

stadium, but adopted that in current use among the Greeks, the Athenian

stadium. (I have seen no evidence that the long Olympic stadium was

in common use.) This stadium is based on the Athenian foot, which,

according to the investigations of Stuart, has been reckoned at

.3081^m, being to the Roman foot as 25 to 24. This would give a stadium

of 184.8^m, and a degree of 129,500^m. Now Strabo, in the passage where

he says that people commonly estimated eight stadia to the mile, adds

that Polybius allowed 8⅓ stadia to the mile (_Geogr._, vii. 7, § 4),

and in the fragment known as the Table of Julian of Ascalon (Hultsch,

_Metrolog. script. reliq._, Lips., 1864, i. 201) it is distinctly

stated that Eratosthenes and Strabo reckoned 8⅓ stadia to the mile. In

the opinion of Hultsch, this table probably belonged to an official

compilation made under the emperor Julian. Very recently W. Dörpfeld

has revised the work of Stuart, and by a series of measurements of the

smaller architectural features in Athenian remains has made it appear

that the Athenian foot equalled .2957^m (instead of .3081^m), which

is almost precisely the Roman foot, and gives a stadium of 177.4^m,

which runs 8⅓ to the Roman mile. If this revision is trustworthy,—and

it has been accepted by Lepsius and by Nissel (who contributes

the article on metrology to Mueller’s _Handbuch der klassischen

Alterthumswissenschaft_, Nordlingen, 1886, etc.),—it seems to me

probable that we have here the stadium used by Eratosthenes, and that

his degree has a value of 124,180^m (Dörpfeld, _Beiträge zur antiken

Metrologie, in Mittheilungen des deutschen Archaeolog. Instituts zu

Athen_, vii. (1882), 277).

[269] Strabo, _Geogr._, ii. 5, § 7; the estimate of Posidonius is only

quoted hypothetically by Strabo (ii. 2, § 2).

[270] Pliny, _Hist. Nat._ ii. 112, 113. There is apparently some

misunderstanding, either on the part of Pliny or his copyists, in the

subsequent proposition to increase this estimate by 12,000 stadia.

Schaefer’s (_Philologus_, xxviii. 187) readjustment of the text is

rather audacious. Pliny’s statement that Hipparchus estimated the

circumference at 275,000 stadia does not agree with Strabo (i. 4, § 1).

[271] The discrepancy is variously explained. Riccioli, in his

_Geographia et hydrographia reformata_, 1661, first suggested the more

commonly received solution. Posidonius, he thought, having calculated

the arc between Rhodes and Alexandria at 1-48 of the circumference, at

first assumed 5,000 stadia as the distance between these places: 5,000

× 48 = 240,000. Later he adopted a revised estimate of the distance

(Strabo, ii, ch. v. § 24), 3,750 stadia: 3,750 × 48 = 180,000. Letronne

(_Mém. de l’Acad. des Inscr. et Belles-Lettres_, vi., 1822) prefers

to regard both numbers as merely hypothetical illustrations of the

processes. Hultsch (_Griechische u. Römische Metrologie_, 1882, p. 63)

follows Fréret and Gosselin in regarding both numbers as expressing

the same value in stadia of different length (Forbiger, _Handbuch der

alten Geographie_, i. 360, n. 29). The last explanation is barred by

the positive statement of Strabo, who can hardly be thought not to have

known what he was talking about: _κἄν τῶν νεωτέρων δὲ ἀναμετρήσεων

εἰσάγηται ἡ ἐλαχίστην ποιόυσα τὴν γῆν, οἵαν ὁ Ποσειδώνιος ἐγκρίνει περὶ

ὀκτωκαίδεκα μυριάδας οὖσαν_, (_Geogr._, ii. 2, § 2.)

[272] _Geographia_, vii. 5.

[273] 1° = 500 stadia = 88,700^m, which is about one fifth smaller than

the truth.

[274] Xenophanes is to be excepted, if, as M. Martin supposes, his

doctrine of the infinite extent of the earth applied to its extent

horizontally as well as downward.

[275] The domain of early Greek geography has not escaped the

incursions of unbalanced investigators. The Greeks themselves allowed

the Argonauts an ocean voyage: Crates and Strabo did valiant battle for

the universal wisdom of Homer; nor are scholars lacking to-day who will

demonstrate that Odysseus had circumnavigated Africa, floated in the

shadow of Teneriffe—Horace to the contrary notwithstanding,—or sought

and found the north pole. The evidence is against such vain imaginings.

The world of Homer is a narrow world; to him the earth and the Ægean

Sea are alike boundless, and in his thought fairy-land could begin west

of the Lotos-eaters, and one could there forget the things of this

life. There is little doubt that the author of the Odyssey considered

Greece an island, and Asia and Africa another, and thought the great

ocean eddied around the north of Hellas to a union with the Euxine.

[276]

Quinque tenent caelum zonae: quarum una corusco Semper sole rubens, et

torrida semper ab igni; Quam circum extremae dextra laevaque trahuntur

Caeruleae glacie concretae atque imbribus atris; Has inter mediam duae

mortalibus aegris Munere concessae divom.

(Virgil, _Georg._ i. 233.)

The passage appears to be paraphrased from similar lines which are

preserved in Achilles Tatius (_Isag. in Phænom. Arat._; Petavius,

_Uranolog._ p. 153), and by him attributed to the _Hermes_ of

Eratosthenes. See also Tibullus, _Eleg._ iv., Ovid, and among the men

of science, Aristotle, _Meteorol._, ii. 5, §§ 11, 13, 15; Strabo,

_Geogr._, i. 2, § 24; ii. 5, § 3; Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, ii. ch. 68;

Mela, _De chorographia_, i. 1; Cicero, _Republ._, vi. 16; _Tusc.

Disp._, i. 28.

[277] Aristotle, _Meteorol._, ii. 1, § 10; ii. 5, § 15; _De caelo_,

ii. 14 _ad fin_. Letronne, finding the latter passage inconvenient,

reversed the meaning by the arbitrary insertion of a negative

(_Discussion de l’opinion d’Hipparque sur le prolongement de l’Afrique

au sud de l’Equator_ in _Journal des Savans_, 1831, pp. 476, 545). The

theory which he built upon this reconstructed foundation so impressed

Humboldt that he changed his opinion as to the views of Aristotle on

this point (_Examen critique_, ii. 373). Such an emendation is only

justifiable by the sternest necessity, and it has been shown by Ruge

(_Der Chaldäer Seleukos_, Dresden, 1865), and Prantl (_Werke des

Aristoteles uebersetzt und erläutert_, Bd. ii.; _Die Himmelsgebäude_,

note 61), that neither sense nor consistency requires the change.

[278] Herodotus, ii. 23; iii. 115; iv. 36, 40, 45.

[279] Geminus, _Isagoge_. Polybius’s work on this question is lost,

and his own expressions as we have them in his history are more

conservative. It is, he says, unknown, whether Africa is a continent

extending toward the south, or is surrounded by the sea. Polib. _Hist._

iii. 38; Hampton’s translation (London, 1757), i. 334.

[280] Ptolemy, _Geogr._, vii. 3, 5.

[281] The circumnavigation of Africa by Phœnicians at the command of

Necho, though described and accepted by Herodotus, can hardly be called

an established fact, in spite of all that has been written in its

favor. The story, whether true or false, had, like others of its kind,

little influence upon the belief in the impassable tropic zone, because

most of those who accepted it supposed that the continent terminated

north of the equator.

[282] Ptolemy, _Geogr._, i. 11-14. Eratosthenes and Strabo located

their first meridian at Cape St. Vincent; Marinus and Ptolemy placed it

in the Canary group. See Vol. II. p. 95.

[283] Geminus, _Isagoge_, ch. 13; Achilles Tatius, _Isagoge in Phænom.

Arati;_ Cleomedes, _De circulis sublimis_, i. 2. The first two are

given in the _Uranologion_ of Petavius, Lond., Paris, 1630, pp. 56, 155.

The classes were always divided on the same principle, and each

contained two groups so related that they could apply to one another

reciprocally the name by which the whole class was designed. These

names, however, are not always applied to the same classes by different

writers. 1. The first class embraced the people who lived in the same

half of the same temperate zone; to them all it was day or night,

summer or winter, at the same time. They were called _σύνοικοι_ by

Cleomedes, but _περίοκοι_ by Achilles Tatius. 2. The second class

included such peoples as lived in the same temperate zone, but were

divided by half the circumference of that zone; so that while they

all had summer or winter at the same time, the one group had day when

the other had night, and _vice versa_. These groups could call one

another _περίοικοι_ according to Cleomedes, but _ἀντίχθονες_ according

to Tatius. 3. The third class included those who were divided by the

torrid zone, so that part lived in the northern temperate zone and part

in the southern, but yet so that all were in the same half of their

respective zones; _i. e._, all were in either the eastern or western,

upper or lower, hemisphere. Day and night were shared by the whole

class at once, but not the seasons, the northern group having summer

when the southern had winter, and _vice versa_. These groups could call

one another _ἄντοικοι_. 4. The fourth class comprised the groups which

we know as antipodes, dwelling with regard to one another in different

halves of the two temperate zones, so that they had neither seasons nor

day or night in common, but stood upon the globe diametrically opposed

to one another. All writers agree in calling these groups _ἀντίποδες_.

