d’Estienne in the _Revue des Questiones Scientifiques_, Oct., 1885, and
by M. de Marçay, _Histoire des descouvertes et conquêtes de l’Amerique_
(Limoges, 1881), but I have seen neither. H. H. Howorth, _The Mammoth
and the Flood_ (London, 1887), is struggling to revive the credit of
water as the chief agent in the transformations of the earth’s surface,
and relies much upon the deluge myths, but refuses to accept Atlantis.
He thinks the zoölogic evidence proves the existence in pleistocene
times of an easy and natural bridge between Europe and America, but
sees no need of placing it across the mid-Atlantic (p. 262).
[438] _The naturall and morall historie of the East and West Indies_,
etc., _written in Spanish by Joseph Acosta, and translated into English
by E. G[rimeston]_ (London, 1604), p. 72, 73 (lib. i. ch. 22).
[439] _Notitiae orbis antiquae_ (Amsterdam, 1703-6), 2 vols. The first
ed. was Cantab., 1703. “Atlantica insula Platonis quae similior fabulae
est quam chorographiae,” lib. i. cap. xi. p. 32. In the _Additamentum
de novo orbe an cognatus fuerit veteribus_ (tome ii. lib. iv. pp.
164-166) Cellarius speaks more guardedly, and quotes with approval the
judgment of Perizonius, which has been given above (p. 22).
[440] _Essai sur l’explication historique donnée par Platon de sa
République et de son Atlantide_ (in _Reflexions impartiales sur le
progrès réal ou apparent que les sciences et les arts ont faits dans
le xviii^e siècle en Europe_, Paris, 1780). The work is useful because
it contains the Greek text (from a MS. in the Bibl. du Roi. Cf. _MSS.
de la bibliothèque_, v. 261), the Latin translations of Ficinus and
Serranus, several French translations, and the Italian of Frizzo and of
Bembo.
[441] _Recherches sur les iles de l’océan Atlantique_, in the
_Recherches sur la géographie des anciens_, i. p. 146 (Paris, 1797).
Also in the French translation of Strabo (i. p. 268, note 3). Gosselin
thought that Atlantis was nothing more than Fortaventure or Lancerote.
[442] _Geogr. d. Griechen u. Römer_, i. 1, p. 59; ii. 1, p. 192. Cf.
Letronne’s _Essai sur les idées cosmographiques qui se rettachent au
nom d’Atlas_, in the _Bull. Univ. des sciences_ (Ferussac), March, 1831.
[443] _Examen Crit._, i. 167-180; ii. 192.
[444] _The dialogues of Plato, translated by B. Jowett_ (N. Y., 1873),
ii. p. 587 (Introduction to Critias).
[445] Bunbury, _History of ancient geography_, i. 402.
[446] _Etude sur le Timée de Platon_ (Paris, 1841), t. i. pp. 257-333.
[447] Paul Gaffarel, _Etude sur les rapports de l’Amérique et de
l’ancien continent avant Christophe Colomb_ (Paris, 1869), ch. 1er;
_L’Atlantide_, pp. 3-27. The same author has more lately handled the
subject more fully in a series of articles: _L’Atlantide_, in the
_Revue de Géographie_, April-July, 1880; vi. 241, 331, 421; vii.
21,—which is the most detailed account of the whole matter yet brought
together.
[448] One of the most recent résumés of the question is that by
Salone in the _Grande Encyclopédie_. (Paris, 1888, iv. p. 457). The
_Encyclopædia Britannica_, by the way, regards the account, “if not
entirely fictitious, as belonging to the most nebulous region of
history.”
A few miscellaneous references, of no great significance, may close
this list: _Amer. Antiquarian_, Sept., 1886; H. H. Bancroft, _Nat.
Races_, v. 123; J. S. Clarke’s _Progress of Maritime Discovery_, p.
ii. Geo. Catlin’s _Lifted and Subsided Rocks of America_ (Lond., 1870)
illustrates “The Cataclysm of the Antilles.” Dr. Chil, in the Nancy
_Congrès des Américanistes_, i. 163. Foster’s _Prehistoric Races_, app.
E. Haven’s _Archæol. U. S._ Irving’s _Columbus_, app. xxii. Major’s
_Prince Henry_ (1868), p. 87. Nadaillac’s _Les Prem. Hommes_, ii. 114,
and his _L’ Amérique préhistorique_, 561. John B. Newman’s _Origin
of the Red Men_ (N. Y., 1852). Prescott’s _Mexico_, iii. 356. C. S.
Rafinesque’s incomplete _American Nations_ (Philad.), and his earlier
introduction to Marshall’s _Kentucky_, and his _Amer. Museum_ (1832).
Two articles by L. Burke in his _Ethnological Journal_ (London), 1848:
_The destruction of Atlantis_, July; _The continent of America known to
the ancient Egyptians and other nations of remote antiquity_, Aug. The
former article is only a reprint of Taylor’s trans. of Plato. Roisel’s
_Etudes ante-historiques_ (Paris, 1874), devoted largely to the
religion of the Atlanteans. Léon de Rosny’s “L’Atlantide historique” in
the _Mém. de la Soc. d’Ethnographie_ (Paris, 1875), xiii. 33, 159, or
_Revue Orientale et Américaine_. Short’s _No. Americans of Antiquity_,
ch. 11. Daniel Wilson’s _Lost Atlantis_ (Montreal, 1886), in _Proc. and
Trans. Roy. Soc. of Canada_, 1886, iv. Cf. also _Poole’s Index_, i. 73;
ii. 27; and Larousse’s _Grand Dictionnaire_.
[449] _Legends and Superstitions of the Sea and of Sailors in all Lands
and at all Times_ (Chicago and New York, 1885).
[450] _Légendes, croyances de la mer._ 2 vols. (Paris, 1886.) See ch. 9
in 1^{ere} série.
[451] _L’Elysée transatlantique et l’Eden Occidental_ (Mai-Juin,
Nov.-Dec., 1883), vii. 273; viii. 673.
[452] _Paradise Found: the Cradle of the Human Race at the North Pole_
(Boston, 1885), 4th ed.
[453] Eumenius (?), in the third century A.D., is doubtful about the
existence even of the Fortunate Isles (i. e. the Canaries). _Eumenii
panegyricus Constantino Aug._, vii., in Valpy’s _Panegyrici veteres_
(London, 1828), iii. p. 1352. Baehrens credits this oration to an
unknown author. Mamertinus appears to know them from the poets only
(_Ibid._ p. 1529).
[454] _Saggio sulla nautica antica dei Veneziani_, n. p., n. d.
(Venice, 1783); French translation (Venice, 1788).
[455] _Il mappamondo di Fra Mauro descritto ed illustrato_ (Venice,
1806). _Di Marco Polo e degli altri viaggiatori veneziani ... con
append. sopra le antiche mappe lavorate in Venezia_ (Venice, 1818).
[456] ii. 156, etc.
[457] D’Avezac: _Iles d’Afrique_ (Paris, 1848) 2^e _partie_; _Iles
connues des Arabes_, pp. 15; _Les îles de Saint-Brandan_, pp. 19; _Les
îsles nouvellement trouvées du quinzième siècle_, pp. 24. The last
two pieces had been previously published under the title _Les îles
fantastiques de l’Ocean occidental au moyen âge_, in the _Nouvelles
Annales des Voyages_ (Mars, Avril, 1845), 2d série, i. 293; ii. 47.
[458] _Les îsles fantastiques de l’Atlantique au moyen âge._ Lyon
[1883], pp. 15. This is apparently extracted from the _Bulletin de la
Société de Géographie de Lyon_ for 1883.
[In _Poole’s Index_ is a reference to an article on imaginary islands
in _London Society_, i. 80, 150.]
[459] “Zur Geschichte der Erdkunde in der letzten Hälfte des
Mittelalters. Die Karten der seefahrenden Völker Süd-Europas bis zum
ersten Druck der Erdbeschreibung des Ptolemaeus.” _Jahresbericht_, vi.
vii. (1870). Accompanying the article are sketches of the principal
mediæval maps, which are useful if access to the more trustworthy
reproductions cannot be had.
[460] _Sammlung mittelalterlicher Welt- und Seekarten italienischen
Ursprungs_, etc. (Venice, 1886), especially pp. 14-22, and under the
notices of particular maps in the second part.
[461] _The Life of Prince Henry of Portugal, surnamed the Navigator_,
etc. London, 1868.
[462] The position of these islands and the fact that the Arabs
believed that they were following Ptolemy in placing in them the first
meridian seems almost conclusive in favor of the Canaries; but M.
D’Avezac is inclined in favor of the Azores, because the Arabs place in
the Eternal Isles certain pillars and statues warning against further
advance westward, which remind him of the equestrian statues of the
Azores, and because Ebn Sáyd states that the Islands of Happiness lie
between the Eternal Islands and Africa.
[463] D’Avezac, _Iles d’Afrique_, ii. 15. _Géographie d’Abul-Fada trad.
par M. Reinand et M. Guiyard_ (Paris, 1848-83). 2 vols. The first
volume contains a treatise on Arabian geographers and their systems.
_Géographie d’Edrisi trad. par M. Jaubert_ (Paris, 1836-40). 2 vols.
4to (Soc. de Géogr. de Paris, _Recueil de Voyages_, v., vi.) Cf.
Cherbonneau on the Arabian geographers in the _Revue de Géographie_
(1881).
[464] Humboldt, _Examen Crit._, ii. 163; D’Avezac, _Iles d’Afrique_,
ii. 19; St. Malo’s voyage by Beauvois, _Rev. Hist. Relig._, viii. 986.
[465] _Les voyages de Saint Brandan et des Papoe dans l’Atlantique au
moyen-âge_, published by the Soc. de Géogr. de Rochefort (1881). See
also his _Rapports de l’Amérique et de l’ancien continent_ (Paris,
1869), p. 173-183. The article _Brenden_ in Stephen’s _Dict. of
National Biography_, vol. vi. (London, 1886), should be consulted.
[466] 16 May; _Maii_, tom. ii. p. 699.
[467] _La légende latine de S. Brandaines, avec une traduction
inédite_, etc. (Paris, 1836). M. Jubinal gives a full account of all
manuscripts.
[468] _St. Brandan, a mediæval legend of the sea, in English prose and
verse_ (London, 1844). The student of the subject will find use for
_Les voyages de Saint Brandan à la recherche du paradis terrestre,
legend en vers du XII^e siècle, avec introduction par Francisque
Michel_ (Paris, 1878), and “La legende Flamande de Saint Brandan et du
bibliographie” by Louis de Backer in _Miscellanées bibliographiques_,
1878, p. 191.
[469] _Nova typis transacta navigatio._ _Novi orbis India
occidentalis_, etc. (1621), p. 11.
[470] Honoré d’Autun, _Imago Mundi_, lib. i. cap. 36. In _Maxima
Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum_ (Lugd., 1677), tom. xx. p. 971.
[471] Humboldt (_Examen Critique_, ii. 172) quotes these islands from
Sanuto Torsello (1306). They appear on a map of about 1350, preserved
in St. Mark’s Library at Venice (Wuttke, in _Jahresber. d. Vereins für
Erdkunde zu Dresden_, xvi. 20), as “_I fortunate I beate, 368,_” in
connection with _La Montagne de St. Brandan_, west of Ireland. They are
also in the Medicean Atlas of 1351, and in Fra Mauro’s map and many
others.
[472] _Noticias de la historia general de las islas de Canaria_, by
D. Jos. de Viera y Clavijo, 4 vols. 4to (Madrid, 1772-83). Humboldt,
_Examen_, ii. 167. D’Avezac, _Iles d’Afrique_, ii. 22, etc. _Les îles
fortunées ou archipel des Canaries_ [by E. Pégot-Ogier], 2 vols.
(Paris, 1862), i. ch. 13. Saint-Borondon (_Aprositus_), pp. 186-198.
_Teneriffe and its six satellites_, by O. M. Stone, 2 vols. (London,
1887), i. 319. This mirage probably explains the _Perdita_ of Honoré
and the _Aprositos_ of Ptolemy. Cf. O. Peschel’s _Abhandlungen zur
Erd- und Völkerkunde_ (Leipzig, 1877), i. 20. A similar story is
connected with Brazil.
[473] M. Buache in his _Mémoire sur l’Isle Antillia_ (_Mém. Inst. de
France, Sciences math. et phys._, vi., 1806), read on a copy of the
Pizigani map of 1367, sent to him from Parma, the inscription, _Ad
ripas Antilliae or Antullio_. Cf. Buache’s article in German in _Allg.
Geogr. Ephemeriden_, xxiv. 129. Humboldt (_Examen_, ii. 177) quotes
Zurla (_Viaggi_, ii. 324) as denying that such an inscription can be
made out on the original: but Fischer (_Sammlung von Welt-karten_,
p. 19) thinks this form of the name can be made out on Jomard’s
fac-simile. Wuttke, however, thinks that the word Antillia is not to
be made out, and gives the inscription as _Hoc sont statua q fuit
ut tenprs A cules_, and reads _Hoc sunt statuae quae fuerunt antea
temporibus Arcules = Herculis_ (Wuttke, _Zur Geschichte der Erdkunde
in der letzten Haelfte des Mittelalters_, p. 26, in _Jahresbericht des
Vereins für Erdkunde zu Dresden_, vi. and vii., 1870). The matter is
of interest in the story of the equestrian statue of Corvo. According
to the researches of Humboldt, this story first appears in print in
the history of Portugal by Faria y Sousa (_Epitome de las historias
Portuguezas_, Madrid, 1628. _Historia del Reyno de Portugal_, 1730),
who describes on the “Mountain of the Crow,” in the Azores, a statue
of a man on horseback pointing westward. A later version of the
story mentions a western promontory in _Corvo_ which had the form of
a person pointing westward. Humboldt (ii. 231), in an interesting
sketch, connects this story with the Greek traditions of the columns of
Hercules at Gades, and with the old opinion that beyond no one could
pass; and with the curious Arabic stories of numberless columns with
inscriptions prohibiting further navigation, set up by _Dhoulcarnain_,
an Arabian hero, in whose personality Hercules and Alexander the Great
are curiously compounded (see _Edrisi_). Humboldt quotes from Buache
a statement that on the Pizigani map of 1367 there is near Brazil
(Azores) a representation of a person holding an inscription and
pointing westward.
[474] Fernan Colomb, _Historia_, ch. 9; Horn, _De Originibus Amer._
p. 7, quoted by Gaffarel in his _Les îles fantastiques_, p. 3, _note_
1, 2. D’Avezac, _Iles d’Afrique_, ii. 27, quotes a similar passage
from Medina (_Arte naviguar_), who found it in the Ptolemy dedicated
to Pope Urban (1378-1389). According to D’Avezac (_Iles_, ii. 28),
a “geographical document” of 1455 gives the name as _Antillis_, and
identifies it with Plato’s _Atlantis_.
[475] Formaleoni, _Essai_, 148.
[476] D’Avezac marks as wrong the reading _Sarastagio_ of Humboldt.
[477] D’Avezac, _Iles d’Afrique_, ii. 29; Gaffarel, _Iles
fantastiques_, 12. Fischer (_Sammlung_, 20) translates _Satanaxio,
Satanshand_, but thinks the island of _Deman_, which appears on the
Catalan chart of 1375, is meant by the first half of the title. The
Catalan map, fac-similed by Buchon and Foster in the _Notices et
extraits des documents_, xiv. 2, has been more exactly reproduced in
the _Choix des documents géographiques conservées à la Bibl. Nat._
(Paris, 1883).
[478] Peter Martyr, in 1493, states that cosmographers had determined
that Hispaniola and the adjacent isles were _Antillae insulae_, meaning
doubtless the group surrounding Antillia on the old maps (_Decades_,
i. p. 11, ed. 1583); but the name was not popularly applied to the new
islands until after Wytfliet and Ortelius had so used it (Humboldt,
_Examen_, ii. 195, etc.). But Schöner, in the dedicatory letter of
his globe of 1523, says that the king of Castile through Columbus has
discovered _Antiglias Hispaniam Cubam quoque_ (Stevens, _Schöner_,
London, 1888, fac-simile of letter). In the same way the name Seven
Cities was applied to the pueblos of New Mexico by their first
discoverers, and Brazil passed from an island to the continent.
[479] Humboldt identified it with _Terceira_, but Fischer questions
whether St. Michael does not agree better with the easterly position
constantly assigned to Brazil.
[480] The Bianco map of 1436 has, on the ocean sheets, five groups
of small islands, from south to north: (1) Canaries; (2) Madeira and
Porto Santo; (3) _luto_ and _chapisa_; (4) _d. brasil, di colonbi,
d. b. ntusta, d. sanzorzi_; (5) _coriios_ and _corbo marinos_; (6)
_de ventura_; (7) _de brazil_. West of the third and fourth lies
_Antillia_, and N. W. of the fifth a corner of _de laman satanaxio_,
while west of six and seven are numerous small islands unnamed. On
the ocean sheet of the Bianco of 1448, we have (2) Madeira and Porto
Santo; (3) _licongi_ and _coruo marin_; (4) _de braxil, zorzi_, etc.;
(5) _coriios_ and _coruos marinos_; (6) _y. d. mam debentum_; (7) _y.
d. brazil d. binar_. There is no Antillia and no Satanaxio, but west
of (3) and (4) are two other groups: (1) _yd. diuechi marini, y de
falconi_; (2) _y fortunat de s^o. beati. blandan, dinferno, de ipauion,
beta ixola, dexerta_. There is not much to be hoped from such geography.
[481] Over against Africa he has an _Isola dei Dragoni_. On the
Pizigani map of 1367 the Brazil which lies W. of North France is
accompanied by a cut of two ships, a dragon eating a man, and a legend
stating that one cannot sail further on account of monsters. There was
a dragon in the Hesperian isles, and some have connected it with the
famous dragon-tree of the Canaries.
[482] _Examen_, ii. 216, etc.
[483] For an account of the Irish MSS. see Eugene O’Curry, _Lectures
on the MS. material of ancient Irish history_ (Dublin, 1861), lect.
ix. p. 181; H. d’Arbois de Jubainville, _Introduction a l’étude de la
littérature Celtique_, 2 vols. (Paris, 1883), i. chap. 8, p. 349, etc.;
also _Essai d’un catalogue de littérature épique d’Irlande_, by the
same author (Paris, 1883). For accounts of the voyages see O’Curry,
p. 252, and especially p. 289, where a sketch of that of the sons of
_Ua Corra_ is given. A list of the voyages is given by D’Arbois de
Jubainville in his _Essai_, under _Longeas_ (involuntary voyages) and
_Immram_ (voluntary voyages), with details about MSS. and references
to texts and translations (_Mailduin_, p. 151; _Ua Corra_, 152). See
also Beauvois, _Eden occidental, Rev. de l’Hist. des Relig._, viii.
706, 717, for voyages of _Mailduin_ and the sons of _Ua Corra_, and of
other voyages. Also Joyce, _Old Celtic romances_ (London, 1879). Is M.
Beauvois in earnest when he suggests that the talking birds discovered
by Mailduin (and also by St. Brandan) were probably parrots, and their
island a part of South America?
[484] The name is derived by Celtic scholars from _breas_, large, and
_i_, island.
[485] _Gulielmi de Worcester Itineraria_, ed. J. Nasmyth (Cantab.,
1778), p. 223, 267. I take the quotation from _Notes and Queries_, Dec.
15, 1883, 6th series, viii. 475. The latter passage is quoted in full
in _Bristol, past and present_, by Nicholls and Taylor (London, 1882),
iii. 292. Cf. H. Harrisse’s _C. Colomb._, i. 317.
[486] _Cal. State Papers, Spanish_, i. p. 177.
[487] _Irish Minstrelsy, or bardic remains of Ireland_, etc., 2 vols.
(London, 1831), i. 368.
[488] This is very nearly its position in the _Arcano del Mare_ of
Dudley, 1646 (Europe 28), where it is called “disabitata e incerta.”
[489] i. 369. _O-Brazile, or the enchanted island, being a perfect
relation of the late discovery and wonderful disenchantment of an
island on the North [sic] of Ireland_, etc. (London, 1675).
[490] John T. O’Flaherty, _Sketch of the History and antiquities of the
southern islands of Aran_, etc. (Dublin, 1884, in _Roy. Irish Acad.
Trans._, vol. xiv.)
[491] _On Hy Brasil, a traditional island off the west coast of
Ireland, plotted in a MS. map written by Le Sieur Tassin_, etc., in the
_Journal of the Royal Geological Society of Ireland_ (1879-80), vol.
xv. pt. 3, pp. 128-131, _fac-simile of map_.
[492] In an atlas issued 1866, I observe _Mayda_ and _Green Rock_.
[493] Harrisse would put it in 1482. See Vol. II. p. 90.
[494] Also in his _Bib. Amer. Vet._, p. xvi.
[495] The various versions of the letter are as follows: _Ulloa_
(_Historie_, 1571, ch. 8). Dalla città di Lisbona per dritto verso
ponente sono in detta carta ventisei spazi, ciascun de’ quali contien
dugento, & cinquanta miglia, fino alla ... città di Quisai, la quale
gira cento miglia, che sono trentacinque leghe.... Questo spazio e
quasi la terza parte della sfera.... E dalla’ Isola di Antilia, che
voi chiamate di sette città, ... fino alla ... isola di Cipango sono
dieci spazi, che fanno due mila & cinquecento miglia, cioè dugento, &
venticinque leghe.
_Barcia._ Hallareis en un mapa, que ai desde Lisboa, à la famosa ciudad
de Quisay, tomando el camino derecho à Poniente, 26 espacios, cada uno
de 150 millas. Quisai’ tiene 35 leguas de ambitu.... De la isla Antilla
hasta la de Cipango se quentan diez espacios, que hacen 225 leguas.
_Las Casas_: Y de la ciudad de Lisboa, en derecho por el Poniente, son
en la dicha carta 26 espacios, y en cada uno dellos hay 250 millas
hasta la ... ciudad de Quisay, la cual etiene al cerco 100 millas, que
son 25 leguas, ... (este espacio es cuasi la tercera parte de la sfera)
... é de la isla de Antil, ... Hasta la ... isla de Cipango hay 10
espacios que son 2,500 millas, es á sabre, 225 leguas.
_Columbus’s copy_: A civitate vlixiponis per occidentem indirecto sunt
.26. spacia in carta signata quorum quodlibet habet miliaria .250.
usque ad nobilisim[am], et maxima ciuitatem quinsay. Circuit enim
centum miliaria ... hoc spatium est fere tercia pars tocius spere....
Sed ab insula antilia vobis nota ad insulam ... Cippangu sunt decem
spacia.
[496] Cf. “Les îles Atlantique,” by Jacobs-Beeckmans in the _Bull. de
la Soc. géog. d’Anvers_, i. 266, with map.
[497] Of these collections, those of Kunstmann and Jomard are not
uncommon in the larger American libraries. A set of the Santarem series
is very difficult to secure complete, but since the description of
these collections in Vol. II. was written, a set has been secured for
Harvard College library, and I am not aware of another set being in
this country. The same library has the Ongania series. The maps in this
last, some of which are useful in the present study, are the following:—
1. Arabic marine map, xiiith cent. (Milan); 2. Visconte, 1311
(Florence); 3. Carignano, xivth cent. (Florence); 4. Visconte, 1318
(Venice); 5. Anonymous, 1351 (Florence); 6. Pizigani, 1373 (Milan);
7. Anon., xivth cent. (Venice); 8. Giroldi, 1426 (Venice); 9. Bianco,
1430, (Venice); 10. Anon., 1447 (Venice); 11. Bianco, 1448 (Milan);
12. Not issued; 13. Anon., Catalan, xvth cent. (Florence); 14. Leardo,
1452; 15. Fra Mauro, 1457 (Venice); 16. Cantino, 1501-3 (Modena). This
has not been issued in this series, but Harrisse published a fac-simile
in colors in connection with his _Les Corte-Real_, etc., Paris, 1883.
17. Agnese, 1554 (Venice). The names on these photographs are often
illegible; how far the condition of the original is exactly reproduced
in this respect it is of course impossible to say without comparison.
[498] The notions prevailing so far back as the first century are seen
in the map of Pomponius Mela in Vol. II. p. 180.
[499] Vol. II. p. 36.
[500] Lelewel (ii. 119) gives a long account of Sanuto and his maps,
and so does Kunstmann in the _Mémoires_ (vii. ch. 2, 1855) of the Royal
Bavarian Academy; but a more perfect inventory of his maps is given in
the _Studi biog. e bibliog._ of the Italian Geographical Society (1882,
i. 80; ii. 50). Cf. Peschel, _Gesch. der Erdkunde_, Ruge, ed. 1877, p.
210. Sanuto’s map of 1320 was first published in his _Liber Secretorum
fidelium crucis_ (Frankfort, 1811. Cf. reproduction in St. Martin’s
_Atlas_, pl. vi. no. 3). Further references are in Winsor’s _Kohl
Maps_, no. 12. It is in part reproduced by Santarem.
[501] Cf. _Amer. Geog. Soc. Journal_, xii. 177, and references in the
_Kohl Maps_, nos. 13 and 14.
[502] Vol. II. p. 38.
[503] Cf. references in Vol. II. 38.
[504] Cf. _Studi_, etc., ii. no. 392.
[505] Cf. Desimoni’s _Le carte nautiche Italiane del medio evo a
proposito di un libro del Prof. Fischer_ (Genoa, 1888).
[506] Cf. Vol. II. 38 for references; and Lelewel and Santarem’s
Atlases.
[507] Cf. _Studi_, etc., vol. ii. pp. viii, 67, 72, with references.
[508] Cf. Pietro Amat in the _Mem. Soc. Geografica_, Roma, 1878;
_Studi_, etc., ii. 75; Winsor’s _Bibliog. Ptolemy_, sub anno 1478.
[509] Cf. account of inaugurating busts of Fra Mauro and John Cabot,
in _Terzo Congresso Geografico internazionale_ (held at Venice, Sept.,
1881, and published at Rome, 1882), i. p. 33.
[510] Asa Gray, in _Darwiniana_, p. 203. Cf. his _Address_ before Amer.
Assoc. Adv. Science, 1827.
[511] The subject of these pre-Columbian claims is examined in almost
all the general works on early discovery. Cf. Robertson’s _America_;
J. S. Vater’s _Untersuchungen über Amerikas Bevölkerung aus dem alten
Continent_ (Leipzig, 1810); Dr. F. X. A. Deuber’s _Geschichte der
Schiffahrt im Atlantischen Ozean_ (Bamberg, 1814); Ruge, _Geschichte
des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_ (ch. 2); Major’s _Select Letters of
Columbus_, introd.; C. A. A. Zestermann’s _Memoir on the Colonization
of America in antehistoric times, with critical observations by E. G.
Squier_ (London, 1851); _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_ (ii. 404);
“Les précurseurs de Colomb” in _Études par les Pères de la Compagnie
de Jesus_ (Leipzig, 1876); Oscar Dunn in _Revue Canadienne_, xii. 57,
194, 305, 871, 909,—not to name numerous other periodical papers. Paul
Gaffarel, in his “Les relations entre l’ancien monde et l’Amérique
étaient-elles possibles au moyen âge?” (_Soc. Normande de Géog.
Bulletin_, 1881, p. 209), thinks that amid the confused traditions
there is enough to convince us that we have no right to determine that
communication was impossible.
[512] _MSS. de la bibliothèque royale_ (Paris, 1787), i. 462.
[513] De Costa in _Journal Amer. Geog. Soc._ xii. (1880) p. 159, etc.,
with references.
[514] Humboldt, _Views of Nature_, p. 124. He also notes the drifting
of Eskimo boats to Europe.
[515] _Tratado de las cinco zonas habitables._
[516] Respecting these Christian Irish see the supplemental chapters of
Mallet’s _Northern Antiquities_ (London, 1847); Dasent’s _Burnt Njal_,
i. p. vii.; Moore’s _History of Ireland_; Forster’s _Northern Voyages_;
Worsaae’s _Danes and Norwegians in England_, 332. Cf. on the contact of
the two races H. H. Howorth on “The Irish monks and the Norsemen” in
the _Roy. Hist. Soc. Trans._ viii. 281.
[517] Conybeare remarks that jarl, naturalized in England as earl, has
been displaced in its native north by graf.
[518] It has sometimes been contended that a bull of Gregory IV, in
A.D. 770, referred to Greenland, but Spitzbergen was more likely
intended, though its known discovery is much later. A bull of A.D.
835, in Pontanus’s _Rerum Daniarum Historia_, is also held to indicate
that there were earlier peoples in Greenland than those from Iceland.
Sabin (vi. no. 22,854) gives as published at Godthaab, 1859-61, in 3
vols., the Eskimo text of Greenland Folk Lore, collected and edited by
natives of Greenland, with a Danish translation, and showing, as the
notice says, the traditions of the first descent of the Northmen in the
_eighth_ century.
[519] Known as the Katortuk church.
[520] An apocryphal story goes that one of these churches was built
near a boiling spring, the water from which was conducted through the
building in pipes for heating it! The Zeno narrative is the authority
for this. Cf. Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S._ i. 79.
[521] The Westribygd, or western colony, had in the fourteenth century
90 settlements and 4 churches; the Eystribygd had 190 settlements, a
cathedral and eleven churches, with two large towns and three or four
monasteries.
[522] R. G. Haliburton, in the _Popular Science Monthly_, May, 1885, p.
40, gives a map in which Bjarni’s course is marked as entering the St.
Lawrence Gulf by the south, and emerging by the Straits of Belle Isle.
[523] Dated 1135, and discovered in 1824.
[524] Distinctly shown in the diverse identifications of these
landmarks which have been made.
[525] On the probabilities of the Vinland voyages, see Worsaae’s _Danes
and Norwegians in England_, etc., p. 109.
[526] _Grönland’s Hist. Mindesmaeker_, iii. 9.
[527] The popular confidence in this view is doubtless helped by
Montgomery, who has made it a point in his poem on Greenland, canto v.
De Courcy (_Hist. of the Church in America_, p. 12) is cited by Howley
(_Newfoundland_) as asserting that the eastern colony was destroyed by
“a physical cataclysm, which accumulated the ice.” On the question of a
change of climate in Greenland, see J. D. Whitney’s _Climatic Changes_
(_Mus. Comp. Zoöl. Mem._, 1882, vii. 238).
[528] Rink (_Danish Greenland_, 22) is not inclined to believe that
there has been any material climatic change in Greenland since the
Norse days, and favors the supposition that some portion of the finally
remaining Norse became amalgamated with the Eskimo and disappeared. If
the reader wants circumstantial details of the misfortunes of their
“last man,” he can see how they can be made out of what are held to be
Eskimo traditions in a chapter of Dr. Hayes’s _Land of Desolation_.
Nordenskjöld (_Voyage of the Vega_) holds, such is the rapid
assimilation of a foreign stock by a native stock, that it is not
unlikely that what descendants may exist of the lost colonists of
Greenland may be now indistinguishable from the Eskimo.
Tylor (_Early Hist. Mankind_, p. 208), speaking of the Eskimo, says:
“It is indeed very strange that there should be no traces found among
them of knowledge of metal-work and of other arts, which one would
expect a race so receptive of foreign knowledge would have got from
contact with the Northmen.”
Prof. Edward S. Morse, in his very curious study of _Ancient and Modern
Methods of Arrow Release_ (Salem, 1885,—_Bull. Essex Inst._, xvii.) p.
52, notes that the Eskimo are the only North American tribe practising
what he calls the “Mediterranean release,” common to all civilized
Europe, and he ventures to accept a surmise that it may have been
derived from the Scandinavians.
[529] Given by Schlegel, Egede (citing Pontanus), and Rafn; and a
French version is in the _Bull. de la Soc. de Géog._, 2d series,
iii. 348. It is said to be preserved in a copy in the Vatican. M. F.
Howley, _Ecclesiastical Hist. of Newfoundland_ (Boston, 1888), p. 43,
however, says “Abbé Garnier mentions a bull of Pope Nicholas V, of date
about 1447, concerning the church of Greenland; but on searching the
Bullarium in the Propaganda library, Rome, in 1885, I could not find
it.”
[530] Laing’s _Heimskringla_, i. 146.
[531] E. B. Tylor on “Old Scandinavian Civilization among the modern
Esquimaux,” in the _Journal of the Anthropological Inst._ (1884),
xiii. 348, shows that the Greenlanders still preserve some of the
Norse customs, arising in part, as he thinks, from some of the lost
Scandinavian survivors being merged in the savage tribes. Their
recollection of the Northmen seems evident from the traditions
collected among them by Dr. Rink in his _Eskimoiske Eventyr og Sagn_
(Copenhagen, 1866); and their dress, and some of their utensils and
games, as it existed in the days of Egede and Crantz, seem to indicate
the survival of customs.
[532] _Cosmos_, Bohn’s ed., ii. 610; _Examen Crit._, ii. 148.
[533] Cf. _Geographie de Edrisi, traduite de l’arabe en français
d’après deux manuscrits de la bibliothèque du Roi, et accompagnée de
notes, par G. Amédée Jaubert_ (Paris, 1836-40), vol. i. 200; ii. 26.
Cf. _Recueil des Voyages et Mémoires de la Société de Géographie de
Paris_, vols. v., vi. The world-map by Edrisi does not indicate any
knowledge of this unknown world. Cf. copies of it in St. Martin’s
_Atlas_, pl. vi; Lelewel, _Atlas_, pl. x-xii; Peschel’s _Gesch. der
Erdkunde_, ed. by Ruge, 1877, p. 144; _Amer. Geog. Soc. Journal_,
xii. 181; _Allg. Geog. Ephemeriden_, ix. 292; Gerard Stein’s _Die
Entdeckungsreisen in alter und neuer Zeit_ (1883).
Guignes (_Mém. Acad. des Inscriptions_, 1761, xxviii. 524) limits the
Arab voyage to the Canaries, and in _Notices et Extraits des MSS. de
la bibliothèque du Roi_, ii. 24, he describes a MS. which makes him
believe the Arabs reached America; and he is followed by Munoz (_Hist.
del Nuevo Mondo_, Madrid, 1793). Hugh Murray (_Discoveries and Travels
in No. Amer._, Lond., 1829, i. p. II) and W. D. Cooley (_Maritime
Discovery_, 1830, i. 172) limit the explorations respectively to the
Azores and the Canaries. Humboldt (_Examen Crit._, 1837, ii. 137)
thinks they may possibly have reached the Canaries; but Malte Brun
(_Géog. Universelle_, 1841, i. 186) is more positive. Major (_Select
Letters of Columbus_, 1847) discredits the American theory, and in
his _Prince Henry_ agrees with D’Avezac that they reached Madeira.
Lelewel (_Géog. du Moyen Age_, ii. 78) seems likewise incredulous. S.
F. Haven (_Archæol. U. S._) gives the theory and enumerates some of
its supporters. Peschel (_Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_,
1858) is very sceptical. Gaffarel (_Etudes_, etc., p. 209) fails to
find proof of the American theory. Gay (_Pop. History U. S._, i. 64)
limits their voyage to the Azores.
[534] Given as A.D. 1380; but Major says, 1390. _Journal Royal Geog.
Soc._, 1873, p. 180.
[535] De Costa, _Verrazano the Explorer_ (N. Y., 1880), pp. 47, 63,
contends that Benedetto Bordone, writing his _Isole del Monde_ in 1521,
and printing it in 1528, had access to the Zeno map thirty years and
more earlier than its publication. This, he thinks, is evident from the
way in which he made and filled in his outline, and from his drawing
of “Islanda,” even to a like way of engraving the name, which is in
a style of letter used by Bordone nowhere else. Humboldt (_Cosmos_,
Bohn’s ed., ii. 611) has also remarked it as singular that the name
Frislanda, which, as he supposed, was not known on the maps before
the Zeni publication in 1538, should have been applied by Columbus to
an island southerly from Iceland, in his _Tratado de las cinco zonas
habitables_. Cf. De Costa’s _Columbus and the Geographers of the North_
(1872), p. 19. Of course, Columbus might have used the name simply
descriptively,—cold land; but it is now known that in a sea chart of
perhaps the fifteenth century, preserved in the Ambrosian library at
Milan, the name “Fixlanda” is applied to an island in the position of
Frislanda in the Zeno chart, while in a Catalan chart of the end of
the fifteenth century the same island is apparently called “Frixlanda”
(_Studi biog. e bibliog. della soc. geog. ital._, ii. nos. 400, 404).
“Frixanda” is also on a chart, A.D. 1471-83, given in fac-simile to
accompany Wuttke’s “Geschichte der Erdkunde” in the _Jahrbuch des
Vereins für Erdkunde_ (Dresden, 1870, tab. vi.).
[536] Irving’s _Columbus_ takes this view.
[537] J. P. Leslie’s _Man’s Origin and Destiny_, p. 114, for instance.