The introduction of the word _antichthones_ in place of _perioeci_ was

due, apparently, to a misunderstanding of the Pythagorean _antichthon_.

This name was properly applied to the imaginary planet invented by the

early Pythagoreans to bring the number of the spheres up to ten; it

was located between the earth and the central fire, and had the same

period of revolution as the earth, from the outer, Grecian, side of

which it was never visible. This “opposite earth,” _Gegenerde_, was

later confused with the other, western, or lower hemisphere of the

earth itself. It was also sometimes applied to the inhabitants of the

southern hemisphere, as by Cicero in the _Tusculan Disputations_ (i.

28), “duabus oris distantibus habitabilem et cultum; quarum altera quam

nos incolimus,

Sub axe posita ad stellas septem unde horrifer

Aquiloni stridor gelidas molitur nives,

altera australis, ignota nobis, _quam vocant Græci_ _ἀντίχθονα_.” Mela

has the same usage (i. 4, 5), as quoted below. Macrobius, _Comm. in

Somn. Scip._ lib. ii. 5, uses the nomenclature of Cleomedes. Reinhardt,

quoted in Engelmann’s _Bibliotheca classica Græca_, under Geminus, I

have not been able to see.

[284] Strabo, i. 4, § 6, 7; i. 2, § 24. Geminus, _Isagoge_, 13.

Muellenhof, _Deutsche Alterthumskunde_, i. 247-254. Berger, _Geogr.

Fragmente d. Eratosthenes_, 8, 84.

[285] Cicero, _Respubl._, vi. 15... sed partim obliquos, partim

transversos, partim etiam adversos stare vobis. Some MSS. read aversos.

See also _Tusc. Disp._, i. 28; _Acad._, ii. 39.

[286] Antichthones alteram [zonam], nos alteram incolimus. Illius situs

ob ardorem intercedentis plagae incognitus, huius dicendus est. Haec

ergo ab ortu porrecta ad occasum, et quia sic iacet aliquanto quam

ubi latissima est longior, ambitur omnis oceano. Mela, _Chor._, i.

4, 5. Because Mela says that the known world is _but little_ longer

than its width, it has been supposed that he was better informed than

his contemporaries, and attributed something like its real extent

to Africa. Thomassy (_Les papes géographiques_, Paris, 1852, p. 17)

finds in his work a rival system to that of Ptolemy. The discovery

of America, he thinks, was due to Ptolemy; that of the Cape of Good

Hope to Mela. It was the good fortune of Mela that his work was

widely read in the Middle Ages, and had great influence; but we owe

him no new system of geography, since he simply adopted the oceanic

theory as represented by Strabo and Crates. That he slightly changed

the traditional proportion between the length and breadth of the

known world is of small importance. The known world, he states, was

surrounded by the ocean, and there is nothing to show that he supposed

Africa to extend below the equator. In his description of Africa

he applies the terms length and breadth not as we should, but with

contrary usage: “Africa ab orientis parte Nilo terminata, pelago a

ceteris, brevior est quidem quam Europa, quia nec usquam Asiae et non

totis huius litoribus obtenditur, longior tamen ipsa quam latior, et

qua ad fluvium adtingit latissima,” etc., i. 20. (Ed. Parthey, 1867.)

[287] Mela, i. 54, “Alter orbis.” Cicero, _Tusc. Disp._, i. 28, “Ora

Australis.”

[288] Hyde Clarke, _Atlantis_, in the _Transactions of the Royal

Historical Society_, London, New Series, vol. iii.; Reinaud, _Relations

politiques_, etc., _de l’empire Romaine avec l’Asie orientale_, etc.,

in the _Journal Asiatique_, 1863, p. 140.

[289] The exposition of Macrobius is so interesting as illustrating the

mathematical and physical geography of the ancients, and as showing

how thoroughly the practical consequences of the sphericity of the

earth were appreciated; it is so important in the present connection

as demonstrating that the whole idea of inhabited lands in other parts

of the earth was based on logic only, not on knowledge, that I have

ventured to quote from it somewhat freely.

Macrobius, _Comm. in Somn. Scipionis_, ii. 5.—“Cernis autem eamdem

terram quasi quibusdam redimitam et circumdatam cingulis, e quibus

duos maxime inter se diversos, et caeli verticibus ipsis ex utraque

parte subnixos, obriguisse pruina vides; medium autem illum, et

maximum, solis ardore torreri. Duo sunt habitabiles: quorum australis

ille, in quo qui insistunt, adversa vobis urgent vestigia, nihil ad

vestrum genus; hic autem alter subjectus aquiloni, quem incolitis,

cerne quam tenui vos parte contingat. Omnis enim terra, quae colitur

a vobis, angusta verticibus, lateribus latior, parva quaedam insula

est....” (Cicero.) ... Nam et septentrionalis et australis extremitas

perpetua obriguerunt pruina.... Horum uterque habitationis impatiens

est.... Medius cingulus et ideo maximus, aeterno afflatu continui

caloris ustus, spatium quod et lato ambitu et prolixius occupavit,

nimietate fervoris facit inhabitabile victuris. Inter extremos vero

et medium duo majores ultimis, medio minores ex utriusque vicinitatis

intemperie temperantur.... Licet igitur sint hae duae ... quas diximus

temperatas, non tamen ambae zonae hominibus nostri generis indultae

sunt: sed sola superior, ... incolitur ab omni, quale scire possumus,

hominum genere, Romani Graecive sint, vel barbari cujusque nationis.

Illa vero ... sola ratione intelligitur, quod propter similem temperiem

similiter incolatur, sed a quibus, neque licuit unquam nobis nec

licebit cognoscere: interjecta enim torrida utrique hominum generi

commercium ad se denegat commeandi.... Nec dubium est, nostrum quoque

septentrionem [ventum] ad illos qui australi adjacent, propter eamdem

rationem calidum pervenire, et austrum corporibus eorum gemino aurae

suae rigore blandiri. Eadem ratio nos non permittit ambigere quin per

illam quoque superficiem terrae quae ad nos habetur inferior, integer

zonarum ambitus quae hic temperatae sunt, eodem ductu temperatus

habeatur; atque ideo illic quoque eaedem duae zonae a se distantes

similiter incolantur.... Nam si nobis vivendi facultas est in hac

terrarum parte quam colimus, quia, calcantes humum, caelum suspicimus

super verticem, quia sol nobis et oritur et occidit, quia circumfuso

fruimur aere cujus spiramus haustu, cur non et illic aliquos vivere

credamus ubi eadem semper inpromptu sunt? Nam, qui ibi dicuntur morari,

eamdem credendi sunt spirare auram, quia eadem est in ejusdem zonalis

ambitus continuatione temperies. Idem sol illis et obire dicitur nostro

ortu, et orietur quum nobis occidet: calcabunt aeque ut nos humum, et

supra verticem semper caelum videbunt. Nec metus erit ne de terra in

caelum decidant, quum nihil unquam possit ruere sursum. Si enim nobis,

quod asserere genus joci est, deorsum habitur ubi est terra, et sursum

ubi est caelum, illis quoque sursum erit quod de inferiore suspicient,

nec aliquando in superna casuri sunt.

Hi quos separat a nobis perusta, quos Graeci _ἀντοικοὑς_ vocant,

similiter ab illis qui inferiorem zonae suae incolunt partem interjecta

australi gelida separantur. Rursus illos ab _ἀντοικοῖς_ suis, id

est per nostri cinguli inferiora viventibus, interjectio ardentis

sequestrat: et illi a nobis septentrionalis extremitatis rigore

removentur. Et quia non est una omnium affinis continuatio, sed

interjectae sunt solitudines ex calore vel frigore mutuum negantibus

commeatum, has terrae partes quae a quattuor hominum generibus

incoluntur, maculas habitationum vocavit....

9. Is enim quem solum oceanum plures opinantur, de finibus ab illo

originali refusis, secundum ex necessitate ambitum fecit. Ceterum

prior ejus corona per zonam terrae calidam meat, superiora terrarum et

inferiora cingens, flexum circi equinoctialis imitata. Ab oriente vero

duos sinus refundit, unum ad extremitatem septentrionis, ad australis

alterum: rursusque ab occidente duo pariter enascuntur sinus, qui usque

ad ambas, quas supra diximus, extremitates refusi occurrent ab oriente

demissis; et, dum vi summa et impetu immaniore miscentur, invicemque

se feriunt, ex ipsa aquarum collisione nascitur illa famosa oceani

accessio pariter et recessio.... Ceterum verior, ut ita dicam, ejus

alveus tenet zonam perustam; et tam ipse qui equinoctialem, quam sinus

ex eo nati qui horizontem circulum ambitu suae flexionis imitantur,

omnem terram quadrifidam dividunt, et singulas, ut supra diximus,

habitationes insulas faciunt ... binas in superiore atque inferiore

terrae superficie insulas....

[290] Mr. Gladstone (_Homer and the Homeric age_, vol. iii.) transposes

these Homeric localities to the east, and a few German writers agree

with him. President Warren (_True key to ancient cosmologies_, etc.,

Boston, 1882) will have it that Ogygia is neither more nor less than

the north pole. Neither of these views is likely to displace the one

now orthodox. Mr. Gladstone is so much troubled by Odysseus’s course

on leaving Ogygia that he cannot hide a suspicion of corruption in the

text. President Warren should remember that Ogygia apparently enjoyed

the common succession of day and night. In Homeric thought the western

sea extended northward and eastward until it joined the Euxine. Ogygia,

located northwest of Greece, would be the centre, _omphalos_, of the

sea, as Delphi was later called the centre of the land-masses of the

world.