[538] Brevoort (_Hist. Mag._, xiii. 45) thinks that the “Isola Verde”
and “Isle de Mai” of the fifteenth-century maps, lying in lat. 46°
north, was Newfoundland with its adjacent bank, which he finds in one
case represented. Samuel Robertson (_Lit. & Hist. Soc. Quebec, Trans._
Jan. 16) goes so far as to say that certain relics found in Canada may
be Basque, and that it was a Basque whaler, named Labrador, who gave
the name to the coast, which the early Portuguese found attached to
it! We find occasional stories indicating knowledge of distant fishing
coasts at a very early date, like the following:—
“In the yeere 1153 it is written that there came to Lubec, a citie of
Germanie, one canoa with certaine indians, like unto a long barge,
which seemed to have come from the coast of Baccalaos, which standeth
in the same latitude that Germanie doth” (_Galvano_, Bethune’s edition,
p. 56).
[539] W. D. Whitney, _Life and Growth of Language_, p. 258, says: “No
other dialect of the old world so much resembles in structure the
American languages.” Cf. Farrar’s _Families of Speech_, p. 132; Nott
and Gliddon’s _Indigenous Races_, 48; H. de Charencey’s _Des affinités
de la langue Basque avec les idiomes du Nouveau Monde_ (Paris and
Caen, 1867); and Julien Vinson’s “La langue basque et les langues
Américaines” in the _Compte Rendu, Congrès des Américanistes_ (Nancy,
1875), ii. 46. On the other hand, Joly (_Man before Metals_, 316) says:
“Whatever may be said to the contrary, Basque offers no analogy with
the American dialects.”
These linguistic peculiarities enter into all the studies of this
remarkable stock. Cf. J. F. Blade’s _Etude sur l’origine des Basques_
(Paris, 1869); W. B. Dawkins in the _Fortnightly Review_, Sept., 1874,
and his _Cave Hunting_, ch. 6, with Brabrook’s critique in the _Journal
Anthropological Institute_, v. 5; and Julien Vinson on “L’Ethnographie
des Basques” in _Mém. de la Soc. d’Ethnographie, Session de 1872_, p.
49, with a map.
[540] But see Vol. III. 45; IV. 3. Forster (_Northern Voyages_, book
iii. ch. 3 and 4) contends for these pre-Columbian visits of the
European fishermen. Cf. Winsor’s _Bibliog. of Ptolemy_, sub anno 1508.
The same currents and easterly trade-winds which helped Columbus might
easily have carried chance vessels to the American coasts, as we have
evidence, apparently, in the stern-post of a European vessel which
Columbus saw at Guadaloupe. Haven cites Gumilla (_Hist. Orinoco_, ii.
208) as stating that in 1731 a bateau from Teneriffe was thrown upon
the South American coast. Cf. J. P. Casselius, _De Navigationibus
fortuitis in Americam, ante Columbum factis_ (Magdeburg, 1742);
Brasseur’s _Popul Vuh_, introd.; Hunt’s _Merchants’ Mag._ xxv. 275.
[541] Francisque-Michel, _Le Pays Basque_, 189, who says that the
Basques were acquainted with the coasts of Newfoundland a century
before Columbus (ch. 9).
Humboldt (_Cosmos_, Eng. ed. ii. 142) is not prepared to deny such
early visits of the Basques to the northern fishing grounds. Cf.
Gaffarel’s _Rapport_, p. 212. Harrisse (_Notes on Columbus_, 80) goes
back very far: “The Basques and Northmen, we feel confident, visited
these shores as early as the seventh century.”
There are some recent studies on these early fishing experiences in
Ferd. Duro’s _Disquisiciones nauticas_ (1881), and in E. Gelcich’s
“Der Fischgang des Gascogner and die Entdeckung von Neufundland,” in
the _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin_ (1883), vol.
xviii. pp. 249-287.
[542] Cf. M. Hamconius’ _Frisia: seu de viris erbusque Frisiæ
illustribus_ (Franckeræ, 1620), and L. Ph. C. v. d. Bergh’s _Nederlands
annspraak op de ontdekking van Amerika voor Columbus_ (Arnheim, 1850).
Cf. Müller’s _Catalogue_ (1877), nos. 303, 1343.
[543] Watson’s bibliog. in Anderson, p. 158.
A Biscayan merchant, a subject of Navarre, is also said to have
discovered the western lands in 1444. Cf. André Favyn, _Hist.
de Navarre_, p. 564; and G. de Henao’s _Averignaciones de las
Antigüedades? de Cantabria_, p. 25.
Galvano (Hakluyt Soc. ed., p. 72) recounts the story of a Portuguese
ship in 1447 being driven westward from the Straits of Gibraltar to
an island with seven cities, where they found the people speaking
Portuguese; who said they had deserted their country on the death of
King Roderigo. “All these reasons seem to agree,” adds Galvano, “that
this should be that country which is called Nova Spagna.”
It was the year (1491) before Columbus’ voyage that the English began
to send out from Bristol expeditions to discover these islands of the
seven cities, and others having the same legendary existence. Cf.
Ayala, the Spanish ambassador to England, in _Spanish State Papers_, i.
177. Cf. also Irving’s _Columbus_, app. xxiv., and Gaffarel’s _Etude
sur la rapports_, etc., p. 185.
[544] See Vol. II. p. 34.
[545] See Vol. II. p. 34, where is a list of references, which may be
increased as follows: Bachiller y Morales, _Antigüedades Americanas_
(Havana, 1845). E. de Freville’s _Mémoire sur le Commerce maritime
de Rouen_ (1857), i. 328, and his _La Cosmographie du moyen age, et
les découvertes maritimes des Normands_ (Paris, 1860), taken from the
_Revue des Sociétés Savantes_. Gabriel Gravier’s _Les Normands sur la
route des Indes_, (Rouen, 1880). Cf. _Congrès des Américanistes in
Compte Rendu_ (1875), i. 397.
[546] “Ethnography and Philology of America,” in H. W. Bates, _Central
America, West Indies, and South America_ (Lond., 1882). This was the
opinion of Prescott (_Mexico_, Kirk’s ed., iii. 398), and he based his
judgment on the investigations of Waldeck, Voyage dans la Yucatan, and
Dupaix, _Antiquités Méxicaines_. Stephens (_Central America_) holds
similar views. Cf. Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_, i. 327; ii. 43. Dall
(_Third Rep. Bur. Ethnol._, 146) says: “There can be no doubt that
America was populated in some way by people of an extremely low grade
of culture at a period even geologically remote. There is no reason for
supposing, however, that immigration ceased with these original people.”
[547] Cf. references in H. H. Bancroft’s _Native Races_, v. 39;
_Amerika’s Nordwest Küste; Neueste Ergebnisse ethnologischer Reisen_
(Berlin, 1883), and the English version, _The Northwest Coast of
America. Being Results of Recent Ethnological Researches from the
collections of the Royal Museums at Berlin. Published by the Directors
of the Ethnological Department_ (New York, 1883).
[548] Cf. his _Observations on some remains of antiquity_ (1796).
[549] Different shades of belief are abundant: F. Xavier de Orrio’s
_Solucion del gran problema_ (Mexico, 1763); Fischer’s _Conjecture sur
l’origine des Américaines_; Adair’s _Amer. Indians;_ G. A. Thompson’s
_New theory of the two hemispheres_ (London, 1815); Adam Hodgson’s
_Letters from No. Amer._ (Lond., 1824); J. H. McCulloh’s _Researches_
(Balt., 1829), ch. 10; D. B. Warden’s “Recherches sur les Antiquités
de l’Amérique” in the _Antiquités Méxicaines_ (Paris, 1834), vol. ii.;
E. G. Squier’s _Serpent Symbol_ (N. Y., 1851); Brasseur de Bourbourg’s
_Hist. des Nations Civilisées_, i. 7; José Perez in _Revue Orientale
et Américaine_ (Paris, 1862), vol. viii.; Bancroft’s _Native Races_,
v. 30, 31, with references; Winchell’s _Preadamites_, 397; a paper on
Asiatic tribes in North America, in _Canadian Institute Proceedings_
(1881), i. 171. Dabry de Thiersant, in his _Origine des Indiens du
nouv. monde_ (Paris, 1883), reopens the question, and Quatrefages
even brings the story of Moncacht-Ape (see _post_, Vol. V. p. 77) to
support a theory of frequent Asiatic communication. Tylor (_Early Hist.
Mankind_, 209) says that the Asiatics must have taught the Mexicans to
make bronze and smelt iron; and (p. 339) he finds additional testimony
in the correspondence of myths, but Max Müller (_Chips_, ii. 168)
demurs. Nadaillac, in his _L’Amérique préhistorique_, discussed this
with the other supposable connections of the American people, and
generally disbelieved in them; but Dall, in the English translation,
summarily dismisses all consideration of them as unworthy a scientific
mind; but points out what the early Indian traditions are (p. 526).
A good deal of stress has been laid at times on certain linguistic
affiliations. Barton, in his _New Views_, sought to strengthen the
case by various comparative vocabularies. Charles Farcy went over
the proofs in his _Antiquités de l’Amérique: Discuter la valeur des
documents relatifs à l’histoire de l’Amérique avant la conquête des
Européens, et déterminer s’il existe des rapports entre les langues
de l’Amérique et celles des tribus de l’Afrique et de l’Asie_ (Paris,
1836). H. H. Bancroft (_Native Races_, v. 39) enumerates the sources of
the controversy. Roehrig (_Smithsonian Report_, 1872) finds affinities
in the languages of the Dakota or Sioux Indians. Pilling (_Bibliog. of
Siouan languages_, p. 11) gives John Campbell’s contributions to this
comparative study. In the _Canadian Institute Proceedings_ (1881), vol.
i. p. 171, Campbell points out the affinities of the Tinneh with the
Tungus, and of the Choctaws and Cherokees with the Koriaks. Cf. also
_Ibid_., July, 1884. Dall and Pinart pronounce against any affinity of
tongues in the _Contributions to Amer. Ethnology_ (Washington), i. 97.
Cf. Short, _No. Amer. of Antiq._, 494; Leland’s _Fusang_, ch. 10.
[550] Behring’s Straits, first opened, as Wallace says, in quaternary
times, are 45 miles across, and are often frozen in winter. South
of them is an island where a tribe of Eskimos live, and they keep
constant communication with the main of Asia, 50 miles distant, and
with America, 120 miles away. Robertson solved the difficulty by
this route. Cf. _Contributions to Amer. Ethnology_ (1877), i. 95-98;
Warden’s _Recherches_; Maury, in _Revue des deux Mondes_, Ap. 15, 1858;
Peschel’s _Races of Men_, p. 401; F. von Hellwald in _Smithsonian
Report_, 1866; Short, p. 510; Bancroft, _Native Races_, v. 28, 29, 54;
and Chavanne’s _Lit. of the Polar Regions_, 58, 194—the last page shows
a list of maps. Max Müller (_Chips_, ii. 270) considers this theory a
postulate only.
[551] _Contrib. to Amer. Ethnology_, i. 96; Lyell’s _Principles of
Geology_, 8th ed., 368; A. Ragine’s _Découverte de l’Amérique du
Kamtchatka et des îles Aléoutiennes_ (St. Petersburg, 1868, 2d ed.);
Pickering’s _Races of Men_; Peschel’s _Races of Men_, 397; Morgan’s
_Systems of Consanguinity_. Dall (_Tribes of the Northwest_, in
Powell’s _Rocky Mountain Region_, 1877, p. 96) does not believe in the
Aleutian route.
On the drifting of canoes for long distances see Lyell’s _Principles of
Geology_, 11th ed., ii. 472; Col. B. Kennon in Leland’s _Fousang; Rev.
des deux Mondes_, Apr., 1858; Vining, ch. 1. Cf. Alphonse Pinart’s “Les
Aléoutes et leur origine,” in _Mém. de la Soc. d’Ethnographie, session
de 1872_, p. 155.
[552] Cf. references in H. H. Bancroft’s _Nat. Races_, v. 54. We have
an uncorroborated story of a Tartar inscription being found. Cf. Kalm’s
_Reise_, iii. 416; _Archæologia_ (London, 1787), viii. 304.
[553] Gomara makes record of such floating visitors in the beginning
of the sixteenth century. Horace Davis published in the _Amer. Antiq.
Soc. Proc._ (Apr., 1872) a record of Japanese vessels driven upon the
northwest coast of America and its outlying islands in a paper “On the
likelihood of an admixture of Japanese blood on our northwest coast.”
Cf. A. W. Bradford’s _American Antiquities_ (N. Y., 1841); Whymper’s
_Alaska_, 250; Bancroft’s _Nat. Races_, v. 52, with references;
_Contributions to Amer. Ethnol._, i. 97, 238; De Roquefeuil’s _Journal
du Voyage autour du Monde_ (1876-79), etc. It is shown that the great
Pacific current naturally carries floating objects to the American
coast. Davis, in his tract, gives a map of it. Cf. Haven, _Archæol. U.
S._, p. 144; _Bull. Amer. Geog. Soc._ (1883), xv. p. 101, by Thomas
Antisell; and _China Review_, Mar., Apr., 1888, by J. Edkins.
[554] _Recherches sur les navigations des Chinois du côte de l’Amérique
et sur quelques peuples situés à l’extrémité orientale de l’Asie_
(Paris, 1761). It is translated in Vining, ch. 1.
[555] _Examen Critique_, ii. 65, and _Ansichten der Natur_, or _Views
of Nature_, p. 132.
[556] Much depends on the distance intended by a Chinese _li_. Klaproth
translated the version as given by an early Chinese historian of the
seventh century, Li Yan Tcheou, and Klaproth’s version is Englished in
Bancroft’s _Nat. Races_, v. 33-36. Klaproth’s memoir is also translated
in Vining, ch. 3. Some have more specifically pointed to Saghalien,
an island at the north end of the Japan Sea. Brooks says there is a
district of Corea called Fusang (_Science_, viii. 402). Brasseur says
the great Chinese encyclopædia describes Fusang as lying east of Japan,
and he thinks the descriptions correspond to the Cibola of Castañeda.
[557] Again with a commentary in _The Continental Mag._ (New York, vol.
i.). Subjected to the revision of Neumann, it is reproduced in Leland’s
_Fusang_ (Lond., 1875). Cf. Vining, ch. 6, who gives also (ch. 10) the
account in Shan-Hai-king as translated by C. M. Williams in _Mag. Amer.
Hist._, April, 1883.
[558] The pamphlets are translated in Vining, ch. 4 and 5. Paravey
held to the Mexican theory, and he at least convinced Domenech (_Seven
years’ residence in the great deserts of No. Amer._, Lond., 1860).
Paravey published several pamphlets on subjects allied to this. His
_Mémoire sur l’origine japonaise, arabe et basque de la civilisation
des peuples du plateau de Bogota d’après les travaux de Humboldt et
Siebold_ (Paris, 1835) is a treatise on the origin of the Muyscas or
Chibchas. Jomard, in his _Les Antiquités Américaines au point de vue
des progrès de la géographie_ (Paris, 1817) in the _Bull. de la Soc.
Géog._, had questioned the Asiatic affiliations, and Paravey replied
in a _Réfutation de l’opinion émise par Jomard que les peuples de
l’Amérique n’ont jamais en aucun rapport avec ceux de l’Asie_ (Paris,
1849), originally in the _Annales de philosophie Chrétienne_ (May,
1849).
[559] Also in the _Rev. Archéologique_ (vols. x., xi.), and epitomized
in Leland. Cf. also Dr. A. Godron on the Buddhist mission to America
in _Annales des Voyages_ (Paris, 1864), vol. iv., and an opposing view
by Vivien de St. Martin in _L’Année géographique_ (1865), iii. p. 253,
who was in turn controverted by Brasseur in his _Monuments Anciens du
Méxique_.
[560] This paper is reprinted in Leland.
[561] Cf. also his _Variétés Orientales_, 1872; and his “L’Amérique,
etait-elle connue des Chinois à l’époque du déluge?” in the _Archives
de la Soc. Amér. de France_, n. s., iii. 191.
[562] S. W. Williams, in the _Journal of the American Oriental Soc._
(vol. xi.), in controverting the views of Leland, was inclined to find
Fusang in the Loo-choo Islands. This paper was printed separately as
_Notices of Fusang and other countries lying east of China in the
Pacific ocean_ (New Haven, 1881).
[563] A good deal of labor has been bestowed to prove this identity of
Fusang with Mexico. It is held to be found in the myths and legends
of the two people by Charency in his _Mythe de Votan, étude sur les
origines asiatiques de la civilisation américaine_ (Alençon, 1871),
drawn from the _Actes de la Soc. philologique_ (vol. ii.); and he has
enforced similar views in the _Revue des questions historiques_ (vi.
283), and in his _Djemschid et Quetzalcohuatl. L’histoire légendaire de
la Nouvelle-Espagne rapprochée de la source indo-européenne_ (Alençon,
1874). Humboldt thought it strange, considering other affinities,—as
for instance in the Mexican calendars,—that he could find no Mexican
use of phallic symbols; but Bancroft says they exist. Cf. _Native
Races_, iii. 501; also see v. 40, 232; Brasseur’s _Quatre Lettres_, p.
202; and John Campbell’s paper on the traditions of Mexico and Peru as
establishing such connections, in the _Compte Rendu, Congrès des Amér._
(Nancy, 1875), i. 348. Dr. Hamy saw in a monument found at Copan an
inscription which he thought was the Taë-kai of the Chinese, the symbol
of the essence of all things (_Bull. de la Soc. de Géog._, 1886, and
_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xvi. 242, with a cut of the
stone). Dall controverts this point (_Science_, viii. 402).
Others have dwelt on the linguistic resemblances. B. S. Barton in
his _New Views_ pressed this side of the question. The presence of a
monosyllabic tongue like the Otomi in the midst of the polysyllabic
languages of Mexico has been thought strongly to indicate a survival.
Cf. Manuel Najera’s _Disertacion sobre la lengua Othomi_, Mexico,
1845, and in _Amer. Philos. Soc. Trans._, n. s., v.; Ampère’s
_Promenade en Amérique_, ii. 301; Prescott’s _Mexico_, iii. 396;
Warden’s _Recherches_ (in Dupaix), p. 125; Latham’s _Races of Men_,
408; Bancroft’s _Nat. Races_, iii. 737; v. 39, with references. Others
find Sanskrit roots in the Mexican. E. B. Tylor has indicated the
Asiatic origin of certain Mexican games (_Journal of the Anthropol.
Inst._, xxiv.). Ornaments of jade found in Nicaragua, while the stone
is thought to be native only in Asia, is another indication, and they
are more distinctively Asiatic than the jade ornaments found in Alaska
(_Peabody Mus. Reports_, xviii. 414; xx. 548; _Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._,
Jan., 1886).
On the general question of the Asiatic origin of the Mexicans see
Dupaix’s _Antiquités Méxicaines_, with included papers by Lenoir,
Warden, and Farcy; the _Report_ on a railroad route from the
Mississippi, 1853-54 (Washington); Whipple’s and other _Reports_ on the
Indian tribes; John Russell Bartlett’s _Personal Narrative_ (1854);
Brasseur’s _Popul Vuh_, p. xxxix; Viollet le Duc’s belief in a “yellow
race” building the Mexican and Central American monuments, in Charnay’s
_Ruines Américaines_, and Charnay’s traces of the Buddhists in the
_Popular Science Monthly_, July, 1879, p. 432; Le Plongeon’s belief
in the connection of the Maya and Asiatic races in _Amer. Antiq. Soc.
Proc._, Apr. 30, 1879, p. 113; and some papers on the ancient Mexicans
and their origin by the Abbé Jolibois, Col. Parmentier, and M. Emile
Guimet, which, prepared for the Soc. de Géog. de Lyon, were published
separately as _De l’origine des Anciens Peuples du Méxique_ (Lyon,
1875).
A few other incidental discussions of the Fusang question are these: R.
H. Major in _Select Letters of Columbus_ (1847); J. T. Short in _The
Galaxy_ (1875) and in his _No. Americans of Antiquity_; Nadaillac in
his _L’Amérique préhistorique_, 544; Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S._ calls
the story vague and improbable. In periodicals we find: _Gentleman’s
Mag._, 1869, p. 333 (reprinted in _Hist. Mag._, Sept., 1869, xvi. 221),
and 1870, reproduced in _Chinese Recorder_, May, 1870; Nathan Brown in
_Amer. Philolog. Mag._, Aug., 1869; Wm. Speer in _Princeton Rev._, xxv.
83; _Penn Monthly_, vi. 603; _Mag. Amer. Hist._, Apr., 1883, p. 291;
_Notes and Queries_, iii. 58, 78; iv. 19; _Notes and Queries in China
and Japan_, Apr., May, 1869; Feb., 1870. Chas. W. Brooks maintained
on the other hand (_Proc. California Acad. Sciences_, 1876; cf.
Bancroft’s _Native Races_, v. 51), that the Chinese were emigrants from
America. There is a map of the supposed Chinese route to America in
the _Congrès des Américanistes_ (Nancy, 1875), vol. i.; and Winchell,
_Pre-Adamites_, gives a chart showing different lines of approach from
Asia. Stephen Powers (_Overland Monthly_, Apr., 1872, and _California
Acad. Sciences_, 1875) treats the California Indians as descendants of
the Chinese,—a view he modifies in the _Contrib. to Amer. Ethnology_,
vol. iii., on “Tribes of California.” It is claimed that Chinese coin
of the fifteenth century have been found in mounds on Vancouver’s
Island. Cf. G. P. Thurston in _Mag. Amer. Hist._, xiii. p. 457. The
principal lists of authorities are those in Vining (app.), and Watson’s
in Anderson’s _America not discovered by Columbus_.
[564] From Easter Island to the Galapagos is 2,000 miles, thence to
South America 600 more. On such long migrations by water see Waitz,
_Introduction to Anthropology_, Eng. transl., p. 202. On early modes of
navigation see Col. A. Lane Fox in the _Journal Anthropological Inst._
(1875), iv. 399. Otto Caspari gives a map of post-tertiary times in his
_Urgeschichte der Menschheit_ (Leipzig, 1873), vol. i., in which land
is made to stretch from the Marquesas Islands nearly to South America;
while large patches of land lie between Asia and Mexico, to render
migration practicable. Andrew Murray, in his _Geographical Distribution
of Mammals_ (London, 1866), is almost compelled to admit (p. 25) that
as complete a circuit of land formerly crossed the southern temperate
regions as now does the northern; and Daniel Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_,
holds much the same opinion. The connection of the flora of Polynesia
and South America is discussed by J. D. Hooker in the _Botany of the
Antarctic Voyage of the Erebus and Terror, 1839-43_, and in his _Flora
of Tasmania_. Cf. _Amer. Journal of Science and Arts_, Mar., May, 1854;
Jan., May, 1860.
[565] _Races of Men._
[566] _Compte Rendu_, 1877, p. 79; 1883, p. 246; the latter
being called “Polynesian Antiquities, a link between the ancient
civilizations of Asia and America.” Further discussions of the
Polynesian migrations will be found as follows: A. W. Bradford’s _Amer.
Antiquities_ (N. Y., 1841); Gallatin (_Am. Eth. Soc. Trans._, i. 176)
disputed any common linguistic traces, while Bradford thought he found
such; Lesson and Martinet’s _Les Polynésiens, leur origine, leurs
migrations, leur langage_; Wilson’s _Prehistoric Man_, ii. 344; Jules
Garnier’s “Les migrations polynésiennes” in _Bull. de la Soc. de Géog.
de Paris_, Jan., June, 1870; G. d’Eichthal’s “Etudes sur l’histoire
primitive des races océaniennes et Américaines” in _Mem. de la Soc.
Ethnologique_ (vol. ii.); Marcoy’s _Travels in South America_; C.
Staniland Wake’s _Chapters on Man_, p. 200; a “Rapport de la Polynésie
et l’Amérique” in the _Mémoires de la Soc. Ethnologique_, ii. 223; A.
de Quatrefages de Bréau’s _Les Polynésiens et leurs migrations_ (Paris,
1866), from the _Revue des deux Mondes_, Feb., 1864; O. F. Peschel in
_Ausland_, 1864, p. 348; W. H. Dall in _Bureau of Ethnology Rept._,
1881-82, p. 147. Allen’s paper, already referred to, gives references.
[567] Bancroft, _Nat. Races_, v. 44, with references, p. 48, epitomizes
the story. Cf. Short, 151. There was a tradition of giants landing on
the shore (Markham’s _Cieza de Leon_, p. 190). Cf. Forster’s _Voyages_,
43.
[568] A belief in the Asiatic connection has taken some curious forms.
Montesinos in his _Memorias Peruanas_ held Peru to be the Ophir
of Solomon. Cf. Gotfriedus Wegner’s _De Navigationis Solomonæis_
(Frankfort, 1689). Horn held Hayti to be Ophir, and he indulges in some
fantastic evidences to show that the Iroquois, _i. e._ Yrcas, were
Turks! Cf. Onffroy de Thoron in _Le Globe_, 1869. C. Wiener in his
_L’Empire des Incas_ (ch. 2, 4) finds traces of Buddhism, and so does
Hyde Clarke in his _Khita-Peruvian Epoch_ (1877). Lopez has written
on _Les Races Aryennes de Pérou_ (1871). Cf. Robert Ellis, _Peruvia
Scythica_. _The Quicha Language of Peru, its derivation from Central
Asia with the American languages in general_ (London, 1875). Grotius
held that the Peruvians were of Chinese stock. Charles Pickering’s
ethnological map gives a Malay origin to the islands of the Gulf of
Mexico and a part of the Pacific coast, the rest being Mongolian.
[569] The story is given in English by De Costa (_Pre-Columbian Disc.
of America_, p. 85) from the _Landnámabók_, no. 107. Cf. _Saga of
Thorfinn Karlsefne_, ch. 13, and that of Erik the Red. Leif is said in
the sagas to have met shipwrecked white people on the coasts visited by
him (_Hist. Mag._, xiii. 46).
[570] _Antiquitates Americanæ_, 162, 183, 205, 210, 211, 212, 214, 319,
446-51.
[571] Brinton in _Hist. Mag._, ix. 364; Rivero and Tschudi’s _Peru_.
[572] Schöning’s _Heimskringla_. _Grönlands Historiske Mindesmærker_,
i. 150.
[573] _Eyrbyggja Saga_, ch. 64, and given in English in De Costa’s
_Pre-Columbian Discovery_, p. 89. Cf. Sir Walter Scott’s version of
this saga and the appendix of Mallet’s _Northern Antiquities_
[574] Traces of Celtic have been discovered by some of the
philologists, when put to the task, in the American languages. Cf.
Humboldt, _Relation Historique_, iii. 159. Lord Monboddo held such a
theory.
[575] Brinton’s _Myths of the New World_, 176. One of the earliest
accounts which we have of the Cherokees is that by Henry Timberlake
(London, 1765), and he remarks on their lighter complexion as
indicating a possible descent from these traditionary white men.
[576] Richard Broughton’s _Monasticon Britannicum_ (London, 1655), pp.
131, 187.
[577] _A Memoir on the European Colonization of America in antehistoric
times_ was contributed to the _Proceedings_ of the American
Ethnological Society in 1851, to which E. G. Squier added some notes,
the original paper being by Dr. C. A. A. Zestermann of Leipzig. The
aim was to prove, by the similarity of remains, the connection of the
peoples who built the mounds of the Ohio Valley with the early peoples
of northwestern Europe, a Caucasian race, which he would identify
with the settlers of Irland it Mikla, and with the coming of the
white-bearded men spoken of in Mexican traditions, who established a
civilization which an inundating population from Asia subsequently
buried from sight. This European immigration he places at least
1,200 years before Christ. Squier’s comments are that the monumental
resemblances referred to indicate similar conditions of life rather
than ethnic connections.
The other advocate was Eugène Beauvois in a paper published in the
_Compte Rendu du Congrès des Américanistes_ (Nancy, 1875, p. 4) as _La
découverte du nouveau monde par les irlandais et les premières traces
du christianisme en Amérique avant l’an 1000_, accompanied by a map, in
which he makes Irland it Mikla correspond to the provinces of Ontario
and Quebec. Again, in the session at Luxembourg in 1877, he endeavored
to connect the Irish colony with the narrative of the seaman in the
Zeno accounts, in a paper which he called _Les Colonies Européennes
du Markland et de l’Escociland au xiv. Siècle, et les vestiges qui
en subsistèrent jusqu’aux xvi^e et xvii^e Siècles_, and in which
he identifies the Estotiland of the Frislanda mariner. M. Beauvois
again, at the Copenhagen meeting of the same body, read a paper on
_Les Relations précolumbiennes des Gaels avec le Méxique_ (Copenhagen,
1883, p. 74), in which he elicited objections from M. Lucien Adam.
Beauvois belongs to that class of enthusiasts somewhat numerous in
these studies of pre-Columbian discoveries, who have haunted these
Congresses of Americanists, and who see overmuch. Other references to
these Irish claims are to be found in Laing’s _Heimskringla_, i. 186;
Beamish’s _Discovery of America_ (London, 1841); Gravier’s _Découverte
de l’Amérique_, p. 123, 137, and his _Les Normands sur la route, etc._,
ch. 1; Gaffarel’s _Etudes sur les rapports de l’Amérique_, pp. 201,
214; Brasseur’s introd. to his _Popul Vuh_; De Costa’s _Pre-Columbian
Discovery_, pp. xviii, xlix, lii; Humboldt’s _Cosmos_ (Bohn), ii. 607;
Rask in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xviii. 21; _Journal London Geog.
Soc._, viii. 125; Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S._, i. 53; and K. Wilhelmi’s
_Island, Hvitramannaland, Grönland und Vinland, oder Der Norrmänner
Leben auf Island und Grönland und deren Fahrten nach Amerika schon über
500 Jahre vor Columbus_ (Heidelberg, 1842).
[578] The account in the Landnámabók is briefly rehearsed in ch. 8 of
C. W. Paijkull’s _Summer in Iceland_ (London, 1868).
[579] There are various editions, of which the best is called that
of Copenhagen, 1843. The _Islendingabók_, a sort of epitome of a
lost historical narrative, is considered an introduction to the
_Landnámabók_. Much of the early story will be found in Latin in the
_Islenzkir Annáler, sive Annales Islandici ab anno Christi 803 ad anno
1430_ (Copenhagen, 1847); in the _Scripta historica Islandorum de rebus
veterum Borealium_, published by the Royal Soc. of Northern Antiquaries
at Copenhagen, 1828-46; and in Jacobus Langebek’s _Scriptores Rerum
Danicarum medii ævi_ (Copenhagen, 1772-1878,—the ninth volume being a
recently added index).
[580] A convenient survey of this early literature is in chapter 1 of
the _History of the Literature of the Scandinavian North, from the most
ancient times to the present, by Frederick Winkel Horn, revised by the
author, and translated by Rasmus B. Anderson_ (Chicago, 1884). The text
is accompanied by useful bibliographical details. Cf. B. F. De Costa in
_Journal Amer. Geog. Soc._ (1880), xii. 159.
[581] Saxo Grammaticus acknowledges his dependence on the Icelandic
sagas, and is thought to have used some which had not been yet put into
writing.
[582] Baring-Gould in his _Iceland, its Scenes and Sagas_ (London,
1863) gives in his App. D a list of thirty-five published sagas,
sixty-six local histories, twelve ecclesiastical annals, and sixty-nine
Norse annals. Cf. the eclectic list in Laing’s _Heimskringla_, i. 17.
Konrad Maurer has given an elaborate essay on this early literature
in his _Ueber die Ausdrücke: altnordische, altnorwegische und
isländische Sprache_ (Munich, 1867), which originally appeared in the
_Abhandlungen_ of the Bavarian Academy.
G. P. Marsh translated P. E. Müller’s “Origin, progress, and decline
of Icelandic historical literature” in _The American Eclectic_ (N.
Y., 1841,—vols. i., ii.). In 1781, Lindblom printed at Paris a French
translation of Bishop Troil’s _Lettres sur l’Islande_, which contained
a catalogue of books on Iceland and an enumeration of the Icelandic
sagas. (Cf. Pinkerton’s _Voyages_, vol. i.) Chavanne’s _Bibliography of
the Polar Regions_, p. 95, has a section on Iceland.
Solberg’s list of illustrative works, appended to Anderson’s version
of Horn’s _Lit. of the Scandinavian North_, is useful so far as the
English language goes. Periodical contributions also appear in _Poole’s
Index_ (p. 622) and _Supplement_, p. 214.
Burton (_Ultima Thule_, i. 239) enumerates the principal writers on
Iceland from Arngrimur Jónsson down, including the travellers of this
century.
[583] The more general histories of Scandinavia, like Sinding’s English
narrative,—not a good book, but accessible,—yield the comparisons more
readily.
[584] There are also German (Gotha, 1844-75) and French versions
(Paris). The best German version, _Geschichte Schwedens_ (Hamburg and
Gotha, 1832-1887), is in six volumes, a part of the _Geschichte der
europäischen Staaten_. Vol. 1-3, by E. G. Geijer, is translated by O.
P. Leffler; vol. 4, by F. F. Carlson, is translated by J. G. Petersen;
vol. 5, 6, by F. F. Carlson.
[585] Published in German at Lübeck in 1854 as _Das heroische Zeitalter
der Nordisch-Germanischen Völker und die Wikinger-Züge_.
[586] Maurer had long been a student of Icelandic lore, and his
_Isländische Volkssagen der Gegenwart gesammelt und verdeutscht_
(Leipzig, 1860) is greatly illustrative of the early north. Conybeare
(_Place of Iceland in the History of European Institutions_, preface)
says: “To any one writing on Iceland the elaborate works of the learned
Maurer afford at once a help and difficulty: a help in so far as they
shed the fullest light upon the subjects; a difficulty in that their
painstaking completeness has brought together well-nigh everything that
can be said.”
[587] What is known as the Kristni Saga gives an account of this
change. Cf. Eugène Beauvois, _Origines et fondation du plus ancien
évêché du nouveau monde. Le diocèse de Gardhs en Grœnland, 986-1126_
(Paris, 1878), an extract from the _Mémoires de la Soc. d’Histoire,
etc., de Beaune_; C. A. V. Conybeare’s _Place of Iceland in the
history of European institutions_ (1877); Maurer’s _Beiträge zur
Rechtsgeschichte des germanischen Nordens_; Wheaton’s _Northmen_;
Worsaae’s _Danes and Norwegians in England_, p. 332; Jacob Rudolph
Keyser’s _Private Life of the Old Northmen_, as translated by M.
R. Barnard (London, 1868), and his _Religion of the Northmen_, as
translated by B. Pennock (N. Y., 1854); _Quarterly Review_, January,
1862; and references in McClintock and Strong’s _Cyclopædia_, under
Iceland.
[588] Such are the Swedish work of A. M. Strinhold, known in the German
of E. F. Frisch as _Wikingzüge, Staatsverfassung und Sitten der alten
Scandinaver_ (Hamburg, 1839-41).
A summarized statement of life in Iceland in the early days is held to
be well made out in Hans O. H. Hildebrand’s _Lifvet þå Island under
Sagotiden_ (Stockholm, 1867), and in A. E. Holmberg’s _Nordbon under
Hednatiden_ (Stockholm). J. A. Worsaae published his _Vorgeschichte des
Nordens_ at Hamburg in 1878. It was improved in a Danish edition in
1880, and from this H. F. Morland Simpson made the _Prehistory of the
North, based on contemporary materials_ (London, 1886), with a memoir
of Worsaae (d. 1885), the foremost scholar in this northern lore.
[589] This book is recognized as one of the best commentaries and most
informing books on Icelandic history, and this writer’s introduction
to Gudbrand Vigfússon’s _Icelandic-English Dictionary_ (3 vols.,
Cambridge, Eng., 1869, 1870, 1874) is of scholarly importance.
[590] The millennial celebration of the settlement of Iceland in 1874
gave occasion to a variety of books and papers, more or less suggestive
of the early days, like Samuel Kneeland’s _American in Iceland_
(Boston. 1876); but the enumeration of this essentially descriptive
literature need not be undertaken here.
[591] _Antiquitates Americanæ_, pp. 1-76, with an account of the
Greenland MSS. (p. 255). Müller’s _Sagenbibliothek_. Arngrimur
Jónsson’s _Grönlandia_ (Iceland, 1688). A fac-simile of the title is
in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii., no. 1356. A translation by Rev.
J. Sephton is in the _Proc. Lit. and Philos. Soc. of Liverpool_, vol.
xxxiv. 183, and separately, Liverpool, 1880. There is a paper in the
_Jahresbericht der geographischen Gesellschaft in München für 1885_
(Munich, 1886), p. 71, by Oskar Brenner, on “Grönland im Mittelalter
nach einer altnorwegischen Quelle.”