[291] _Odyssey_, iv. 561, etc.

[292] It is well known that whereas Odysseus meets the spirits of

the dead across Oceanus, upon the surface of the earth, there is in

the _Iliad_ mention of a subterranean Hades. The Assyrio-Babylonians

had also the idea of an earth-encircling ocean stream,—the word

_Ὠκεανὸς_ the Greeks said was of foreign origin,—and on the south of

it they placed the sea of the dead, which held the island homes of

the departed. As in the _Odyssey_, it was a place given over to dust

and darkness, and the doors of it were strongly barred; no living

being save a god or a chosen hero might come there. Schrader, _Namen

d. Meere in d. Assyrischen Inschriften (Abhandl. d. k. Akad. d. Wiss.

zu Berlin_, 1877, p. 169). Jeremias, _Die Babylonisch-Assyrischen

Vorstellungen vom Leben nach dem Tode_ (Leipzig, 1887). The Israelites,

on the other hand, imagined the home of the dead as underground.

_Numbers_, xvi. 30, 32, 33.

Buchholtz, _Die Homerische Realien_, i. 55, places Hades on the

European shores of Ocean, but the text of the Odyssey seems plainly

in favor of the site across the stream, as Völcker and others have

understood.

[293] Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 166-173; Elton’s translation, London,

1815, p. 22. Paley marks the line _Τηλοῦ ἀπ̓ ἀθανάτων τόισιν Κρόνος

ἐμβασιλζύει_ as probably spurious. Cronos appears to have been

originally a Phœnician deity, and his westward wandering played an

important part in their mythology. We shall find further traces of this

divinity in the west.

[294] Pindar, _Olymp._, ii. 66-85, Paley’s translation, London, 1868,

p. 12. See also Euripides, _Helena_, 1677.

[295] Æschylus, in the _Prometheus bound_, introduced the Gorgon

islands in his epitome of the wanderings of Io, and certainly seems to

speak of them as in the east; the passage is, however, imperfect, and

its interpretation has overtasked the ablest commentators.

[296] Euripides, _Hippolytus_, 742-751; Potter’s translation, i. p.

356. See also Hesiod, _Theog._, 215, 517-519.

[297] Mela, iii. 100, 102, etc. The chief passage is Pliny, _Hist.

Nat._, vi. 36, 37, who took his information from King Juba and a writer

named Statius Sebosus. Pliny, who, beside the groups named in the

text, mentions the Gorgades, which he identifies with the place where

Hanno met the gorillas, has probably misunderstood and garbled his

authorities; his account is contradictory and illusive.

[298] Tzetzes (_Scholia in Lycophron_, 1204, ed. Mueller, ii. 954), a

grammarian of the twelfth century, says that the Isles of the Blessed

were located in the ocean by Homer, Hesiod, Euripides, Plutarch, Dion,

Procopius, Philostratus and others, but that to many it seems that

Britain must be the true Isle of the Blessed; and in support of this

view he relates a most curious tale of the ferriage of the dead to

Britain by Breton fishermen.

[299] _L’Atlantide_, by Paul Gaffarel, in the _Revue de Géographie_,

April, May, June, July, 1880 (vi. 241, 331, 421; vii. 21). See also,

in his _Étude sur les rapports de l’Amérique et de l’ancien continent

avant Christophe Colomb_ (Paris, 1869).

[300] _Atlantis: the antediluvian world_, New York, 1882.

[301] Theopomp., _Fragmenta_, ed. Wieters, 1829, no. 76, p. 72.

_Geographi Graec. minores_, ed. Mueller, i. 289. Aeliani, _Var. Hist._,

iii. 18. The extracts in the text are taken from “_A Registre of

Hystories, etc., written in Greeke by Aelianus, a Roman, and delivered

in English by_ Abraham Fleming.” London, 1576, fol. 36.

[302] We owe this quip to Tertullian (he at least is the earliest

writer to whom I can trace it): “Ut Silenus penes aures Midae blattit,

_aptas sane grandioribus fabulis_” (_De pallio_, cap. 2).

[303] “Furthermore he tolde one thing among all others, meriting

admiration, that certain men called Meropes dwelt in many cittyes

there about, and that in the borders adiacent to their countrey, was a

perilous place named Anostus, that is to say, wythout retourne, being

a gaping gulfe or bottomles pit, for the ground is as it were cleft

and rent in sonder, in so much that it openeth like to the mouth of

insatiable hell, y^t it is neither perfectly lightsome, nor absolutely

darksome, but that the ayer hangeth ouer it, being tempered with a

certaine kinde of clowdy rednes, that a couple of floodes set their

recourse that way, the one of pleasure the other of sorow, and that

about each of them growe plantes answearable in quantity and bignes

to a great plaine tree. The trees which spring by y^e flood of sorow

yeldeth fruite of one nature, qualitie, and operation. For if any man

taste thereof, a streame of teares floweth from his eyes, as out of a

conduite pipe, or sluse in a running riuer, yea, such effect followeth

immediately after the eating of the same, that the whole race of their

life is turned into a tragical lamentation, in so much that weeping and

wayling knitteth their carkeses depriued of vitall mouing, in a winding

sheete, and maketh them gobbettes for the greedy graue to swallow and

deuoure. The other trees which prosper vpon the bankes of the floode

of pleasure, beare fruite cleane contrary to the former, for whosoeuer

tasteth thereof, he is presently weined from the pappes of his auncient

appetites and inueterate desires, & if he were linked in loue to any

in time past, he is fettered in the forgetfulnes of them, so that

al remembrance is quite abolished, by litle and litle he recouereth

the yeres of his youth, reasuming vnto him by degrees, the times &

seasons, long since, spent and gone. For, the frowardnes and crookednes

of old age being first shaken of, the amiablenes and louelynesse of

youth beginneth to budde, in so much as they put on y^e estate of

stripplings, then become boyes, then change to children, then reenter

into infancie, & at length death maketh a finall end of all.”

Compare the story told by Mela (iii. 10) about the Fortunate Isles:

“Una singulari duorum fontium ingenio maxime insignis: alterum qui

gustavere risu solvuntur, ita adfectis remedium est ex altero bibere.”

It should be noted that the country described by Theopompus is called

by him simply “The Great Continent.”

[304] Strabo, vii. 3, § 6. Perizonius makes this passage in Aelian

the peg for a long note on ancient knowledge of America, in which he

brings together the most important passages bearing on the subject. He

remarks: “Nullus tamen dubito, quin Veteres aliquid crediderint vel

sciverent, sed quasi per nebulam et caliginem, de America, partim ex

antiqua traditione ab Aegyptiis vel Carthaginiensibus accepta, partim

ex ratiocinatione de forma et situ orbis terrarum, unde colligebant,

superesse in hoc orbe etiam alias terras praeter Asiam, Africam, &

Europam.” In my opinion their assumed knowledge was based entirely on

ratiocination, and was not real knowledge at all; but Perizonius well

expresses the other view.

[305] _Mare Cronium_ was the name given to a portion of the northern

ocean. Forbiger, _Handbuch_, ii. 3, note 9.

[306] The average of all known rates of speed with ancient ships is

about five knots an hour; some of the fastest runs were at the rate of

seven knots, or a little more. Breusing, _Nautik der Alten_, Bremen,

1886, pp. 11, 12. Movers, _Die Phœnizier_, ii. 3, 190. Movers estimates

the rate of a Phœnician vessel with 180 oarsmen at double that of a

Greek merchantman. He compares the sailing qualities of Phœnician

vessels with those of Venice in the Middle Ages to the disadvantage of

the latter. As the ancients had nothing answering to our log, and their

contrivances for time-keeping were neither trustworthy nor adapted

for use on shipboard, these estimates are necessarily based on a few

reports of the number of days spent on voyages of known length,—a

rather uncertain method.

[307] Tin exists in some of the islands of the Indian Ocean, and they

were worked at a later period, but there is no direct evidence, as far

as I am aware, that they were known at the date when Tyre was most

flourishing.

[308] Diodorus Siculus, v. 18, 19; _De Mirab. Auscult._, 84. Müllenhof,

_Deutsche Alterthumskunde_, i., Berlin, 1870, p. 467, traces the report

through the historian Timaeus to Punic sources.

[309] The narration of Hanno’s voyage has been preserved, apparently

in the words of the commander’s report. _Geographi Graeci minores_,

ed. Mueller (Paris, 1855), i. pp. 1-14. Cf. also _Prolegom._, pp.

xviii, xxiii. Our only notion of the date of the expedition is derived

from Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, v. i. § 7, who says: “Fuere et Hannonis

Carthaginiensium ducis commentarii, _Punicis rebus florentissimis_

explorare ambitum Africae jussi.” All that is known of Himilko is

derived from the statement of Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, ii. 67, that he was

sent at about the same time as Hanno to explore the distant regions of

Europe; and from the poems of Avienus, who wrote in the fourth century,

and professed to give, in the _Ora Maritima_, many extracts from the

writings of Himilko. The description of the difficulties of navigation

in the Atlantic is best known. In his _Deutsche Alterthumskunde_

(Berlin, 1870), i. pp. 73-210, Muellenhof has devoted especial

attention to an analysis of this record.