Some of the earliest references are: Christopherson Claus’ _Den
Grölandske Chronica_ (Copenhagen, 1608), noticed in the _Carter-Brown
Catalogue_, ii., no. 64. Gerald de Veer’s _True and perfect description
of three voyages_ speaks in its title (_Carter-Brown_, ii. 38) of “the
countrie lying under 80 degrees, which is thought to be Greenland,
where never man had been before.” Antoine de la Sale wrote between 1438
and 1447 a curious book, printed in 1527 as _La Salade_, in which he
refers to Iceland and Greenland (Gronnellont), where white bears abound
(Harrisse, _Bib. Am. Vet._, no. 140).
[592] This book is now rare. Dufossé prices it at 50 francs; F. S.
Ellis,—London. 1884, at £5.5.0. Before Torfæus, probably the best
known book was Isaac de la Peyrère’s _Relation du Groenland_ (Paris,
1647). It is one of the earliest books to give an account of the
Eskimos. It was again printed in 1674 in _Recueil de Voyages du Nord_.
A Dutch edition at Amsterdam in 1678 (_Nauwkenrige Beschrijvingh van
Groenland_) was considerably enlarged with other matter, and this
edition was the basis of the German version published at Nuremberg,
1679. Peyrère’s description will be found in English in a volume
published by the Hakluyt Society in 1855, where it is accompanied
by two maps of the early part of the seventeenth century. Cf.
Carter-Brown, ii., no. 1192, note; Sabin, x. p. 70.
[593] Pilling (_Eskimo Bibliog._, p. 20) gives the most careful account
of editions. Cf. Sabin, v. 66. A Dutch translation at Haarlem in 1767
was provided with better and larger maps than the original issue; and
this version was again brought out with a changed title in 1786. There
was a Swedish ed. at Stockholm in 1769, and a reprint of the original
German at Leipzig in 1770, and it is included in the _Bibliothek der
neuesten Reisebeschreibungen_ (Frankfort, 1779-1797), vol. xx. Cf.
Carter-Brown, ii., nos. 1443, 1576, 1577, 1671, 1728.
[594] This constitutes in 3 vols. a sort of supplement to the
_Antiquitates Americanæ_, Cf. _Dublin Review_, xxvii. 35; _Bulletin de
la Soc. de Géog. de Paris_, 3d ser., vol. vi., and a synopsis of the
_Mindesmæker_ in _The Sacristy_, Feb. 1, 1871 (London).
[595] The principal ruin is that of a church, and it will be found
represented in the Antiquitates Americanæ, and again by Nordenskjöld,
Steenstrup, J. T. Smith (_Discovery of America_, etc.), Horsford; and,
not to name more, in Hayes’s _Land of Desolation_ (and in the French
version in _Tour du Monde_, xxvi.).
[596] Rafn in his _Americas arctiske landes Gamle Geographie efter de
Nordiske Oldskrifter_ (Copenhagen, 1845) gives the seals of some of the
Greenland bishops, various plans of the different ruins, a view of the
Katortok church with its surroundings, engraving of the different runic
inscriptions, and a map of the Julianehaab district.
[597] This tendency of the Scandinavian writers is recognized among
themselves. Horn (Anderson’s translation, 324) ascribes it to “an
unbridled fancy and want of critical method rather than to any wilful
perversion of historical truth. This tendency owed its origin to an
intense patriotism, a leading trait in the Swedish character, which on
this very account was well-nigh incorrigible.”
[598] Dasent translates from the preface to _Egils Saga_ (Reikjavik,
1856): “The sagas show no wilful purpose to tell untruths, but simply
are proofs of _the beliefs and turns of thought of men in the age when
the sagas were reduced to writing_” (_Burnt Njal_, i. p. xiii).
[599] Rink (_Danish Greenland_, p. 3) says of the sagas that “they
exist only in a fragmentary condition, and bear the general character
of popular traditions to such a degree that they stand much in need
of being corroborated by collateral proofs, if we are wholly to rely
upon them in such a question as an ancient colonization of America.”
So he proceeds to enumerate the kind of evidence, which is sufficient
in Greenland, but is wholly wanting in other parts of America, and to
point out that the trustworthiness of the sagas of the Vinland voyages
exists only in regard to their general scope.
Dasent, in the introduction of Vigfússon’s _Icelandic Dictionary_,
says of the sagas: “Written at various periods by scribes more or less
fitted for the task, they are evidently of very varying authority.”
The Scandinavian authorities class the sagas as mythical histories, as
those relating to Icelandic history (subdivided into general, family,
personal, ecclesiastical), and as the lives of rulers.
[600] Anderson’s translation, _Lit. of the Scand. North_, p. 81.
[601] Laing (_Heimskringla_, i. 23) says: “Arne Magnussen was the
greatest antiquary who never wrote; his judgments and opinions are
known from notes, selections, and correspondence, and are of great
authority at this day in the saga literature. Torfæus consulted him in
his researches.”
[602] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xviii. 20.
[603] Oswald Moosmüller’s _Europäer in Amerika vor Columbus_
(Regensburg, 1879, p. 4) enumerates the manuscripts in the royal
library in Copenhagen.
[604] A. E. Wollheim’s _Die Nat. lit. der Scandinavier_ (Berlin,
1875-77), p. 47. Turner’s _Anglo Saxons_, book iv. ch. 1. Mallet’s _No.
Antiq._ (1847), 393
[605] Cf. G. H. Pertz, _Monumenta Germaniæ historica_, 1846, vol. vii.
cap. 247. Of the different manuscripts, some call Vinland a “regio” and
others an “insula.”
[606] Discovered in the seventeenth century in a monastery on an
island close by the Icelandic coast, and now in the royal library
in Copenhagen. Cf. Laing’s introduction to his edition of the
_Heimskringla_, vol. i. p. 157. Horn says of this codex: “The book was
written towards the end of the fourteenth century by two Icelandic
priests, and contains in strange confusion and wholly without criticism
a large number of sagas, poems, and stories. No other manuscript
confuses things on so vast a scale.” Anderson’s translation of Horn’s
_Lit. of the Scandin. North_, p. 60. Cf. _Flateyjarbok. En Samling af
Norske Konge-Sagaer med indskudte mindre fortællinger om Begivenheder i
og Udenfor Norge samt Annaler_ (Christiania, 1860); and Vigfússon’s and
Unger’s edition of 1868, also at Christiania. The best English account
of the _Codex Flatoyensis_ is by Gudbrand Vigfússon in the preface to
his _Icelandic Sagas_, published under direction of the Master of the
Rolls, London, 1887, vol. i. p. xxv.
[607] For texts, see C. C. Rafn’s edition of _Kong Olaf Tryggvesons
Saga_ (Copenhagen, 1826), and Munch’s edition of _Kong Olaf
Tryggvesön’s Saga_ (Christiania, 1853). Cf. also P. A. Munch’s _Norges
Konge-Sagaer_ of Snorri Sturleson, Sturla Thordsson, etc. (Christiania,
1859).
[608] The _Codex Flatoyensis_ says that it was sixteen winters after
the settlement of Greenland before Leif went to Norway, and that in the
next year he sailed to Vinland.
[609] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xviii. 21.
[610] These sagas are given in Icelandic, Danish, and Latin in Rafn’s
_Antiquitates Americanæ_ (Copenhagen, 1837). Versions or abstracts,
more or less full, of all or of some of them are given by Beamish, in
his _Discovery of America by the Northmen_ (London, 1841), whose text
is reprinted by Slafter, in his _Voyages of the Northmen_ (Boston,
1877). J. Elliot Cabot, in the Mass. Quart. Review, March, 1849,
copied in part in Higginson’s _Amer. Explorers_. Blackwell, in his
supplementary chapters to Mallet’s _Northern Antiquities_ (London,
Bohn’s library). B. F. De Costa, in his _Pre-Columbian Discovery of
America_ (Albany, 1868). Eben Norton Horsford, in his _Discovery of
America by Norsemen_ (Boston, 1888). Beauvois, in his _Découvertes
des Scandinaves en Amérique_ (Paris, 1859). P. E. Müller, in his
_Sagabibliothek_ (Copenhagen, 1816-20), and a German version of part
of it by Lachmann, _Sagenbibliothek des Scandinavischen Alterthums in
Aussügen_ (Berlin, 1816).
[611] When, however, Peringskiöld edited the Heimskringla, in 1697,
he interpolated eight chapters of a more particular account of the
Vinland voyages, which drew forth some animadversions from Torfæus in
1705, when he published his _Historia Vinlandiæ_. It was later found
that Peringskiöld had drawn these eight chapters from the _Codex
Flatoyensis_, which particular MS. was unknown to Torfæus. When Laing
printed his edition of the _Heimskringla, The Sea Kings of Norway_
(London, 1844), he translated these eight chapters in his appendix
(vol. iii. 344). Laing (_Heimskringla_, i. 27) says: “Snorro Sturleson
has done for the history of the Northmen what Livy did for the history
of the Romans,”—a rather questionable tribute to the verity of the saga
history, in the light of the most approved comments on Livy. Cf. Horn,
in Anderson’s translation, _Lit. of the Scandinavian North_ (Chicago,
1884), p. 56, with references, p. 59.
[612] J. Fulford Vicary’s _Saga Time_ (Lond., 1887). Some time in the
fifteenth century, a monk, Thomas Gheysmer, made an abridgment of Saxo,
alleging that he “had said much rather for the sake of adornment than
in behalf of truth.” The Canon Christiern Pederson printed the first
edition of Saxo at Paris in 1514 (Anderson’s Horn’s _Lit. Scandin.
North_, p. 102). This writer adds: “The entire work rests exclusively
on oral tradition, which had been gathered by Saxo, and which he
repeated precisely as he had heard it, for in the whole chronicle there
is no trace of criticism proper.... Saxo must also undoubtedly have
had Icelandic sagamen as authorities for the legendary part of his
work; but there is not the slightest evidence to show that he ever had
a written Icelandic saga before him.... In this part of the work he
betrays no effort to separate fact from fiction, ... and he has in many
instances consciously or unconsciously adorned the original material.”
Horn adds that the last and best edition is that of P. E. Müller and J.
Velchow, _Saxonis Grammatici Historia Danica_ (Copenhagen, 1839).
[613] Humboldt (_Crit. Exam._, ii. 120) represented that Ortelius
referred to these voyages in 1570; but Palfrey (_Hist. New England_, i.
51) shows that the language cited by Humboldt was not used by Ortelius
till in his edition of 1592, and that then he referred to the Zeno
narrative.
[614] See _post_, Vol. IV. p. 492.
[615] His account is followed by Malte Brun in his _Précis de la
Géographie_ (i. 395). Cf. also _Annales des Voyages_ (Paris, 1810), x.
50, and his _Géographie Universelle_ (Paris, 1841). Pinkerton, in his
_Voyages_ (London, 1814), vol. xvii., also followed Torfæus.
[616] J. J. Wahlstedt’s _Iter in Americam_ (Upsala, 1725). Cf. _Brinley
Catal._, i. 59.
[617] _Observatio historica ad Frisonum navigatione fortuita in
Americam sec. xi. facta_ (Magdeburg, 1741).
[618] _Franklin’s Works_, Philad., 1809, vol. vi.; Sparks’s ed., viii.
69.
[619] This is the book which furnished the text in an English dress
(London, 1770) known as _Northern Antiquities_, and a part of his
account is given in the _American Museum_ (Philad., 1789). In the
Edinburgh edition of 1809 it is called: _Northern antiquities: or a
description of the manners, customs, religion and laws, of the ancient
Danes, including those of our Saxon ancestors. With a translation
of the Edda and other pieces, from the ancient Icelandic tongue.
Translated from “L’introduction à l’histoire de Dannemarc, &c.,” par
Mons. Mallet. With additional notes by the English translator [Bishop
Percy], and Goranson’s Latin version of the Edda_. In 2 vols. The
chapters defining the locations are omitted, and others substituted, in
the reprint of the _Northern Antiquities_ in Bohn’s library.
[620] There are French and English versions.
[621] Edinburgh, 1818; Boston, 1831.
[622] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1865, p. 184.
[623] _Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopædia._
[624] Allibone, iii. 2667.
[625] Irving, in reviewing the book in the _No. Am. Rev._, Oct., 1832,
avoided the question of the Norse discovery. (Cf. his _Spanish Papers_,
vol. ii., and Rice’s _Essays from the No. Am. Rev._) C. Robinson, in
his _Discoveries in the West_ (ch. 1), borrows from Wheaton.
[626] Octavo ed., i. pp. 5, 6.
[627] Orig. ed., iii. 313; last revision, ii. 132.
[628] This society, Kongelige Nordiske Oldskrift-Selskab, since 1825,
has been issuing works and periodicals illustrating all departments
of Scandinavian archæology (cf. Webb, in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._,
viii. 177), and has gathered cabinets and museums, sections of which
are devoted to American subjects. C. C. Rafn’s _Cabinet d’antiquités
Américaines à Copenhague_ (Copenhagen, 1858); _Journal of the Royal
Geographical Society_, xiv. 316; Slafter’s introd. to his _Voyages of
the Northmen_.
[629] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, viii. 81; _Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._,
April, 1865; _N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg._, 1865, p. 273; _To-day_, ii.
176.
[630] Professor Willard Fiske has paid particular attention to the
early forms of the Danish in the Icelandic literature. In 1885 the
British Museum issued a _Catalogue of the books printed in Iceland
from A.D. 1578 to 1880 in the library of the British Museum_. In 1886
Mr. Fiske privately printed at Florence _Bibliographical Notices, i.:
Books printed in Iceland, 1578-1844, a supplement to the British Museum
Catalogue,_ which enumerates 139 titles with full bibliographical
detail and an index. He refers also to the principal bibliographical
authorities. Laing’s introduction to the _Heimskringla_ gives a survey.
[631] Cf. list of their several issues in Scudder’s _Catal. of Scient.
Serials_, nos. 640, 654, and the Rafn bibliography in Sabin, xvi. nos.
67,466-67,486. In addition to its Danish publications, the chief of
which interesting to the American archæologist being the _Antiquarisk
Tidsskrift_ (1845-1864), sometimes known as the _Revue Archéologique
et Bulletin_, the society, under its more familiar name of Société
Royale des Antiquaires du Nord, has issued its _Mémoires_, the first
series running from 1836 to 1860, in 4 vols., and the second beginning
in 1866. These contain numerous papers involving the discussion of the
Northmen voyages, including a condensed narrative by Rafn, “Mémoire sur
la découverte de l’Amérique au 10^e siècle,” which was enlarged and
frequently issued separately in French and other languages (1838-1843),
and is sometimes found in English as a _Supplement to the Antiquitates
Americanæ_, and was issued in New York (1838) as _America discovered
in the tenth century_. In this form (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, viii.
187) it was widely used here and in Europe to call attention to Rafn’s
folio, _Antiquitates Americanæ_.
The _Mémoires_ also contained another paper by Rafn, _Aperçu de
l’ancienne géographie des régions arctiques de l’Amérique, selon les
rapports contenus dans les Sagas du Nord_ (Copenhagen, 1847), which
also concerns the Vinland voyages, and is repeated in the _Nouvelles
Annales des Voyages_ (1849), i. 277.
[632] _Antiqvitates Americanæ sive scriptores septentrionales rerum
ante-Columbianarum in America. Samling af de i nordens oldskrifter
indeholdte efterretninger om de gamle nordboers opdagelsesreiser
til America fra det 10de til det 14de aarhundrede. Edidit Societas
regia antiquariorum Septentrionalium_ (Hafniæ, 1837). CONTENTS:
Præfatio.—Conspectus codicum membraneorum, in quibus terrarum
Americanarum mentio fit.—America discovered by the Scandinavians in
the tenth century. (An abstract of the historical evidence contained
in this work.)—Pættir af Eireki Rauda ok Grænlendingum.—Saga Porfinns
Karlsefnis ok Snorra Porbrandssonar.—Breviores relationes: De
inhabitatione Islandiæ; De inhabitatione Grœnlandiæ; De Ario Maris
filio; De Björne Breidvikensium athleta; De Gudleivo Gudlœgi filio;
Excerpta ex annalibus Islandorum; Die mansione Grœnlandorum in locis
Borealibus; Excerpta e geographicis scriptis veterum Islandorum; Carmen
Færöicum, in quo Vinlandiæ mentio fit; Adami Bremensis Relatio de
Vinlandia; Descriptio quorumdam monumentorum Europæorum, quæ in oris
Grönlandiæ ocidentalibus reperta et detecta sunt; Descriptio vetusti
monumenti in regione Massachusetts reperti; Descriptio vetustorum
quorundam monumentorum in Rhode Island.—Annotationes geographicæ;
Islandia et Grönlandia; Indagatio Arctoarum Americæ regionum.—Indagatio
Orientalium Americæ regionum.—Addenda et emendanda.—Indexes. The larger
works are in Icelandic, Danish, and Latin.
Cf. also his _Antiquités Américaines d’après les monuments historiques
des Islandais et des anciens Scandinaves_ (Copenhagen, 1845). An
abstract of the evidence is given in the _Journal of the Royal
Geographical Society_ (viii. 114), and it is upon this that H. H.
Bancroft depends in his _Native Races_ (v. 106). Cf. also _Ibid._ v.
115-116; and his _Cent. America_, i. 74. L. Dussieux in his _Les Grands
Faits de l’Histoire de la Géographie_ (Paris, 1882; vol. i. 147, 165)
follows Rafn and Malte-Brun. So does Brasseur de Bourbourg in his
_Hist. de Nations Civilisées_, i. 18; and Bachiller y Morales in his
_Antigüedades Americanas_ (Havana, 1845).
Great efforts were made by Rafn and his friends to get reviews of his
folio in American periodicals; and he relied in this matter upon Dr.
Webb and others, with whom he had been in correspondence in working up
his geographical details (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ii. 97, 107; viii.
189, etc.), and so late as 1852 he drafted in English a new synopsis
of the evidence, and sent it over for distribution in the United
States (_Ibid._ ii. 500; _New Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc._, vi.; _N. E.
Hist. Geneal. Reg._, 1853, p. 13). So far as weight of character went,
there was a plenty of it in his reviewers: Edward Everett in the _No.
Amer. Rev._, Jan., 1838; Alexander Everett in the _U. S. Magazine and
Democratic Review_ (1838); George Folsom in the _N. Y. Review_ (1838);
H. R. Schoolcraft in the _Amer. Biblical Repository_ (1839). Cf. _Mass.
Hist. Soc. Proc._, viii. 182-3; _Poole’s Index_, 28, 928.
[633] Bohn’s ed., English transl., ii. 603; Lond. ed., 1849, ii.
233-36. Humboldt expresses the opinion that Columbus, during his
visit to Iceland, got no knowledge of the stories, so little an
impression had they made on the public mind (_Cosmos_, Bohn, ii.
611), and that the enemies of Columbus in his famous lawsuit, when
every effort was made to discredit his enterprise, did not instance
his Iceland experience, should be held to indicate that no one in
southern Europe believed in any such prompting at that time. Wheaton
and Prescott (_Ferdinand and Isabella_, orig. ed., ii. 118, 131) hold
similar opinions. (Cf. Vol. II. p. 33.) Dr. Webb says that Irving
held back from accepting the stories of the saga, for fear that they
could be used to detract from Columbus’ fame. Rafn and his immediate
sympathizers did not fail to make the most of the supposition that
Columbus had in some way profited by his Iceland experience. Laing
thinks Columbus must have heard of the voyages, and De Costa (_Columbus
and the Geographers of the North_) thinks that the bruit of the
Northmen voyages extended sufficiently over Europe to render it
unlikely that it escaped the ears of Columbus. Cf. further an appendix
in Irving’s _Columbus_, and Mallet’s _Northern Antiquities_, Bohn’s
ed., 267, in refutation of the conclusions of Finn Magnusen in the
_Nordisk Tidsskrift_. It has been left for the unwise and overtopped
advocates of a later day, like Goodrich and Marie A. Brown, to go
beyond reason in an indiscriminate denunciation of the Genoese. The
latter writer, in her _Icelandic Discoverers of America_ (Boston,
1888), rambles over the subject in a jejune way, and easily falls into
errors, while she pursues her main purpose of exposing what she fancies
to be a deep-laid scheme of the Pope and the Catholic Church to conceal
the merits of the Northmen and to capture the sympathies of Americans
in honoring the memory of Columbus in 1892. It is simply a reactionary
craze from the overdone raptures of the school of Roselly de Lorgues
and the other advocates of the canonization of Columbus, in Catholic
Europe.
[634] This book is for the sagas the basis of the most useful book
on the subject, Edmund Farwell Slafter’s _Voyages of the Northmen
to America_. _Including extracts from Icelandic Sagas relating to
Western voyages by Northmen in the 10th and 11th centuries in an
English translation by Nathaniel Ludlow Beamish; with a synopsis of
the historical evidence and the opinion of professor Rafn as to the
places visited by the Scandinavians on the coast of America_. _With
an introduction_ (Boston, 1877), published by the Prince Society.
Slafter’s opinion is that the narratives are “true in their general
outlines and important features.”
[635] _Island, Huitramannaland, Grönland und Vinland_ (Heidelberg,
1842).
[636] _Die Entdeckung von Amerika durch die Isländer im zehnten
und eilften Jahrhundert_ (Braunschweig, 1844). Cf. E. G. Squier’s
_Discovery of America by the Northmen, a critical review of the works
of Hermes, Rafn and Beamish_ (1849).
[637] Cf. his paper in the _Quebec Lit. and Hist. Soc. Trans._, 1865.
[638] Beauvois also made at a later period other contributions to the
subject: _Les derniers vestiges du Christianisme prêchés du X^e au
XIV^e siècles dans le Markland et le Grande-Irlande, les porte-croix de
la Gaspésie at de l’Arcadie_ (Paris, 1877) which appeared originally
in the _Annales de philosophie Chrétiennes_, Apr., 1877; and _Les
Colonies européennes du Markland at de l’Escociland au XIV^e siècle
et les vestiges qui en subsistèrent jusqu’aux XVI^e et XVII^e siècle_
(Luxembourg, 1878), being taken from the _Compte Rendu_ of the
Luxembourg meeting of the Congrès des Américanistes.
[639] _Prehistoric Man_, 3d ed., ii. 83, 85. Cf. also his _Historic
Footprints in America_, extracted from the _Canadian Journal_, Sept.,
1864.
[640] Joseph Williamson, in the _Hist. Mag._, Jan., 1869 (x. 30),
sought to connect with the Northmen certain ancient remains along the
coast of Maine.
[641] He was rather caustically taken to account by Henry Cabot Lodge,
in the _No. Am. Review_, vol. cxix. Cf. Michel Hardy’s _Les Scandinaves
dans l’Amérique du Nord_ (Dieppe, 1874). An April hoax which appeared
in a Washington paper in 1867, about some runes discovered on the
Potomac, had been promptly exposed in this country (_Hist. Mag._, Mar.
and Aug., 1869), but it had been accepted as true in the _Annuaire de
la Société Américaine_ in 1873, and Gaffarel (_Etudes sur les Rapports
de l’Amérique avant Columbus_, Paris, 1869, p. 251) and Gravier (p.
139) was drawn into the snare. (Cf. Whittlesey’s _Archæol. frauds_ in
the _Western Reserve Hist. Soc. Tracts_, no. 9, and H. W. Haynes in
_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Jan., 1888, p. 59.) In a later monograph,
_Les Normands sur la route des Indes_ (Rouen, 1880), Gravier, while
still accepting the old exploded geographical theories, undertook
further to prove that the bruits of the Norse discoveries instigated
the seamen of Normandy to similar ventures, and that they visited
America in ante-Columbian days.
[642] There is an authorized German version, _Die erste Entdeckung von
Amerika_, by Mathilde Mann (Hamburg, 1888).
[643] _American in Iceland_ (Boston, 1876).
[644] _Land of Desolation_ (New York, 1872). There is a French version
in the _Tour du Monde_, xxvi.
[645] _Lectures delivered in America_ (Philad., 1875),—third lecture.
[646] _Europäer in Amerika vor Columbus, nach Quellen bearbeitet von P.
Oswald Moosmüller_ (Regensburg, 1879).
[647] _Larger History of the United States_ (N. Y., 1886).
[648] _Discoveries of America_ (N. Y., 1884).
[649] Particularly Beauvois, already mentioned, and Dr. E. Löffler, on
the Vinland Excursions of the Ancient Scandinavians, at the Copenhagen
meeting, _Compte Rendu_ (1883), p. 64. Cf. also Michel Hardy’s _Les
Scandinaves dans l’Amérique du Nord au X^e Siècle_ (Dieppe, 1874).
[650] R. G. Haliburton, in _Roy. Geog. Soc. Proc._ (Jan., 1885); Thomas
Morgan, in _Roy. Hist. Soc. Trans._ iii. 75.
[651] E. N. Horsford’s _Discovery of America by the Northmen_ (Boston,
1888); Anderson’s _America not discovered by Columbus_, 3d ed., p. 30;
_N. Y. Nation_, Nov. 17, 1887; _Mag. Amer. Hist._, Mar., 1888, p. 223.
[652] Remarks of Wm. Everett and Chas. Deane in the society’s
_Proceedings_, May, 1880.
[653] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Dec., 1887. The most incautious
linguistic inferences and the most uncritical cartological perversions
are presented by Eben Norton Horsford in his _Discovery of America by
the Northmen—address at the unveiling of the statue of Leif Eriksen,
Oct. 29, 1887_ (Boston, 1888). Cf. Oscar Brenner in _Beilage zur
Allgemeinen Zeitung_ (Munich, Dec. 6, 1888). A trustful reliance upon
the reputations of those who have in greater or less degree accepted
the details of the sagas characterizes a paper by Mrs. Ole Bull in the
_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Mar., 1888. She is naturally not inclined to
make much allowance for the patriotic zeal of the northern writers.
[654] The best list is in P. B. Watson’s “Bibliog. of Pre-Columbian
Discoveries of America,” originally in the _Library Journal_, vi. 259,
but more complete in Anderson’s _America not discovered by Columbus_
(3d ed., Chicago, 1883). Cf. also Chavanne’s _Literature of the
Polar Regions_; Th. Solberg’s Bibliog. of Scandinavia, in English,
with magazine articles, in F. W. Horn’s _Hist. of the lit. of the
Scandinavian North_ (1884, pp. 413-500). There is a convenient brief
list in Slafter’s _Voyages of the Northmen_ (pp. 127-140), and a not
very well selected one in Marie A. Brown’s _Icelandic Discoverers_.
_Poole’s Index_ indicates the considerable amount of periodical
discussions. The Scandinavian writers are mainly referred to by Miss
Brown and Mrs. Bull.
[655] Forster finds a corruption of Norvegia (Norway) in Norumbega.
Rafn finds the Norse elements in the words Massachusetts, Nauset,
and Mount Hope (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, viii. 194-198). The word
Hole, used as synonymous to harbor in various localities along the
Vineyard Sound, has been called a relic of the Icelandic Holl, a hill
(_Mag. Amer. Hist._, June, 1882, p. 431; Jos. S. Fay in _Mass. Hist.
Soc. Proc._, xii. 334; and in Anderson, _America not discovered by
Columbus_, 3d ed.).
Brasseur de Bourbourg in his _Nations civilisées du Méxique_, and more
emphatically in his _Grammaire Quichée_, had indicated what he thought
a northern incursion before Leif, in certain seeming similarities to
the northern tongues of those of Guatemala. Cf. also _Nouv. Annales
des Voyages_, 6th ser., xvi. 263; _N. Y. Tribune_, Nov. 21, 1855;
Bancroft’s _Native Races_, iii. 762.
[656] _De origine gentium Americanarum_ (1642).
[657] _Nouv. Ann. des Voyages_, 6th ser., vols. iii. and vi.
[658] In Charnay’s _Ruines_, etc. (Paris, 1867).
[659] _Découverte de l’America par les Normands_ (Paris, 1864).
[660] H. H. Bancroft, _Nat. Races_, v. 115-16, gives references on the
peopling of America from the northwest of Europe.
[661] _Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit._, xiv. 1887; also printed separately as
_Mythology, legends and Folk-lore of the Algonquins_. Cf. also his
_Algonquin Legends of New England_ (1885). Cf. D. G. Brinton in _Amer.
Antiquarian_, May, 1885.
[662] Mr. Mitchell, of the U. S. Coast Survey, has attended to this
part of the subject, and Horsford (p. 28) quotes his MS. He finds on
the Massachusetts coast what he thinks a sufficient correspondence to
the description of the sagas.
[663] So plain a matter as the length of the longest summer day would
indubitably point to an absolute parallel of latitude as determining
the site of Vinland, if there was no doubt in the language of the saga.
Unfortunately there is a wide divergence of opinion in the meaning of
the words to be depended upon, even among Icelandic scholars; and the
later writers among them assert that Rafn (_Antiq. Amer._ 436) and
Magnusen in interpreting the language to confirm their theory of the
Rhode Island bays have misconceived. Their argument is summarized in
the French version of Wheaton. John M’Caul translated Finn Magnusen’s
“Ancient Scandinavian divisions of the times of day,” in the _Mémoire
de la Soc. Roy. des Antiq. du Nord_ (1836-37). Rask disputes Rafn’s
deductions (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xviii. 22). Torfæus, who is our
best commentator after all, says it meant Newfoundland. Robertson put
it at 58° north. Dahlmann in his _Forschungen_ (vol. i.) places it
on the coast of Labrador. Horsford (p. 66) at some length admits no
question that it must have been between 41° and 43° north. Cf. Laing’s
_Heimskringla_, i. 173; Palfrey’s _New England_, i. 55; De Costa’s
_Pre-Columbian Disc._, p. 33; Weise’s _Discoveries of America_, 31;
and particularly Vigfússon in his _English-Icelandic Dictionary_ under
“Eykt.”
[664] “The discovery of America,” says Laing (_Heimskringla_, i. 154),
“rests entirely upon documentary evidence which cannot, as in the
case of Greenland, be substantiated by anything to be discovered in
America.” Laing and many of the commentators, by some strange process
of reasoning, have determined that the proof of these MS. records
being written before Columbus’ visit to Iceland in 1477 is sufficient
to establish the priority of discovery for the Northmen, as if it was
nothing in the case that the sagas may or may not be good history; and
nothing that it was the opinion entertained in Europe at that time that
Greenland and the more distant lands were not a new continent, but a
prolongation of Europe by the north. It is curious, too, to observe
that, treating of events after 1492, Laing is quite willing to believe
in any saga being “filled up and new invented,” but is quite unwilling
to believe anything of the kind as respects those written anterior to
1492; and yet he goes on to prove conclusively that the _Flatoyensis
Codex_ is full of fable, as when the saga man makes the eider-duck lay
eggs where during the same weeks the grapes ripen and intoxicate when
fresh, and the wheat forms in the ear! Laing nevertheless rests his
case on the _Flatoyensis Codex_ in its most general scope, and calls
poets, but not antiquaries, those who attempt to make any additional
evidence out of imaginary runes or the identification of places.
[665] It must be remembered that this divergence was not so wide to the
Northmen as it seems to us. With them the Atlantic was sometimes held
to be a great basin that was enclasped from northwestern Europe by a
prolongation of Scandinavia into Greenland, Helluland, and Markland,
and it was a question if the more distant region of Vinland did not
belong rather to the corresponding prolongation of Africa on the south.
Cf. De Costa, _Pre-Columbian Disc._, 108; _Hist. Mag._, xiii. 46.
[666] He wrote “Here for the first time will be found indicated the
precise spot where the ancient Northmen held their intercourse.” The
committee of the Mass. Hist. Soc. objected to this extreme confidence.
_Proceedings_, ii. 97, 107, 500, 505.
[667] Reproduction of part of the plate in the _Antiquitates
Americanæ_, after a drawing by J. R. Bartlett. The engravings of the
rock are numerous: _Mem. Amer. Acad._, iii.; the works of Beamish, J.
T. Smith, Gravier, Gay, Higginson, etc.; Laing’s _Heimskringla_; the
French ed. of Wheaton; Hermes’ _Entdeckung von America_; Schoolcraft’s
_Ind. Tribes_, i. 114, iv. 120; Drake’s ed., Philad., 1884, i. p. 88;
the Copenhagen _Compte Rendu, Congrès des Américanistes_, p. 70, from
a photograph. The Hitchcock Museum at Amherst, Mass., had a cast, and
one was shown at the Albany meeting (1836) of the Am. Asso. for the
Adv. of Science. The rock was conveyed by deed in 1861 to the Roy.
Soc. of Northern Antiquaries (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, v. 226; vi.
252), but the society subsequently relinquished their title to a Boston
committee, who charged itself with the care of the monument; but in
doing so the Danish antiquaries disclaimed all belief in its runic
character (_Mag. Amer. Hist._, iii. 236).
[668] De Costa, _Pre-Col. Disc._, 29; _N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg._,
xviii. 37; Gay, _Pop. Hist._, i. 41; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, viii.
72; _Am. Geog. Soc. Journal_, 1870, p. 50; _Amer. Naturalist_, Aug. and
Sept., 1879.
[669] _Am. Ass. Adv. Science, Proc._ (1856), ii. 214.
[670] Cf. paper on the site of Vinland in _Hist. Mag._, Feb., 1874,
p. 94; Alex. Farnum’s _Visit of the Northmen to Rhode Island_ (_R. I.
Hist. Tracts_, no. 2, 1877). The statement of the sagas that there
was no frost in Vinland and grass did not wither in winter compels
some of the identifiers to resort to the precession of the equinox as
accounting for changes of climate (Gay’s _Pop. Hist._, i. 50).
[671] E. G. Squier in _Ethnological Journal_, 1848; Wilson’s Prehist.
Man, ii. 98; _Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans._, i. 392; Schoolcraft’s _Indian
Tribes_, iv. 118; _Mém. de la Soc. royale des Antiq. du Nord_, 1840-44,
p. 127.
[672] _Amer. Philos. Soc. Proc._, May 2, 1884 (by Henry Phillips, Jr.);
_Numismatic and Antiq. Soc. of Philad., Proc._, 1884, p. 17; Geo. S.
Brown’s _Yarmouth_ (Boston, 1888).
[673] Wilson’s _Prehist. Man_, ii. 98; _Amer. Asso. Adv. Science,
Proc._, 1856, p. 214; _Séance annuelle de la Soc. des Antiq. du Nord_,
May 14, 1859; H. W. Haynes in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Jan., 1888,
p. 56. The Monhegan inscription, as examined by the late C. W. Tuttle
and J. Wingate Thornton, was held to be natural markings (_Mag. Amer.
Hist._, ii. 308; _Pulpit of the Revolution_, 410). Charles Rau cites a
striking instance of the way in which the lively imagination of Finn
Magnusen has misled him in interpreting weather cracks on a rock in
Sweden (_Mag. Amer. Hist._, ii. 83).
[674] _N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg._, 1854, p. 185.
[675] _Antiquitates Americanæ_, 335, 371, 401; _Amer. Antiq. Soc.
Proc._, Oct., 1868, p. 13; W. J. Miller’s _Wampanoag Indians_.
[676] Cf. list of inscribed rocks in the _Proceedings_ (vol. ii.) of
the Davenport Acad. of Natural Sciences.
[677] The stone with its inscription early attracted attention, but
Danforth’s drawing of 1680 is the earliest known. Cotton Mather, in a
dedicatory epistle to Sir Henry Ashurst, prefixed to his _Wonderful
Works of God commemorated_ (Boston, 1690), gave a cut of a part of
the inscription; and he communicated an account with a drawing of
the inscription to the Royal Society in 1712, which appears in their
_Philosophical Transactions_. Dr. Isaac Greenwood sent another draft to
the Society of Antiquaries in London in 1730, and their _Transactions_
in 1732 has this of Greenwood. In 1768 Professor Stephen Sewall of
Cambridge made a copy of the natural size, which was sent in 1774 by
Professor James Winthrop to the Royal Society. Dr. Stiles says that
Sewall sent it to Gebelin, of the French Academy, whose members judged
them to be Punic characters. Stiles himself, in 1783, in an election
sermon delivered at Hartford, spoke of “the visit by the Phœnicians,
who charged the Dighton Rock and other rocks in Narragansett Bay with
Punic inscriptions remaining to this day, which last I myself have
repeatedly seen and taken off at large.” Cf. Thornton’s _Pulpit of
the Revolution_, p. 410. The _Archæologia_ (London, viii. for 1786)
gave various drawings, with a paper by the Rev. Michael Lort and some
notes by Charles Vallancey, in which the opinion was expressed that
the inscription was the work of a people from Siberia, driven south by
hordes of Tartars. Professor Winthrop in 1788 filled the marks, as he
understood them, with printer’s ink, and in this way took an actual
impression of the inscription. His copy was engraved in the _Memoirs
of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences_ (vol. ii. for 1793). It
was this copy by Winthrop which Washington in 1789 saw at Cambridge,
when he pronounced the inscription as similar to those made by the
Indians, which he had been accustomed to see in the western country
during his life as a surveyor. Cf. _Belknap Papers, Mass. Hist. Soc.