[310] Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, vi. 36, 37; Mela, iii. 100, etc.; Solinus,

23, 56 [ed. Mommsen, p. 117, 230]; Ptolemy, _Geogr._, iv. 6; _Rapport

sur une mission scientifique dans l’archipel Canarienne,_ par M.

le docteur Verneau; 1877. In _Archives des Missions Scientifique

et Litteraires_, 3^e série, tom. xiii. pp. 569, etc. The presence

of Semites is indicated in Gran Canaria, Ferro, Palma, and the

inscriptions agree in character with those found in Numidia by Gen.

Faidherbe. In Gomera and Teneriffe, where the Guanche stock is purest,

there have been no inscriptions found. Dr. Verneau believes that the

Guanches are not descended from Atlantes or Americans, but from the

Quaternary men of Cro-magnon on the Vézère; he found, however, traces

of an unknown brachycephalic race in Gomera.

[311] In the second century, a.d., Pausanias (_Desc. Graec._, i. 23)

was told by Euphemus, a Carian, that once, on a voyage to Italy, he had

been driven to the sea outside [_ἐς τὲν ἔξω θάλασσαν_], where people

no longer sailed, and where he fell in with many desert islands, some

inhabited by wild men, red-haired, and with tails, whom the sailors

called Satyrs. Nothing more is known of these islands. _Ἔξο_ has here

been rendered simply “distant”; but even in this sense it could hardly

apply in the time of Pausanias to any region but the Atlantic. It is

more probable that the phrase means “outside the columns.”

In the first century B.C., some men of an unknown race were cast by

the sea on the German coast. There is nothing to show that these men

were American Indians; but since that has been sometimes assumed, the

matter should not be passed over here. The event is mentioned by Mela

(_De Chorogr._, iii. 5, § 8), and by Pliny (_Hist. Nat._, ii. 67);

the castaways were forwarded to the proconsul, Q. Caecilius Metellus

Celer (B.C. 62), by the king of the tribe within whose territory they

were found. Pliny calls the tribe the Suevi; the reading in Mela is

very uncertain. Parthey has _Botorum_, the older editors _Baetorum_,

or _Boiorum_. The Romans took them for inhabitants of India, who had

been carried around the north of Europe; modern writers have seen in

them Africans, Celts, Lapps, or Caribs. A careful study of the whole

subject, with references to the literature, will be found in an article

by F. Schiern: _Un énigme ethnographique de l’antiquité_, contributed

to the Memoirs of the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries; New

Series, 1878-83, pp. 245-288.

In the Louvre is an antique bronze which has been thought to represent

one of the Indians of Mela, and also to be a good reproduction of the

features of the North American Indian (Longpérier, _Notice des bronzes

antiques_, etc., _du Musée du Louvre_, Paris, 1868, p. 143), but the

supposition is purely arbitrary.

Such an event as an involuntary voyage from the West Indies to the

shores of Europe is not an impossibility, nor is the case cited by

Mela and Pliny the only one of the kind which we find recorded. Gomara

(_Hist. gen. de las Indias_, 7) says some savages were thrown upon

the German coast in the reign of Frederic Barbarossa (1152-1190),

and Aeneas Silvius (Pius II.) probably refers to the same event when

he quotes a certain Otho as relating the capture on the coast of

Germany, in the time of the German emperors, of an Indian ship and

Indian traders (mercatores). The identity of Otho is uncertain. Otto

of Freisingen ([Dagger] 1158) is probably meant, but the passage does

not appear in his works that have been preserved (Aeneas Silvius,

_Historia rerum_, ii. 8, first edition, Venice, 1477). The most curious

story, however, is that related by Cardinal Bembo in his history of

Venice (first published 1551), and quoted by Horn (_De orig. Amer._,

14), Garcia (iv. 29), and others. It deserves, however, record here.

“A French ship while cruising in the ocean not far from Britain picked

up a little boat made of split oziers and covered with bark taken

whole from the tree; in it were seven men of moderate height, rather

dark complexion, broad and open faces, marked with a violet scar.

They had a garment of fishskin with spots of divers shades, and wore

a headgear of painted straw, interwoven with seven things like ears,

as it were (coronam e culmo pictam septem quasi auriculis intextam).

They ate raw flesh, and drank blood as we wine. Their speech could not

be understood. Six of them died; one, a youth, was brought alive to

Roano (so the Italian; the Latin has Aulercos), where the king was”

(Louis XII.). Bembo, _Rerum Venetarum Hist._ vii. year, 1508. [_Opere_,

Venice, 1729, i. 188.]

[312]

Nos manet Oceanus circumvagus; arva, beata

Petamus arva, divites et insulas,

Reddit ubi Cererem tellus inarata quotannis

Et inputata floret usque vinea.

* * * * *

Non huc Argoo contendit remige pinus, Neque inpudica Colchis intulit

pedem; _Non huc Sidonii torserunt cornua nautae_, Laboriosa nec cohors

Ulixei. Juppiter illa piae secrevit litora genti, Ut inquinavit aere

tempus aureum; Aere, dehinc ferro duravit saecula, quorum Piis secunda,

vate me, datur fuga.

(Horace, _Epode_, xvi.)

Virgil, in the well-known lines in the prophecy of Anchises—

Super et Garamantes et Indos Proferet inperium; iacet extra sidera

tellus, Extra anni solisque vias, ubi caelifer Atlas Axem humero

torquet stellis ardentibus aptum—

(_Æneid_, vi. 795.)

had Africa rather than the west in mind, according to the commentators.

It is possible that the islands described to Sertorius were Madeira and

Porto Santo, but the distance was much overestimated in this case.

[313] “He [Eratosthenes] says that if the extent of the Atlantic Ocean

were not an obstacle, we might easily pass by sea from Iberia to India,

still keeping in the same parallel, the remaining portion of which

parallel ... occupies more than a third of the whole circle.... But

it is quite possible that in the temperate zone there may be two or

even more habitable earths _οἰκουμένας_, especially near the circle

of latitude which is drawn through Athens and the Atlantic ocean.”

(Strabo, _Geogr._, i. 4, § 6.)

[314] Seneca, _Naturalium Quaest. Praefatio._ The passage is certainly

striking, but those who, like Baron Zach, base upon it the conclusion

that American voyagers were common in the days of Seneca overestimate

its force. It is certainly evident that Seneca, relying on his

knowledge of theoretical geography, underestimated the distance to

India. Had the length of the voyage to America been known, he would not

have used the illustration.

[315] Smaller vessels even than were then afloat have crossed the

Atlantic, and the passage from the Canaries is hardly more difficult

than the Indian navigation. The Pacific islanders make voyages of

days’ duration by the stars alone to goals infinitely smaller than the

broadside of Asia, to which the ancients would have supposed themselves

addressed.

[316] Aristotle, _Meteorolog._, ii. 1, § 14; Plato, _Timaeus_; Scylax

Caryandensis, _Periplus_, 112. _τῆς Κέρνης δὲ νέσου τὰ ἐπέκεινα οὐκέτι

ἐστὶ πλωτὰ διὰ βραχύτητα θαλάττης καὶ πελὸν καὶ φῦκος_(_Geogr. Graec.

min._, ed. Mueller, i. 93; other references in the notes). Pytheas

in Strabo, ii. 4, § 1; Tacitus, _Germania_, 45, 1; _Agricola_, x. A

gloss to Suidas applies the name Atlantic to all innavigable seas.

Pausanias, i. ch. 3, § 6, says it contained strange sea-beasts, and was

not navigable in its more distant parts. A long list of references to

similar passages is given by Ukert, _Geogr. der Griechen u. Römer_, ii.

1, p. 59. See also Berger, _Wissenschaftliche Geographie_, i. p. 27,

note 3, and Grote, _Hist. of Greece_, iii. ch. 18, notes.

[317] _De Mirab. Auscult._, 136. The Phœnicians are said to have

discovered beyond Gades extensive shoals abounding in fish.

Quae Himilco Poenus mensibus vix quatuor, Ut ipse semet re probasse

retulit Enavigantem, posse transmitti adserit: Sic nulla late flabra

propellunt ratem, Sic segnis humor aequoris pigri stupet. Adjecit et

illud, plurimum inter gurgites Extare fucum, et saepe virgulti vice

Retinere puppim: dicit hic nihilominus, Non in profundum terga dimitti

maris, Parvoque aquarum vix supertexi solum: Obire semper huc et huc

ponti feras, Navigia lenta et languide repentia Internatare belluas.

(Avienus, _Ora Maritima_, 115-130.)

Hunc usus olim dixit Oceanum vetus, Alterque dixit mos Atlanticum mare.

Longo explicatur gurges hujus ambitu, Produciturque latere prolixe

vago. Plerumque porro tenue tenditur salum, Ut vix arenas subjacentes

occulat. Exsuperat autem gurgitem fucus frequens, Atque impeditur

aestus hic uligine: Vis belluarum pelagus omne internatat, Multusque

terror ex feris habitat freta. Haec olim Himilcos Poenus Oceano super

Spectasse semet et probasse retulit: Haec nos, ab imis Punicorum

annalibus Prolata longo tempore, edidimus tibi. (_Ibid._ 402-415.)

Whether Avienus had immediate knowledge of these Punic sources is quite

unknown.

[318] Seneca, _Medea_, 376-380.

[319] In the first book of his _Suasoriæ_, M. Annaeus Seneca collected

a number of examples illustrative of the manner in which several

of the famous orators and rhetoricians of his time had handled the

subject, _Deliberat Alexander, an Oceanum naviget_, which appears to

have been one of a number of stock subjects for use in rhetorical

training. This collection thus gives a good view of the prevalent

views about the ocean, and certainly tells strongly against the idea

that the western passage was then known or practised. “Fertiles in

Oceano jacere terras, ultraque Oceanum rursus alia littora, alium nasci

orbem, ... _facile ista finguntur; quia Oceanus navigari non potest_

... confusa lux alta caligine, et interceptus tenebris dies, ipsum

veros grave et devium mare, et aut nulla, aut ignota sidera. Ita est,

Alexander, rerum natura; _post omnia Oceanus, post Oceanum nihil_....

Immensum, et humanae intentatum experientiae pelagus, totius orbis

vinculum, terrarumque custodia, inagitata remigio vastitas.... Fabianus

... divisit enim illam [quaestionem] sic, ut primum negaret ullas in

Oceano, aut trans Oceanum, esse terras habitabiles: deinde si essent,

perveniri tamen ad illas non posse. Hic difficultatem ignoti maris,

naturam non patientem navigationis.”

[320] Virgil, bishop of Salzburg, was accused before Pope Zacharias

by St. Boniface of teaching the doctrine of antipodes; for this, and

not for his belief in the sphericity of the earth (as I read), he was

threatened by the Pope with expulsion from the church. The authority

for this story is a letter from the Pope to Boniface. See Marinelli,

_Die Erdkunde bei den Kirchenvätern_, p. 42.

[321] Cosmas, as will be seen in the cut, adhered to the continental

theory, placing Paradise on the continent in the east. Paradise was

more commonly placed in an island east of Asia.

[322] It has been suggested by M. Beauvois that Labrador may in

the same way derive its name from _Inis Labrada_, or the Island of

Labraid, which figures in an ancient Celtic romance. The conjecture

has only the phonetic resemblance to recommend it. Beauvois, _L’Elysée

transatlantique (Revue de l’Histoire des Religions_, vii. (1883), p.

291, n. 3).

[323] Gaffarel, P., _Les isles fantastiques de l’Atlantique au moyen

âge_, 3.

[324] Coryat’s _Crudities_, London, 1611. Sig. h(4), verso.

[325] The result of the Arabian measurements gave 56⅔3 miles to a

degree. Arabian miles were meant, and as these contain, according

to Peschel (_Geschichte der Geographie_, p. 134) 4,000 ells of

540.7^{mm}., the degree equalled 122,558.6^m. The Europeans, however,

thought that Roman miles were meant, and so got but 83,866.6^m. to a

degree.

[326] Edrisi, _Geography_, Climate, iv., § 1, Jaubert’s translation,

Paris, 1836, ii. 26.

[327] Found in various Celtic MSS. See Beauvois, _L’Eden occidentale

(Rev. de l’Hist. des Relig._), viii. (1884), 706, etc.; Joyce, _Old

Celtic Romances_, 112-176.

[328] These alleged voyages are considered in the next chapter.

[329] Polybius, _Hist._, iii. 38.

[330] The tract _On the World_ (_περὶ κόσμου_, de mundo), and the

_Strange Stories_ (_περὶθαυμασίων ἀκουσμάτν_, _de mirabilibus

auscultationibus_), printed with the works of Aristotle, are held to

be spurious by critics: the former, which gives a good summary of

the oceanic theory of the distribution of land and water (ch. 3), is

considerably later in date; the latter is a compilation made from

Aristotle and other writers. Muellenhof has sought partially to analyze

it in his _Deutsche Alterthumskunde_, i. 426, etc.

[331] First in _Geographica Marciani, Scylacis, Artemidoris, Dicæarchi,

Isidori. Ed. a Hoeschelio_ (Aug. Vind., 1600). The great collection

made by Hudson, _Geographiae veteris scriptores Graeci minores_ (4

vols., Oxon., 1698-1712; re-edited by Gail, Paris, 1826, 6 vols.), is

still useful, notwithstanding the handy edition by C. Mueller in the

Didot classics, _Geographiae Graeci minores_ (Paris, 1855-61. 2 vols.

and atlas).

[332] _Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum. Ed. C. et T. Mueller_ (Paris,

Didot, 1841-68. 5 vols.).

[333] _Die geographischen Fragmente des Hipparchus: H. Berger_

(Leipzig, 1869); _Posidonii Rhodii reliquiae doctrinae: coll. J. Bake_

(Lugd. Bat., 1810); _Eratosthenica composuit G. Bernhardy_ (Berlin,

1822); _Die geographischen Fragmente des Eratosthenes: H. Berger_

(Leipzig, 1880).

[334] _Strabonis Geographia_ (Romae, Suweynheym et Pannartz, s. a.), in

1469 or 1470, folio. First edition of the Latin translation which was

made by Guarini of Verona, and Lilius Gregorius of Tiferno; only 275

copies were printed. It was reprinted in 1472 (Venice), 1473 (Rome),

1480 (Tarvisii), 1494 (Venice), 1502 (Venice), 1510 (Venice), and 1512

(Paris). _Strabo de situ orbis_ (Venice. Aldus et Andr. Soc., 1516),

fol., was the first Greek edition; a better edition appeared in 1549

(Basil., fol.), with Guarini’s and Gregorius’s translation revised by

Glareanus and others. Critical ed. by J. Kramer (Berlin, 1844), 3 vols.

Ed. with Latin trans. by C. Müller and F. Dübner (Paris, Didot, 1853,

1857). It has since been edited by August Meineke (Leipsic, Teubner,

1866. 3 vols. 8vo).

There was an Italian translation by Buonacciuoli, in Venice and

Ferrara, 1562, 1585. 2 vols. The _Γεωγραφικὰ_ has been several

times translated into German, by Penzel (Lemgo, 1775-1777, 4 Bde.

8vo), Groskund (Berlin, Stettin, 1831-1834. 4 Thle.), and Forbiger

(Stuttgart, 1856-1862. 2 Bde.), and very recently into English by H. C.

Hamilton and W. Falconer (London, Bell [Bohn], 1887). 3 vols. This has

a useful index.

The great French translation of Strabo, made by order of Napoleon,

with very full notes by Gosselin and others, is still the most useful

translation: _Géographie du Strabon trad. du grec en française_ (Paris,

1805-1819). 5 vols. 4to.

[335] The Geography was first printed, in a Latin translation, at

Vincentia, in 1475; the date 1462 in the Bononia edition being

recognized as a misprint, probably for 1482. The history of the book

has been described by Lelewel in the appendix to his _Histoire de la

Géographie_, and more fully in Winsor’s _Bibliography of Ptolemy’s

Geography_ (Cambridge, Mass., 1884), and in the section on Ptolemy by

Wilberforce Eames in Sabin’s _Dictionary_, also printed separately.

[336] The _Phaenomena_ of Aratus was a poem which had great vogue both

in Greece and Rome. It was commented upon by Hipparchus and Achilles

Tatius (both of which commentaries are preserved, and are found in the

_Uranologion_ of Petavius), and translated by Cicero.

[337] _Gemini elementa astronomiae_, also quoted by the first word of

the Greek title, _Isagoge_. First edition, Altorph, 1590. The best

edition is still that in the _Uranologion_ of Dionysius Petavius

(Paris, 1630). It is also found in the rare translation of Ptolemy by

Halma (Paris, 1828).

[338] _Κύκλικη θεώρια_ quoted as _Cleom. de sublimibus circulis_. The

first edition was at Paris, 1539. 4to. It has been edited by Bake

(Lugd. Bat., 1826), and Schmidt (Leips. 1832). Nothing is known of the

life of Cleomedes. He wrote after the 1st cent. A.D., probably.

[339] It was first printed in the Plato of Basle, 1534. There is an

English translation by Thomas Taylor, _The Commentaries of Proclus on

the Timaeus of Plato_, in 2 vols. (London, 1820). Proclus was also the

author of astronomical works which helped to keep Grecian learning

alive in the early Middle Ages.

[340] The works of L. Annaeus Seneca were first printed in Naples,

1475, fol., but the _Questionum naturalium lib. vii._ were not included

until the Venice ed. of 1490, which also contained the first edition of

the _Suasoriae and Controversariae_ of M. Ann. Seneca. The _Tragoediae_

of L. Ann. Seneca were first printed about 1484 by A. Gallicus,

probably at Ferrara.

[341] _Historiae naturalis libri xxxvii._ The first edition was the

famous and rare folio of Joannes de Spira, Venice, 1469. I find record

of ten other editions and three issues of Landino’s Italian translation

before 1492.

[342] _C. Julii Solini Collectanea rerum memorabilium sive polyhistor._

Solinus lived probably in the third century A.D. His book was a great

favorite in the Middle Ages, both in manuscript and in print, and was

known by various titles, as _Polyhistor, De situ orbis_, etc. The first

edition appeared without place or date, at Rome, about 1473, and in the

same year at Venice, and it was often reprinted with the annotations

of the most famous geographers. The best edition is that by Mommsen

(Berlin, 1864). See Vol. II. p. 180.