Coll._, ii. 76, 77, 81; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, x. 114. In 1789
there was also presented to the Academy a copy made by Joseph Gooding
under the direction of Francis Baylies (_Belknap Papers_, ii. 160). In
the third volume of the Academy’s _Memoirs_ there are papers on the
inscription by John Davis and Edward A. Kendall; Davis (1807) thinking
it a representation of an Indian deer hunt, and Kendall later, in his
_Travels_ (vol. ii. 1809), assigns it to the Indians. This description
is copied in Barber’s _Historical Collections of Mass._ (p. 117). In
1812 a drawing was made by Job Gardner, and in 1825 there was further
discussion in the _Mémoires de la Société de Géographie de Paris_, and
in the _Hist. of New York_ by Yates and Moulton. In 1831 there was
a cut in Ira Hill’s _Antiquities of America explained_ (Hagerstown,
Md.) This was in effect the history of the interest in the rock up to
the appearance of Rafn’s _Antiquitates Americanæ_, in which for the
first time the inscription was represented as being the work of the
Northmen. This belief is now shared by few, if any, temperate students.
The exuberant Anderson thinks that the rock removes all doubt of the
Northmen discovery (_America not discovered by Columbus_, pp. 21, 23,
83). The credulous Gravier has not a doubt. Cf. his _Notice sur le roc
de Dighton et le séjour des Scandinaves en Amérique au commencement du
XI^e siècle_ (Nancy, 1875), reprinted from the _Compte Rendu, Congrès
des Américanistes_, i. 166, giving Rafn’s drawing. The Rev. J. P.
Bodfish accepts its evidence in the _Proc. Second Pub. Meeting U. S.
Cath. Hist. Soc._ (N. Y., 1886).
[678] _Pre-Columbian Discovery of America_, p. lvii. The _Brinley
Catalogue_, iii. 5378, gives Dammartin’s _Explification de la Pierre
de Taunston_ (Paris? 1840-50) as finding in the inscription an
astronomical theme by some nation foreign to America. Buckingham Smith
believed it to be a Roman Catholic invocation, around which the Indians
later put their symbols (_Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Apr. 29, 1863, p.
32). For discussions more or less extensive see Laing’s _Heimskringla_,
i. 175; Haven in _Smithsonian Contributions_, 1856, viii. 133, in a
paper on the “Archæology of the United States;” Charles Rau in _Mag.
Amer. Hist._, Feb., 1878; Apr., 1879; and in _Amer. Antiquarian_,
i. 38; Daniel Wilson’s _Prehistoric Man_, ii. 97; J. R. Bartlett in
_Rhode Island Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1872-73, p. 70; Haven and others in
_Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Oct., 1864, and Oct., 1867; H. H. Bancroft’s
_Native Races_, v. 74; Drake’s _N. E. Coast; North American Rev._,
1874; _Amer. Biblical Repository_, July, 1839; _Historical Mag._, Dec.,
1859, and March, 1869; Lelewel’s _Moyen Age_, iii.; H. W. Williams’s
transl. of Humboldt’s _Travels_, i. 157, etc.
[679] Schoolcraft wavered in his opinion. (Cf. Haven, 133.) He showed
Gooding’s drawing to an Algonkin chief, who found in it a record of a
battle of the Indians, except that some figures near the centre did
not belong to it, and these Schoolcraft thought might be runic, as De
Costa has later suggested; but in 1853 Schoolcraft made no reservation
in pronouncing it entirely Indian (_Indian Tribes_, i. 112; iv. 120;
pl. 14). Wilson (_Prehist. Man_, ii., ch. 19) is severe on Schoolcraft.
On the general character of Indian rock inscriptions,—some of which
in the delineations accompanying these accounts closely resemble the
Dighton Rock,—see Mallery in the _Bureau of Ethnology, Fourth Report_,
p. 19; Lieut. A. M. Wheeler’s Report on Indian tribes in _Pacific Rail
Road Reports_, ii.; J. G. Bruff on those of Green River in the Sierra
Nevada, in _Smithsonian Rept._ (1872); _American Antiquarian_, iv. 259;
vi. 119; _Western Reserve Hist. Soc. Tracts_, nos. 42, 44, 52, 53, 56;
T. Ewbank’s _No. Amer. Rock Writing_ (Morrisania, 1866); Brinton’s
_Myths of the New World_, p. 10; Tylor’s _Early Hist. Mankind_;
Dr. Richard Andree’s _Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche_
(Stuttgard, 1878). It is Mallery’s opinion that no “considerable
information of value in an historical point of view will be obtained
directly from the interpretations of the Pictographs in North America.”
[680] Palfrey, i. p. 57; Higginson’s _Larger Hist._, 44; Gay’s _Pop.
Hist._, i. 59, 60; Laing’s _Heimskringla_, i. 183; Charles T. Brooks’s
_Controversy touching the old stone mill in Newport_ (Newport, 1851);
Peterson’s _Rhode Island_; Drake’s _New England Coast_; Schoolcraft’s
_Indian Tribes_, iv. 120; Bishop’s _Amer. Manufactures_, i. 118; C. S.
Pierce in _Science_, iv. 512, who endeavored by measurement to get at
what was the unit of measure used,—an effort not very successful. Cf.
references in _Poole’s Index_, p. 913.
Gaffarel accepts the Rafn view in his _Etudes sur la rapports_, etc.,
282, as does Gravier in his _Normands sur la route_, p. 168; and De
Costa (_Pre-Columbian Disc._, p. lviii) intimates that “all is in a
measure doubtful.” R. G. Hatfield (_Scribner’s Monthly_, Mar., 1879) in
an illustrated paper undertook to show by comparison with Scandinavian
building that what is now standing is but the central part of a Vinland
baptistery, and that the projection which supported the radiating roof
timbers is still to be seen. This paper was answered by George C. Mason
(_Mag. Amer. Hist._, iii. 541, Sept., 1879, with other remarks in the
_Amer. Architect_, Oct. 4, 1879), who rehearsed the views of the local
antiquaries as to its connection with Gov. Arnold. Cf. _Reminiscences
of Newport_, by Geo. C. Mason, 1884.
[681] _Hist. Mag._, Apr., 1862, p. 123; _N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg._,
1865, p. 372; Abner Morse’s _Traces of the Ancient Northmen in America_
(Aug., 1861), with a _Supplement_ (Boston, 1887).
[682] _Mémoires de la Soc. roy. des Antiq. du Nord_, 1843; _New Jersey
Hist. Soc. Proc._, vi.; Stone’s _Brant_, ii. 593-94; Schoolcraft’s
_Ind. Tribes_, i. 127; _Smithsonian Rept._, 1883, p. 902; Dr. Kneeland
in _Peabody Mus. Repts._, no. 20, p. 543. The skeleton was destroyed by
fire about 1843.
[683] Dawkins in his _Cave Hunters_ accounts them survivors of the
cave dwellers of Europe. Cf. Wilson’s _Prehistoric Man_. A. R. Grote
(_Amer. Naturalist_, Apr., 1877) holds them to be the survivors of the
palæolithic man.
[684] E. Beauvois’ _Les Skroelings, Ancêtres des Esquimaux_ (Paris,
1879); B. F. DeCosta in _Pop. Science Monthly_, Nov., 1884; A. S.
Packard on their former range southward, in the _American Naturalist_,
xix. 471, 553, and his paper on the Eskimos of Labrador, in _Appleton’s
Journal_, Dec. 9, 1871 (reprinted in Beach’s _Indian Miscellany_,
Albany, 1877). Humboldt holds them to have been driven across
America to Europe (_Views of Nature_, Bohn’s ed., 123). Ethnologists
are not wholly agreed as to the course of their migrations. The
material for the ethnological study of the Eskimos must be looked
for in the narratives of the Arctic voyagers, like Scoresby, Parry,
Ross, O’Reilly, Kane, C. F. Hall, and the rest; in the accounts
by the missionaries like Egede, Crantz, and others; by students
of ethnology, like Lubbock (_Prehist. Times_, ch. 14); Prichard
(_Researches_, v. 367); Waitz (_Amerikaner_, i. 300); the Abbé Morillot
(_Mythologie et légendes des Esquimaux du Groenland in the Actes de
la Soc. Philologique_ (Paris, 1875), vol. iv.); Morgan (_Systems of
Consanguinity_, 267), who excludes them from his Ganowanian family;
Irving C. Rosse on the northern inhabitants (_Journal Amer. Geog.
Soc._, 1883, p. 163); Ludwig Kumlien in his _Contributions to the
natural history of Arctic America_, made in connection with the
Howgate polar expedition, 1877-78, in _Bull. of the U. S. Naval
Museum_ (Washington, 1879), no. 15; and his paper in the _Smithsonian
Report_ (1878). There are several helpful papers in the _Journal of
the Anthropological Institute_ (London), vol. i., by Richard King, on
their intellectual character; vol. iv. by P. C. Sutherland; vol. vii.
by John Rae on their migrations, and W. H. Flower on their skulls; vol.
ix. by W. J. Sollars on their bone implements. For other references
see Bancroft, _Native Races_, i. 41, 138; _Poole’s Index_, p. 424, and
_Supplement_, p. 146.
[685] This evidence is of course rather indicative of a geological
antiquity not to be associated with the age of the Northmen. Cf.
Murray’s _Distribution of Animals_, 128; Howarth’s _Mammoth and Flood_,
285.
[686] Rink, born in 1819 in Copenhagen, spent much of the interval
from 1853 to 1872 in Greenland. Pilling (_Bibl. Eskimo Language_, p.
80) gives the best account of Rink’s publications. His principal book
is _Grönland geographisch und statistisch beschrieben_ (Stuttgart,
1860). The English reader has access to his _Tales and Traditions of
the Eskimo_, translated by Rink himself, and edited by Dr. Robert Brown
(London, 1875); to _Danish Greenland, its people and its products_, ed.
by Dr. Brown (London, 1877). Rink says of this work that in its English
dress it must be considered a new book. He also published _The Eskimo
tribes; their distribution and characteristics, especially in regard to
language. With a comparative vocabulary_ (Copenhagen, etc., 1887). He
also considered their dialects as divulging the relationship of tribes
in the _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_ (xv. 239); and in the
same journal (1872, p. 104) he has written of their descent. Rink also
furnished to the _Compte Rendu, Congrès des Américanistes_, a paper on
the traditions of Greenland (Nancy, 1875, ii. 181), and (Luxembourg,
1877, ii. 327) another on “L’habitat primitif des Esquimaux.”
Dr. Brown has also considered the “Origin of the Eskimo” in the
_Archæological Review_ (1888), no. 4.
[687] _Alaska and its Resources_, p. 374; and in _Contributions to
Amer. Ethnology_, i. 93.
[688] “On the origin and migrations of the Greenland Esquimaux” in
the _Journal Royal Geog. Soc._, 1865; “The Arctic highlanders” in the
_Lond. Ethnol. Soc. Trans._ (1866), iv. 125, and in _Arctic Geography
and Ethnology_ (London, 1875), published by the Royal Geog. Society.
[689] _American Antiquarian_, Jan., 1888. Cf. other papers by him in
the _Proc. Roy. Soc. of Canada_, vol. v. “A year among the Eskimos”
in the _Journal Amer. Geog. Soc._, 1887, xix. p. 383; “Reise in
Baffinland” in the proceedings of the Berlin Gesellschaft für Erdkunde
(1885). Cf. Pilling’s Eskimo Bibliog., p. 12; and for linguistic
evidences of tribal differences, pp. 69-72, 81-82. Cf. also H. H.
Bancroft’s _Native Races_, iii. 574, and Lucien Adam’s “En quoi la
langue Esquimaude, deffère-t-elle grammaticalement des autres langues
de l’Amérique du Nord?” in the _Compte Rendu, Congrès des Amér._
(Copenhagen), p. 337.
Anton von Etzel’s _Grönland, geographisch und statistisch beschrieben
aus Dänischen Quellschriften_ (Stuttgart, 1860) goes cursorily over the
early history, and describes the Eskimos. Cf. F. Schwatka in _Amer.
Magazine_, Aug., 1888.
[690] There is an easy way of tracing these accounts in Joel A. Allen’s
_List of Works and Papers relating to the mammalian orders of Cete and
Sirenia_, extracted from the _Bulletin of Hayden’s U. S. Geol. and
Geog. Survey_ (Washington, 1882). It is necessary to bear in mind that
Spitzbergen is often called Greenland in these accounts.
[691] His book, _Det gamle Grönlands nye Perlustration_, etc., was
first published at Copenhagen in 1729. Pilling (_Bibliog. of the Eskimo
language_, p. 26) was able to find only a single copy of this book,
that in the British Museum. Muller (_Books on America_, Amsterdam,
1872, no. 648) describes a copy. This first edition escaped the notice
of J. A. Allen, whose list is very carefully prepared (nos. 217, 220,
226, 230, 235). There were two German editions of this original form
of the book, Frankfort, 1730, and Hamburg, 1740, according to the
_Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (ii. 448, 647), but Pilling gives only the
first. The 1729 edition was enlarged in the Copenhagen edition of 1741,
which has a map, “Gronlandia Antiqua,” showing the east colony and west
colony, respectively, east and west of Cape Farewell. This edition is
the basis of the various translations: In German, Copenhagen, 1742,
using the plates of the 1741 ed.; Berlin, 1763. In Dutch, Delft, 1746.
In French, Copenhagen, 1763. In English, London, 1745; abstracted in
the _Philosoph. Transactions Royal Soc._ (1744), xlii. no. 47; and
again, London (1818), with an historical introduction based on Torfæus
and La Peyrère. Crantz epitomizes Egede’s career in Greenland.
The bibliography in Sabin’s _Dictionary_ (vi. 22,018, etc.) confounds
the Greenland journal (1770-78) of Hans Egede’s grandson, Hans Egede
Saabye (b. 1746; d. 1817), with the work of the grandfather. This
journal is of importance as regards the Eskimos and the missions
among them. There is an English version: _Greenland: extracts from
a journal kept in 1770 to 1778. Prefixed an introduction; illus. by
chart of Greenland, by G. Fries. Transl. from the German_ _[by H. E.
Lloyd]_ (London, 1818). The map follows that of the son of Hans, Paul
Egede, whose _Nachrichten von Grönland aus einem Tagebuche von Bischof
Paul Egede_ (Copenhagen, 1790) must also be kept distinct. Pilling’s
_Bibliog. of the Eskimo language_ affords the best guide.
[692] An English translation by Macdougall was published in London in
1837 (Pilling, p. 38; Field, no. 619). A French version of Graah’s
introduction with notes by M. de la Roquette was published in 1835.
Cf. _Journal Royal Geog. Soc._, i. 247. After Graah’s publication Rafn
placed the Osterbygden on the west coast in his map. Graah’s report
(1830) is in French in the _Bull. de la Soc. de Géog. de Paris_, 1830.
[693] On the present scant, if not absence of, population on the east
coast of Greenland, see J. D. Whitney’s _Climatic Changes of later
geological times_ (_Mus. of Comp. Zoöl. Mem._, vii. p. 303, Cambridge,
1882).
[694] The changes in opinion respecting the sites of the colonies and
the successive explorations are followed in the _Compte Rendu, Congrès
des Américanistes_ by Steenstrup (p. 114) and by Valdemar-Schmidt,
“Sur les Voyages des Danois au Groenland” (195, 205, with references).
Cf. on these lost colonies and the search for them _Westminster
Review_, xxvii. 139; _Harper’s Monthly_, xliv. 65 (by I. I. Hayes);
_Lippincott’s Mag._, Aug., 1878; _Amer. Church Rev._, xxi. 338; and in
the general histories, La Peyrère (Dutch transl., Amsterdam, 1678);
Crantz (Eng. transl., 1767, p. 272); Egede (Eng. ed., 1818, introd.);
and Rink’s _Danish Greenland_, ch. 1.
[695] The original of Bardsen’s account has disappeared, but Rafn puts
it in Latin, translating from an early copy found in the Faröe Islands
(_Antiquitates Américanæ_, p. 300). Purchas gives it in English, from
a copy which had belonged to Hudson, being translated from a Dutch
version which Hudson had borrowed, the Dutch being rendered by Barentz
from a German version. Major also prints it in _Voyages of the Zeni_.
He recognizes in Bardsen’s “Gunnbiorn’s Skerries” the island which is
marked in Ruysch’s map (1507) as blown up in 1456 (see Vol. III. p. 9).
[696] Hakluyt, however, prints some pertinent verses by Meredith, a
Welsh bard, in 1477.
[697] _Murphy Catal._, no. 1489; Sabin, x. p. 322; _Carter-Brown
Catal._ for eds. of 1584, 1697, 1702, 1774, 1811, 1832, etc.
[698] In the seventeenth century there were a variety of symptoms of
the English eagerness to get the claims of Madoc substantiated, as in
Sir Richard Hawkins’s _Observations_ (Hakluyt Soc., 1847), and James
Howell’s _Familiar Letters_ (London, 1645). Belknap (_Amer. Biog._,
1794, i. p. 58) takes this view of Hakluyt’s purpose; but Pinkerton,
_Voyages_, 1812, xii. 157, thinks such a charge an aspersion. The
subject was mentioned with some particularity or incidentally by
Purchas, Abbott (_Brief Description_, London, 1620, 1634, 1677), Smith
(_Virginia_), and Fox (_North-West Fox_). Sir Thomas Herbert in his
_Relation of some Travaile into Africa and Asia_ (London, 1634) tracks
Madoc to Newfoundland, and he also found Cymric words in Mexico, which
assured him in his search for further proofs (Bohn’s _Lowndes_, p.
1049; Carter-Brown, ii. 413, 1166).
The _Nieuwe en onbekende Weereld_ of Montanus (Amsterdam, 1671) made
the story more familiar. It necessarily entered into the discussions
of the learned men who, in the seventeenth century, were busied with
the question of the origin of the Americans, as in De Laet’s _Notæ
ad dissertationem Hugonis Grotii_ (Paris, 1643), who is inclined to
believe the story, as is Hornius in his _De Originibus Americaniis_
(1652).
[699] Cf. Catlin’s _No. Amer. Indians_, i. 207; ii. 259, 262.
[700] _Gentleman’s Magazine_. It is reprinted in H. H. Bancroft’s
_Native Races_, v. 119, and in Baldwin’s _Anc. America_, 286. Cf.
John Paul Marana, Letters writ by a Turkish Spy, 1691, and later.
The story had been told in _The British Sailors’ Directory_ in 1739
(Carter-Brown, iii. 599).