[343] First edition, Milan, 1471. 4to. The best is that by Parthey,

Berlin, 1867. A history and bibliography of this work is given in Vol.

II. p. 180.

[344] _Commentariorum in somnium Scipionis libri duo._ The first

edition was at Venice, 1472. There has been an edition by Jahn (2 vols.

Quedlinburg, 1848, 1852), and by Eyssenhardt (Leipzig, 1868), and a

French translation by various hands, printed in 3 vols. at Paris,

1845-47.

[345] _Descriptio orbis terrae; ora maritima._ The first edition

appeared at Venice in 1488, with the _Phaenomena_ of Aratus. It is

included in the _Geogr. Graec. min._ of Mueller. Muellenhof has treated

of the latter poem at length in his _Deutsche Alterthumskunde_, i.

73-210.

[346] _Astronomicon libri v._ Manilius is an unknown personality,

but wrote in the first half of the first century A. D. (First ed.,

Nuremberg, 1472 or 1473); Hyginus, _Poeticon Astronomicon_, 1st or 2d

cent. A. D. (Ferrara, 1475).

[347] _De nuptiis philologiae et Mercurii_, first ed. Vicent., 1499.

[348] E. H. Bunbury, _Hist. of Anc. Geog. among the Greeks and Romans_

(London, 1879), in two volumes,—a valuable, well-digested work, but

scant in citations. Ukert, _Geog. der Griechen and Römer_ (Weimar,

1816), very rich in citations, giving authorities for every statement,

and useful as a summary.

Forbiger, _Handbuch der alten Geographie_ (Hamburg, 1877), compiled on

a peculiar method, which is often very sensible. He first analyzes and

condenses the works of each writer, and then sums up the opinions on

each country and phase of the subject.

Vivien de St. Martin, _Histoire de la Géographie_ (Paris, 1873).

Peschel, _Geschichte der Erdkunde_ (2d ed., by S. Ruge, München, 1877).

Perhaps reference is not out of place also to P. F. J. Gosselin’s

_Géographie des Grecs analysée, ou les Systèmes d’Eratosthenes, de

Strabon et de Ptolémée, comparés entre eux et avec nos connaissances

modernes_ (Paris, 1790); and his later _Recherches sur la Geographie

systématique et positive des anciens_ (1797-1813).

Cf. Hugo Berger, _Geschichte der wiss. Erdkunde der Griechen_ (Leipzig,

1887).

[349] _Geschichte der Griechischen Philosophie_ (Tübingen, 1856-62).

[350] Sir George Cornwall Lewis, _Historical Survey of the Astronomy of

the Ancients_ (London, 1862).

Theodore Henri Martin, whose numerous papers are condensed in the

article on “Astronomie” in Daremberg and Saglio’s _Dictionnaire de

l’Antiquité_. Some of the more important distinct papers of Martin

appeared in the _Mém. Acad. Inscrip. et Belles Lettres._

[351] See Cellarius, _Notit. orb. antiq._ i. ch. 2, _de rotunditate

terrae_. See also Günther, _Aeltere und neuere Hypothese ueber die

chronische Versetzung des Erdschwerpunktes durch Wassermassen_ (Halle,

1878).

[352] _De Natura Rerum._

[353] See _ante_, p. 31. In the second century St. Clement spoke of the

“Ocean impassible to man, and the worlds beyond it.” _1st Epist. to

Corinth._ ch. 20. (_Apostolic Fathers_, Edinb. 1870, p. 22.)

[354] Legrand d’Aussy, _Image du Monde_. _Notices et extraits de la

Bibliothèque du Roi_, etc., v. (1798), p. 260. It is also said that

the earth is round, so that a man could go all round it as an insect

can walk all round the circumference of a pear. This notable poem has

been lately studied by Fant, but is still unprinted. It was known to

Abulfeda, that if two persons made the journey described, they would

on meeting differ by two days in their calendar (Peschel, _Gesch. d.

Erdkunde_, p. 132).

[355] A. Jourdain, _Recherches critique sur l’âge et l’origin des

traductions latines d’Aristote, et sur des commentaires Grecs et Arabes

employés par les docteurs scolastiques_ (Paris, 1843). See also _De

l’influence d’Aristote et de ses interprètes sur la découverte du

nouveau-monde, par Ch. Jourdain_ (Paris, 1861).

[356] See Vol. II., ch. i., Critical Essay.

[357] Cf. a bibliographical note in St. Martin’s _Histoire de la

Géographie_ (1873), p. 296. The well-known _Examen Critique_ of

Humboldt, the _Recherches sur la géographie_ of Walckenaer, the

_Géographie du moyen-âge_ of Lelewel, with a few lesser monographic

papers like Fréville’s “Mémoire sur la Cosmographie du moyen-âge,” in

the _Revue des Soc. Savantes_, 1859, vol. ii., and Gaffarel’s “Les

relations entre l’ancient monde et l’Amérique, étaient-elles possible

au moyen-âge,” in the _Bull. de la Soc. Normande de Géog._, 1881, vol.

iii. 209, will answer most purposes of the general reader; but certain

special phases will best be followed in Letronne’s _Des opinions

cosmographiques des Pères de l’Eglise, rapprocher des doctrines

philosophiques de la Grece_, in the _Revue des Deux Mondes_, Mars,

1834, p. 601, etc. The Vicomte Santarem’s _Essai sur l’histoire de

la cosmographie et de la cartographie pendant le moyen-âge, et sur

les progrès de la géographie après les grandes découvertes du xv^e

siècle_ (Paris, 1849-52), in 3 vols., was an introduction to the great

_Atlas_ of mediæval maps issued by Santarem, and had for its object the

vindication of the Portuguese to be considered the first explorers of

the African coast. He is more interested in the burning zone doctrine

than in the shape of the earth. H. Wuttke’s _Ueber Erdkunde und Kultur

des Mittelalters_ (Leipzig, 1853) is an extract from the _Serapeum_.

G. Marinelli’s _Die Erdkunde bei den Kirchenvätern_ (Leipzig, 1884,

pp. 87) is very full on Cosmas, with drawings from the MS. not

elsewhere found; Siegmund Günther’s _Die Lehre von der Erdrundung u.

Erdbewegung im Mittelalter bei den Occidentalen_ (Halle, 1877), pp. 53,

and his _Die Lehre von der Erdrundung u. Erdbewegung bei den Arabern

und Hebräern_ (Halle, 1877), pp. 127, give numerous bibliographical

references with exactness. Specially interesting is Charles Jourdain’s

_De l’influence d’Aristote et de ses interprètes aux la découverte

du nouveau monde_ (Paris, 1861), where we read (p. 30): “La pensée

dominante de Colomb était l’hypothèse de la proximité de l’Espagne

et de l’Asie, et ... cette hypothèse lui venait d’Aristote et des

scolastiques;” and again (p. 24): “Ce n’est pas à Ptolémée ... que le

moyen âge a emprunté l’hypothèse d’une communication entre l’Europe et

l’Asie par l’océan Atlantique.... Cette conséquence, qui n’avait par

éschappé à Eratosthène, n’est pas énoncée par Ptolémée tandis qu’elle

retrouve de la manière la plus expresse chez Aristote.”

[358] See also _ante_, p. 37.

[359] Plato, _Phaedo_, 108; Plutarch, _De facie_.

[360] Aristotle, _De caelo_, ii. 13.

[361] Ctesias, _On India_, ch. v. (ed. Didot, p. 80), says the rising

sun appears ten times larger in India than in Greece. Strabo, _Geogr._

iii. 1, § 5, quotes Posidonius as denying a similar story of the

setting sun as seen from Gades.

Whether Herodotus had a similar idea when he wrote that in India the

mornings were torrid, the noons temperate and the evenings cold (Herod.

iii. 104), is uncertain. Also see Dionysius Periegetes, _Periplus_,

1109-1111, in _Geographi Graeci minores_. _Ed. C. Mueller_ (Paris,

Didot, 1861, ii. 172). Rawlinson sees in it only a statement of

climatic fact.

[362] _The True Key to Ancient Cosmogonies_, in the _Year Book of

Boston University_, 1882, and separately, Boston, 1882; and in his

_Paradise Found_, 4th ed. (Boston, 1885).

[363] Geminus, _Isagoge_, c. 13.

[364] “Ueber die Gestalt der Erde nach den Begriffen der Alten,” in

_Kritische Blätter_, ii. (1790) 130.

[365] _Ueber Homerische Geographie und Weltkunde_ (Hanover, 1830).

[366] _Homerische Realien, I. 1. Homerische Cosmographie und

Geographie_ (Leipzig, 1871).

[367] _Homer and the Homeric Age_ (London, 1858), ii. 334. The question

of Aeaea, “where are the dancing places of the dawn” (_Od._ xii. 5),

almost induces Gladstone to believe that Homer thought the earth

cylindrical, but it may be doubted if the expression means more than

an outburst of joy at returning from the darkness beyond ocean to the

realm of light.

[368] “Mémoire sur la cosmographie Grecque à l’époque d’Homere et

d’Hesiode,” in _Mém. de l’Acad. des Inscr. et des Belles Lettres_,

xxviii. (1874) 1, 211-235.

[369] _Entwicklung der Ansichten des Alterthums ueber Gestalt und

Grösse der Erde._ Leipzig, 1868. (Gymn. z. Insterburg.)

[370] _Die Kosmischen Systeme der Griechen_ (Berlin, 1851).

[371] See also Keppel, _Die Ansichten der alten Griechen und Römer von

der Gestalt, Grösse, und Weltstellung der Erde_. (Schweinfurt, 1884.)

[372] For example, K. Jarz, “Wo sind die Homerischen Inseln Trinakie,

Scherie, etc. zu suchen?” in _Zeitschr. für wissensch. Geogr._ ii.

10-18, 21.

[373] See Vol. II. p. 26. His son Ferdinand enlarges upon this. The

passage in Seneca’s _Medea_ was a favorite. This is often considered

rather as a lucky prophecy. Leibnitz, _Opera Philologica_ (Geneva,

1708), vi. 317. Charles Sumner’s “Prophetic Voices concerning America,”

in _Atlantic Monthly_, Sept. 1867 (also separately, Boston, 1874).

_Hist. Mag._ xiii. 176; xv. 140.

[374] Vol. II. 25. Harrisse, _Bib. Amer. Vet._ i. 262.

[375] Perizonius, in his note to the story of Silenus and Midas,

quoted from Theopompus by Ælian in his _Varia Historiæ_ (Rome, 1545;

in Latin, Basle, 1548; in English, 1576), quotes the chief references

in ancient writers. Cf. Ælian, ed. by Perizonius, Lugd. Bat. 1701,

p. 217. Among the writers of the previous century quoted by this

editor are Rupertus, _Dissertationes mixtæ, ad Val. Max._ (Nuremberg,

1663). Math. Berniggerus, _Ex Taciti Germaniâ et Agricolâ questiones_

(Argent. 1640). Eras. Schmidt, _Dissert. de America_, which is annexed

to Schmidt’s ed. of Pindar (Witelsbergæ, 1616), where it is spoken of

as “Discursus de insula Atlantica ultra columnas Herculis qua America

hodie dicitur.” Cluverius, _Introduction in univers. geogr._, vi. 21,

§ 2, supports this view, 1st ed., 1624. In the ed. 1729 is a note by

Reiskius on the same side, with references (p. 667).

Of the same century is J. D. Victor’s _Disputatio de America_ (Jenæ,

1670).

In Brunn’s _Bibliotheca Danica_ are a number of titles of dissertations

bearing on the subject; they are mostly old.

[376] Even the voyage of Kolaos, mentioned in Herodotus (iv. 152), is

supposed by Garcia a voyage to America.

[377] _Mœurs des Sauvages_ (Paris, 1724).

[378] _Attempt to show that America must have been known to the

Ancients_ (Boston, 1773).

[379] _History of America_, 1775.

[380] See Vol. II. p. 68. Humboldt (i. 191) adopts the view of Ortelius

that the grand continent mentioned by Plutarch is America and not

Atlantis. Cf. Brasseur’s _Lettres à M. le Duc de Valmy_, p. 57.

[381] Gaffarel has since elaborated this part of the book in some

papers, “Les Grecs et les Romains ont-ils connu l’Amérique?” in the

_Revue de Géographie_ (Oct. 1881, _et seq._), ix. 241, 420; x. 21,

under the heads of traditions, theories, and voyages.

There are references in Bancroft’s _Native Races_, v. ch. 1; and in

his _Cent. America_, vi. 70, etc.; in Short, _No. Amer. of Antiq._,

146, 466, 474; in DeCosta’s _Precolumbian Discovery_. Brasseur touches

the subject in his introduction to his _Landa’s Relation_; Charles

Jourdain, in his _De l’influence d’Aristote et de ses interprètes

sur la découverte du nouveau monde_ (Paris, 1861), taken from the

_Journal de l’Instruction Publique_. A recent book, W. S. Blackett’s

_Researches_, etc. (Lond. 1883), may be avoided.

[382] Of lesser importance are these: Bancroft’s _Native Races_,

iv. 364, v. 55; Short, 418; Stephens’s _Cent. Amer._, ii. 438-442;

M’Culloh’s _Researches_, 171; Weise, _Discoveries of America_, p. 2;

Campbell in _Compte Rendu, Congrès des Amér._ 1875, i. W. L. Stone asks

if the moundbuilders were Egyptians (_Mag. Amer. History_, ii. 533).

[383] Of less importance are: Bancroft, _Nat. Races_, v. 63-77, with

references; Short, 145; Baldwin’s _Anc. America_, 162, 171; Warden’s

_Recherches_, etc. The more general discussion of Humboldt, Brasseur

(_Nat. Civ._), Gaffarel (_Rapport_), De Costa, etc., of course helps

the investigator to clues.

The subject is mixed up with some absurdity and deceit. The Dighton

Rock has passed for Phœnician (Stiles’ _Sermon_, 1783; Yates and

Moulton’s _New York_). At one time a Phœnician inscription in Brazil

was invented (_Am. Geog. Soc. Bull._ 1886, p. 364; St. John V. Day’s

_Prehistoric Use of Iron_, Lond. 1877, p. 62). The notorious Cardiff

giant, conveniently found in New York state, was presented to a

credulous public as Phœnician (_Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Ap. 1875). The

history of this hoax is given by W. A. McKinney in the _New Englander_,

1875, P. 759.

[384] Cf. Johr. Langius, _Medicinalium Epistolarum Miscellanea_ (Basle,

1554-60), with a chapter, “De novis Americi orbis insulis, antea ab

Hannone Carthaginein repertis;” Gebelin’s _Monde Primitif_; Bancroft’s

_Native Races_, iii. 313, v. 77; Short, 145, 209.

[385] A specimen is in M. V. Moore’s paper in the _Mag. of Amer.

Hist._ (1884), xii. 113, 354. There are various fugitive references to

Roman coins found often many feet under ground, in different parts of

America. See for such, Ortelius, _Theatrum orbis terrarum_; Haywood’s

_Tennessee_ (1820); _Hist. Mag._, v. 314; _Mag. Amer. Hist._, xiii.

457; Marcel de Serre, _Cosmogonie de Moise_, p. 32; and for pretended

Roman inscriptions, Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Nat. Civ. Méx._, preface;

_Journal de l’Instruction Publique_, Juin, 1853; Humboldt, _Exam.

Crit._, i. 166; Gaffarel in _Rev. de Géog._, ix. 427.

[386] _Procli commentarius in Platonis Timaeum. Rec. C. E. C.

Schneider. (Vratislaviae, 1847.) The Commentaries of Proclus on the

Timaeus of Plato. Translated by Thomas Taylor_, 2 vols. 4º. (London,

1820.) Proclus lived A.D. 412-485. The passages of importance are found

in the translation, vol. i. pp. 64, 70, 144, 148.

[387] Taylor, i. 64.

[388] _Procl. in Tim._ (Schneider), p. 126; Taylor, i. 148. Also in

_Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. Mueller. (Paris, 1852), vol.

iv. p. 443.

[389] _Geogr._ ii. § 3, § 6 (p. 103).

[390] _Hist. Nat._, ii. 92.

[391] The Atlantis mentioned by Pliny in _Hist. Nat._, vi. 36, is

apparently entirely distinct from the Atlantis of Plato.

[392] Amm. Marc. xvii. 7, § 13. Fiunt autem terrarum motus modis

quattuor, aut enim brasmatiae sunt, ... aut climatiae ... aut

chasmatiae, qui grandiori motu patefactis subito voratrinis terrarum

partes absorbent, ut in Atlantico mare Europaeo orbe spatiosor insula,

etc. (Ed. Eyssenhardt, Berlin, 1871, p. 106).

[393] Martin, _Etudes sur le Timée_ (1841), i. 305, 306. The passage in

question is in _Schol. ad Rempubl._, p. 327, Plato, ed. Bekker, vol.

ix. p. 67.

[394] Cited in Aelian’s _Varia Historia_, iii. ch. 18. For the other

references see above, pp. 23, 25, 26.

[395] Ammianus Marcellinus (xv. 9) quotes from Timagenes (who wrote in

the first century a history of Gaul, now lost) a statement that some of

the Gauls had originally immigrated from very distant islands and from

lands beyond the Rhine (_ab insulis extimis_ confluxisse et tractibus

transrhenanis) whence they were driven by wars and the incursions of

the sea (Timag. in Mueller, _Frag. hist. of Graec._, iii. 323). It

would seem incredible that this should be dragged into the Atlantis

controversy, but such has been the case.

[396] Plutarch, _Solon_, at end. R. Prinz, _De Solonis Plutarchi

fontibus_ (Bonnæ, 1857).

[397] _De Pallio, 2, Apol._, p. 32. Also by Arnobius, _Adversus

gentes_, i. 5.

[398] Ed. Montfaucon, i. 114-125, ii. 131, 136-138, iv. 186-192, xii.

340.

[399] Gaffarel in _Revue de Géographie_, vi.

[400] _Platonis omnia opere cum comm. Proclii in Timaeum_, etc. (Basil.

Valderus, 1534).

[401] _Ex Platoni Timaeo particula, Ciceronis libro de universitate

respondens ... op. jo. Perizonii_ (Paris, Tiletanus, 1540; Basil. s.

a.; Paris, Morell, 1551). _Interpret. Cicerone et Chalcidio_, etc.

(Paris, 1579). _Le Timée de Platon, translaté du grec en français,

par L. le Roy_, etc. (Paris, 1551, 1581). _Il dialogo di Platone,

intitolato il Timaeo trad. da Sb. Erizzo, nuov. mandato en luce d. Gir.

Ruscellii_ (Venet. 1558).

[402] _Birchrodii Schediasma de orbe novo non novo_ (Altdorf, 1683).

[403] The representation of Sanson is reproduced on p. 18. The full

title of these curious maps is given by Martin, _Etudes sur le Timée_,

i. 270, _notes_.

[404] _Plato, ed. Stallbaum_ (Gothae, 1838); vii. p. 99, note E. See

also his _Prolegomena de Critia_, in the same volume, for further

discussion and references.

[405] Cluverius, _Introduct._, ed. 1729, p. 667.

[406] _Examination of the legend of Atlantis in reference to

protohistoric communications with America_, in the _Trans. Royal Hist.

Soc._ (Lond., 1885), iii. p. 1-46.

[407] W. S. Blackett, _Researches into the lost histories of America;

or, the Zodiac shown to be an old terrestrial map in which the Atlantic

isle is delineated_, etc. (London, 1883), p. 31, 32. The work is not

too severely judged by W. F. Poole, in the _Dial_ (Chicago), Sept. 84,

_note_. The author’s reasons for believing that Atlantis could not have

sunk are interesting in a way. The _Fourth Rept. Bur. of Ethnology_ (p.

251) calls it “a curiosity of literature.”

[408] E. F. Berlioux, _Les Atlantes: histoire de l’Atlantis, et de

l’Atlas primitif_ (Paris, 1883). It originally made part of the first

_Annuaire_ of the Faculté des lettres de Lyon (Paris, 1883).

[409] _Thesaurus Geogr._, 1587, under _Atlantis_. See also under

_Gades_ and _Gadirus_. On folio 2 of his _Theatrum orbis terrarum_ he

rejects the notion that the ancients knew America, but in the index,

under _Atlantis_, he says _forte America_.

[410] Bartolomé de las Casas, _Historia de las Indias. Ed. De la

Fuensanto de Valle and J. S. Rayon_ (Madrid, 1875), i. cap. viii. pp.

73-79.

[411] Taylor, in the introduction to the Timaeus, in his translation

of Plato, regards as almost impious the doubts as to the truth of the

narrative. _The Works of Plato_, vol. i. London, 1804.

[412] _Thes. Geogr._, s. v. _Gadirus_.

[413] _Athanasii Kircherii Mundus subterraneus in xii. libros digestus_

(Amsterd., 1678), pp. 80-83. He gives a cut illustrative of his views

on p. 82.

[414] _Historia orbis terrarum geographica et civilis_, cap. 5, § 2,

hist. insul. I. C. Becmann, 2d ed. (Francfort on Oder, 1680). Title

from British Museum, as I have been unable to see the work. The _Allg.

Deutsche Biographie_ says the first edition appeared in 1680. It was a

book of considerable note in its day.

[415] De la Borde, _Histoire abregée de la mer du Sud_ (Paris, 1791).

[416] J. B. G. M. Bory de St. Vincent, _Essais sur les isles Fortunées

et l’antique Atlantide_ (Paris, an xi. or 1803), ch. 7. Si les Canaries

et les autres isles de l’ocean Atlantique offrent les débris d’un

continent. pp. 427, etc. His map is given _ante_, p. 19.

[417] This is the second part of his _Iles de l’Afrique_ (Paris, 1848),

belonging to the series _L’Univers. Histoire et description de tous les

peuples_, etc. Cf. also his _Les îles fantastiques_ (Paris, 1845).

[418] G. R. Carli, _Delle Lettere Americane_, ii. (1780). Lettere, vii.

and following; especially xiii. and following.

[419] Lyell, _Elements of Geology_ (Lond., 1841), p. 141; and his

_Principles of Geology_, 10th ed. Buffon dated the separation of the

new and old world from the catastrophe of Atlantis. _Epoques de la

Nat._, ed. Flourens, ix. 570.

[420] _Quatres lettres sur la Méxique; Popul Vuh_, p. xcix, and his

_Sources de l’histoire primitive du Méxique_, section viii. pp. xxiv,

xxxiii, xxxviii and ix, in his edition of Diego da Landa, _Relation des

choses de Yucatan_ (Paris, 1864). H. H. Bancroft, _Nat. Races_, iii.

112, 264, 480; v. 127, develops Brasseur’s theory. In his _Hist. Nat.

Civilisées_ he compares the condition of the Colhua kingdom of Xibalba

with Atlantis, and finds striking similarities. Le Plongeon in his

_Sacred Mysteries_ (p. 92) accepts Brasseur’s theory.

[421] A. Retzius, _Present state of Ethnology in relation to the form

of the human skull_ (Smithsonian Report, 1859), p. 266. The resemblance

is not indorsed by M. Verneau, who has lately made a detailed study of

the aborigines of the Canaries.

[422] F. Unger, _Die versunkene Insel Atlantis_ (Wien, 1860).

Translated in the _Journal of Botany_ (London), January, 1865. Asa Gray

had already called attention to the remarkable resemblance between the

flora of Japan and that of eastern North America, but had not found

the invention of a Pacific continent preferable to the hypothesis of

a progress of plants of the temperate zone round by Behring’s Strait

(_Memoirs of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences_, vi. 377).

Unger’s theory has been also more or less urged in Heer’s _Flora

Tertiaria Helveticae_ (1854-58) and his _Urwelt der Schweitz_ (1865),

and by Otto Ule in his _Die Erde_ (1874), i. 27.

[423] _Sitzungsberichte der Math. Phys. Classe d. k. Akad. d.

Wissensch._ at Vienna, lvii. (1868) p. 12.

[424] The “Lost Atlantis” and the “Challenger” soundings, _Nature_, 26

April, 1877, xv. 553, with sketch map.

[425] J. Starkie Gardner, _How were the eocenes of England deposited?_

in _Popular Science Review_ (London), July, 1878, xvii. 282. Edw. H.

Thompson, _Atlantis not a Myth_, in _Popular Science Monthly_, Oct.,

1879, xv. 759; reprinted in _Journal of Science_, Lond., Nov. 1879.

[426] _Etude sur les rapports de l’Atlantis et de l’ancien continent

avant Colomb_ (Paris, 1869).

[427] _Revue de Géographie_, Mars, Avril, 1880, tom. vi. et vii.

[428] See p. 46.

[429] _Ultima teoria sobre la Atlantida._ A paper read before the

Geographical Society at Lisbon. I have seen only the epitome in

_Bolletino della Società Geografica Italiana_, xvi. (1879), p. 693.

Apparently the paper was published in 1881, in the proceedings of the

fourth congress of Americanists at Madrid.

[430] Winchell, _Preadamites, or a demonstration of the existence of

man before Adam_, etc. (Chicago, 1880), pp. 378 and fol.

[431] Ignatius Donnelly, _Atlantis: the Antediluvian World_ (N. Y.,

1882).

[432] His work is much more than a defence of Plato. He attempts to

show that Atlantis was the terrestrial paradise, the cradle of the

world’s civilization. I suppose it was his book which inspired Mrs. J.

Gregory Smith to write _Atla: a Story of the Lost Island_ (New York,

1886).

Donnelly’s book was favorably reviewed by Prof. Winchell (“Ancient Myth

and Modern Fact,” _Dial_, Chicago, April, 1882, ii. 284), who declared

that there was no longer serious doubt that the story was founded on

fact. His theory was enthusiastically adopted by Mrs. A. A. Knight in

_Education_ (v. 317), and somewhat more soberly by Rev. J. P. McLean in

the _Universalist Quarterly_ (Oct., 1882, xxxix. 436, “The Continent of

Atlantis”). I have not seen an article in _Kansas Review_ by Mrs. H. M.

Holden, quoted in _Poole’s Index_ (_Kan. Rev._, viii. 435; also, viii.

236, 640). It was more carefully examined and its claims rejected by

a writer in the _Journal of Science_ (London), (“Atlantis once more,”

June, 1883; xx. 319-327). W. F. Poole doubts whether Mr. Donnelly

himself was quite serious in his theorizing (“Discoveries of America:

the lost Atlantis theory,” _Dial_, Sept., 1884, v. 97). Lord Arundel

of Wardour controverted Donnelly in _The Secret of Plato’s Atlantis_

(London, 1885), and believes that the Atlantis fable originated in

vague reports of Hanno’s voyage—a theory hardly less remarkable than

the one it aims to displace. Lord Arundel’s book was reviewed in the

_Dublin Review_ (Plato’s “Atlantis” and the “Periplus” of Hanno), July,

1886, xcix. 91.

[433] Renard, M., _Report on the Petrology of St. Paul’s Rocks,

Challenger Report, Narrative_ (London, 1882), ii. Appendix B.

[434] _A search for “Atlantis” with the microscope_, in _Nature_, 9

Nov., 1882, xxvii. 25.

[435] _The microscopic evidence of a lost continent_, in _Science_, 29

June, 1883, i. 591.

[436] _Origines Celticae_ (London, 1883), i. 119, etc.

[437] _The discoveries of America to the year 1525_ (New York, 1884),

ch. 1. Cf. Poole’s review of this jejune Work, quoted above, for some

healthy criticism of this kind of writing (_Dial_, v. 97). Also a

notice in the _Nation_, July 31, 1884.