[701] Warden’s _Recherches_, p. 157; Amos Stoddard’s _Sketches of
Louisiana_ (Philad., 1812), ch. 17, and _Philad. Med. and Physical
Journal_, 1805; with views _pro_ and _con_ by Harry Toulmin and B. S.
Barton.
[702] The book was reprinted by Sabin, N. Y., 1865, with an
introduction by Horatio Gates Jones.
[703] _An inquiry into the truth of the tradition concerning the
discovery of America by Prince Madog_ (Lond., 1791), and _Further
Observations ... containing the account given by General Bowles, the
Creek or Cherokee Indian, lately in London, and by several others,
of a Welsh tribe of Indians now living in the western parts of North
America_ (Lond., 1792,—Field’s _Ind. Bibliog._, nos. 1664-65). Carey’s
_American Museum_ (April, May, 1792), xi. 152, etc., gave extracts from
Williams.
[704] _The Welsh Indians, or a collection of papers respecting a people
whose ancestors emigrated from Wales to America with Prince Madoc, and
who are now said to inhabit a beautiful country on the west side of the
Mississippi_ (London, 1797). He finds these conditions in the Padoucas.
Goodson, _Straits of Anian_ (Portsmouth, 1793), p. 71, makes Padoucahs
out of “Madogwys”!
[705] _Chambers’ Journal_, vi. 411, mentioning the Asguaws.
[706] _Letter on the Manners, Customs, and Condition of the No. Amer.
Indians_ (N. Y., 1842).
[707] He convinced, for instance, Fontaine in his _How the World was
Peopled_, p. 142.
[708] On the variety of complexion among the Indians, see Short’s _No.
Amer. of Antiq._, p. 189; McCulloh’s _Researches_; Haven, _Archæol. U.
S._, 48; Morton in _Schoolcraft_, ii. 320; _Ethnolog. Journal_, London,
July, 1848; App. 1849, commenting on Morton.
[709] Pilling, _Bibliog. of Siouan languages_ (Washington, 1887, p.
48), enumerates the authorities on the Mandan tongue. The tribe is now
extinct. Cf. Morgan’s _Systems of Consanguinity_, p. 181.
[710] See also _Smithsonian Report_, 1885, Part ii. pp. 80, 271, 349,
449. Ruxton in _Life in the Far West_ (N. Y., 1846) found Welsh traces
in the speech of the Mowquas, and S. Y. McMaster in _Smithsonian
Rept._, 1865, heard Welsh sounds among the Navajos.
[711] Filson in his _Kentucke_ has also pointed out this possibility.
[712] The bibliography of the subject can be followed in Watson’s
list, already referred to, and in that in the _Amer. Bibliopolist_,
Feb., 1869. A few additional references may help complete these lists:
Stephens’s _Literature of the Cymry_, ch. 2; the Abbé Domenech’s
_Seven Years in the Great Desert of America_; Tytler’s _Progress
of Discovery_; Moosmüller’s _Europäer in Amerika vor Columbus_
(Regensburg, 1879, ch. 21); Gaffarel’s _Rapport_ etc., p. 216;
_Analytical Mag._, ii. 409; _Atlantic Monthly,_ xxxvii. 305; _No. Am.
Rev._ (by E. E. Hale), lxxxv. 305; _Antiquary_, iv. 65; _Southern
Presbyterian Rev._, Jan., April, 1878; _Notes and Queries_, index.
[713] This Ptolemy map is reproduced in Gravier’s _Les Normands sur
la route_, etc., 6th part, ch. 1; and in Nordenskjöld’s _Studien und
Forschungen_ (Leipzig, 1805), p. 25. The Ptolemy of 1562 has the same
plate.
[714] J. R. Forster’s _Discoveries in the Northern Regions_. His
confidence was shared by Eggers (1794) in his _True Site of Old
East Greenland_ (Kiel), who doubts, however, if the descriptions of
Estotiland apply to America. It was held to be a confirmation of the
chart that both the east and west Greenland colonies were on the side
of Davis’s Straits.
[715] Buache reproduced the map, and read in 1784, before the Academy
of Inscriptions in Paris, his _Mémoire sur la Frisland_, which was
printed by the Academy in 1787, p. 430.
[716] _Dissertazione intorno ai viaggi e scoperte settentrionali
di Nicolo e Antonio Fratelli Zeni._ This paper was substantially
reproduced in the same writer’s _Di Marco Polo e degli altri
Viaggiatori veneziani più illustri dissertazioni_ (Venice, 1818).
[717] _Annales des Voyages_ (1810), x. 72; _Précis de la Géographie_
(1817).
[718] _Nordisk Tidsskrift for Oldkyndighed_ (Copenhagen, 1834), vol. i.
p. 1; _Royal Geog. Soc. Journal_ (London, 1835), v. 102; _Annales des
Voyages_ (1836), xi.
George Folsom, in the _No. Amer. Rev._, July, 1838, criticised
Zahrtmann, and sustained an opposite view. T. H. Bredsdorff discussed
the question in the _Grönlands Historiske Mindesmæker_ (iii. 529); and
La Roquette furnished the article in Michaud’s Biog. _Universelle_.
[719] Major also, in his paper (_Royal Geog. Soc. Journal_, 1873)
on “The Site of the Lost Colony of Greenland determined, and the
pre-Columbian discoveries of America confirmed, from fourteenth century
documents,” used the Zeno account and map in connection with Ivan
Bardsen’s Sailing Directions in placing the missing colony near Cape
Farewell. Major epitomized his views on the question in _Mass. Hist.
Soc. Proc._, Oct., 1874. Sir H. C. Rawlinson commented on Major’s views
in his address before the Royal Geog. Society (_Journal_, 1873, p.
clxxxvii).
Stevens (_Bibl. Geographica_, no. 3104) said: “If the map be genuine,
the most of its geography is false, while a part of it is remarkably
accurate.”
[720] _I viaggi e la Carta dei Fratelli Zeno Veneziani_ (Florence,
1878), and a _Studio Secondo_ (_Estratto dall. Archivio Storico
Italiano_) in 1885.
[721] “Zeniernes Rejse til Norden et Tolkning Forsoeg,” with a
fac-simile of the Zeni map.
[722] Nordenskjöld’s _Om bröderna Zenos resor och de äldsta kartor
öfner Norden_ was published at Stockholm in 1883, as an address
on leaving the presidency of the Swedish Academy, April 12, 1882;
and in the same year, at the Copenhagen meeting of the Congrès des
Américanistes, he presented his _Trois Cartes précolumbiennes,
représentant une partie de l’Amérique_ (Greenland), which included
facsimiles of the Zeno (1558) and Donis (1482) maps with that of
Claudius Clavus (1427). This last represents “Islandia” lying midway
alone in the sea between “Norwegica Regio” and “Gronlandia provincia.”
The “Congelatum mare” is made to flow north of Norway, so as almost
to meet the northern Baltic, while north of this frozen sea is an
Arctic region, of which Greenland is but an extension south and
west. The student will find these and other maps making part of the
address already referred to, which also makes part in German of his
_Studien und Forschungen veranlasst durch meine Reisen im hohen Norden,
autorisirte deutsche Ausgabe_ (Leipzig, 1885). The maps accompanying
it not already referred to are the usual Ptolemy map of the north of
Europe, based on a MS. of the fourteenth century; the “Scandinavia”
from the _Isolario_ of Bordone, 1547; that of the world in the MS.
_Insularium illustratum_ of Henricus Martellus, of the fifteenth
century, in the British Museum, copied from the sketch in José de
Lacerda’s _Exame dos Viagens do Doutor Livingstone_ (Lisbon, 1867); the
“Scandinavia” and the “Carta Marina” in the Venetian Ptolemy of 1548;
the map of Olaus Magnus in 1567; the chart of Andrea Bianco (1436);
the map of the Basle ed. (1532) of Grynæus’ _Novis Orbis_; that of
Laurentius Frisius (1524). He gives these maps as the material possible
to be used in 1558 in compiling a map, and to show the superiority of
the Zeno chart. Cf. _Nature_, xxviii. 14; and Major in _Royal Geog.
Soc. Proc._, 1883, p. 473.
[723] “Zeni’ernes Reiser i Norden” in the publication of the Royal
Society of Northern Antiquaries (Copenhagen, 1883), in which he
compares the Zeno Frislanda with the maps of Iceland. He also
communicated to the Copenhagen meeting of the Congrès des Américanistes
“Les voyages des frères Zeni dans le Nord” (_Compte Rendu_, p. 150).
[724] This also appeared in the _Geog. Tidsskrift_, vii. 153,
accompanied by facsimiles of the Zeni map, with Ruscelli’s alteration
of it (1561), and of the maps of Donis (1482), Laurentius Frisius
(1525), and of the Ptolemy of 1548.
[725] _Roy. Geog. Soc. Journal_ (1879), vol. xlix. p. 398, “Zeno’s
Frisland is Iceland and not the Faröes,”—and the same views in
“Nautical Remarks about the Zeni Voyages” in _Compte Rendu, Cong. des
Amér._ (Copenhagen, 1883), p. 183.
[726] “Zeno’s Frisland is not Iceland, but the Faröes” in _Roy. Geog.
Soc. Journal_ (1879), xlix. 412.
[727] _Géog. du Moyen Age_, iii. 103.
[728] _Discovery of Maine_, 92.
[729] Dudley, _Arcano del Mare_, pl. lii, places Estotiland between
Davis and Hudson’s Straits; but Torfæus doubts if it is Labrador, as
is “commonly believed.” Lafitau (_Mœurs des Sauvages_) puts it north
of Hudson Bay. Forster calls it Newfoundland. Beauvois (_Les colonies
Européenes du Markland at de l’Escociland_) makes it include Maine,
New Brunswick, and part of Lower Canada. These are the chief varieties
of belief. Steenstrup is of those who do not recognize America at all.
Hornius, among the older writers, thought that Scotland or Shetland
was more likely to have been the fisherman’s strange country. Santarem
(_Hist. de la Cartographie_, iii. 141) points out an island, “Y
Stotlandia,” in the Baltic, as shown on the map of Giovanni Leardo
(1448) at Venice.
In P. B. Watson’s _Bibliog. of Pre-Columbian Discoveries of America_
there is the fullest but not a complete list on the subject, and from
this and other sources a few further references may be added: Belknap’s
_Amer. Biography_; Humboldt’s _Examen Critique_, ii. 120; Asher’s
_Henry Hudson_, p. clxiv; Gravier’s _Découverte de l’Amérique_, 183;
Gaffarel’s _Etude sur l’Amérique avant Colomb_, p. 261, and in the
_Revue de Géog._, vii., Oct., Nov., 1880, with the Zeno map as changed
by Ortelius; De Costa’s _Northmen in Maine_; Weise’s _Discoveries
of America_, p. 44; Goodrich’s _Columbus_; Peschel’s _Gesch. des
Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_ (1858), and Ruge’s work of the same title;
Guido Cora’s _I precursori di Cristoforo Colombo_ (Rome, 1886), taken
from the _Bollettino della soc. geog. italiana_, Dec., 1885; Gay’s
_Pop. Hist. U. S._ (i. 76); Foster’s _Prehistoric Races_; _Studi biog.
e bibliog. soc. geog. ital._, 2d ed., 1882, p. 117; P. O. Moosmüller’s
_Europäer in Amerika vor Columbus,_ ch. 24; _Das Ausland_, Oct. 11,
Dec. 27, 1886; _Nature_, xxviii. p. 14.
Geo. E. Emery, Lynn, Mass., issued in 1877 a series of maps, making
Islandia to be Spitzbergen, with the East Bygd of the Northmen at its
southern end; Frisland, Iceland; and Estotiland, Newfoundland.
[730] Sabin, x., no. 42,675.
[731] There are editions with annotations by Robert Ingram, at
Colchester, Eng., 1792; and by Santiago Perez Junquera, at Madrid,
1881. Theoph. Spizelius’ _Elevatio relationis Montezinianæ de repertis
in America tribubus Israeliticis_ (Basle, 1661) is a criticism
(Leclerc, 547; Field, 1473). One Montesinos had professed to have found
a colony of Jews in Peru, and had satisfied Manasseh Ben Israel of his
truthfulness.
[732] Cf. collations in Stevens’s _Nuggets_, p. 728, and his _Hist.
Coll._, ii. no. 538; Brinley, iii. no. 5463; Field, no. 1551, who cites
a new edition in 1652, called _Digitus Dei: new discoveryes, with some
arguments to prove that the Jews (a nation) a people ... inhabit now in
America ... with the history of Ant: Montesinos attested by Mannasseh
Ben Israell_. A divine, John Dury, had urged Thorowgood to publish, and
had before this, in printing some of the accounts of the work of Eliot
and others among the New England Indians, announced his belief in the
theory.
[733] Cotton Mather (_Magnalia_, iii. part 2) tells how Eliot traced
the resemblances to the Jews in the New England Indians.
[734] 2d ed., 1727. Cf. Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, ii. p. 361;
Carter-Brown, iii. 401.
[735] _The History of the American Indians, particularly those Nations
adjoining to the Mississippi, East and West Florida, Georgia, South
and North Carolina, and Virginia: Containing an Account of their
Origin, Language, Manners, Religious and Civil Customs, Laws, Form of
Government, etc., etc., with an Appendix, containing a Description of
the Floridas, and the Missisipi Lands, with their productions_ (London,
1775). His arguments are given in Kingsborough’s Mex. Antiq., viii.
Bancroft (_Nat. Races_, v. 91) epitomizes them. Adair’s book appeared
in a German translation at Breslau (1782).
[736] _Observations on the language of the Muhhekaneew Indians, in
which ... some instances of analogy between that and the Hebrew are
pointed out_ (New Haven, 1788). Cf. on the contrary, Jarvis before the
N. Y. Hist. Soc. in 1819.
[737] _Essay upon the propagation of the Gospel, in which there are
facts to prove that many of the indians in America are descended from
the Ten Tribes_ (Philad., 1799; 2d ed., 1801).
[738] _A Star in the West, or an attempt to discover the long lost Ten
Tribes of Israel_ (Trenton, N. J., 1816).
[739] _View of the Hebrews, or the tribe of Israel in America_
(Poultney, Vt., 1825).
[740] _A view of the Amer. Indians, shewing them to be the descendants
of the Ten Tribes of Israel_ (Lond., 1828).
[741] _Discourse on the evidences of the Amer. Indians being the
descendants of the lost tribes of Israel_ (N. Y., 1837). It is
reprinted in Maryatt’s _Diary in America_, vol. ii.
[742] _Hist. of the Wyandotte Mission_ (Cincinnati, 1840); Thomson’s
_Ohio Bibliog._, 409.
[743] _Manners, &c. of the N. Amer. Indians_ (Lond., 1841). Cf.
_Smithsonian Rept._, 1885, ii. 532.
[744] Mainly in vol. vii.; but see vi. 232, etc. Cf. Short, 143, 460,
and Bancroft, _Nat. Races_ (v. 26), with an epitome of Kingsborough’s
arguments (v. 84). Mrs. Barbara Anne Simon in her _Hope of Israel_
(Lond., 1829) advocated the theory on biblical grounds; but later she
made the most of Kingsborough’s amassment of points in her _Ten Tribes
of Israel historically identified with the aborigines of the Western
Hemisphere_ (London, 1836).
[745] The recognition of the theory in the Mormon bible is well
known. Bancroft (v. 97) epitomizes its recital, following Bertrand’s
_Mémoires_. There is a repetition of the old arguments in a sermon,
_Increase of the Kingdom of Christ_ (N. Y., 1831), by the Indian
William Apes; and in _An Address_ by J. Madison Brown (Jackson, Miss.,
1860). Señor Melgar points out resemblances between the Maya and the
Hebrew in the _Bol. Soc. Méx. Geog._, iii. Even the Western mounds have
been made to yield Hebrew inscriptions (_Congrès des Amér._, Nancy, ii.
192).
Many of the general treatises on the origin of the Americans have set
forth the opposing arguments. Garcia did it fairly in his _Origen de
los Indios_ (1607; ed. by Barcia, 1729), and Bancroft (v. 78-84) has
condensed his treatment. Brasseur (_Hist. Nat. Civ._, i. 17) rejects
the theory of the ten tribes; but is not inclined to abandon a belief
in some scattered traces. Short (pp. 135, 144) epitomizes the claims.
Gaffarel covers them in his _Etude sur les rapports de l’Amérique_ (p.
87) with references, and these last are enlarged in Bancroft’s _Nat.
Races_, v. 95-97.
[746] Varnhagen’s _L’origine touranienne des Américains Tupis-Caraïbes
et des anciens Egyptiens, indiquée principalement par la philologie
comparée: traces d’une ancienne migration en Amérique, invasion du
Brésil par les Tupis_ (Vienne, 1876). Labat’s _Nouveau Voyage aux isles
de l’Amérique_ (Paris, 1722), vol. ii. ch. 23. Sieur de la Borde’s
_Relation de l’origine, mœurs, coutumes, etc. des Caraibes_ (Paris,
1764). Robertson’s America. James Kennedy’s _Probable origin of the
Amer. Indians, with particular reference to that of the Caribs_ (Lond.,
1854), or _Journal of the Ethnolog. Soc._ (vol. iv.). _London Geog.
Journal_, iii. 290.
[747] Cf. Peter Martyr, Torquemada, and later writers, like La Perouse,
McCulloh, Haven (p. 48), Gaffarel (_Rapport_, 204), J. Perez in _Rev.
Orientale et Amér._, viii., xii.; Bancroft, _Nat. Races_, iii. 458.
Brinton (_Address_, 1887) takes exception to all such views. Cf.
Quatrefages’ _Human Species_ (N. Y., 1879, pp. 200, 202).
[748] Cf. Beccari in _Kosmos_, Apr., 1879; De Candolle in _Géographie
botanique_ (1855).
[749] Santarem, _Hist. de la Cartog._, iii. 76, refers to maps of the
fourteenth century in copies of Ranulphus Hydgen’s _Polychronicon_, in
the British Museum and in the Advocates’ library at Edinburgh, which
show a land in the north, called in the one Wureland and in the other
Wyhlandia.
[750] _Mag. Am. Hist._, April, 1883, p. 290. Cf. Vol. II. p. 28. The
name used is “Grinlandia.”
[751] Mauro’s map was called by Ramusio, who saw it, an improved
copy of one brought from Cathay by Marco Polo. It is preserved in
the Biblioteca Marciana at Venice. It was made by Mauro under the
command of Don Alonso V., and Bianco assisted him. The exact date is
in dispute; but all agree to place it between 1457 and 1460. A copy
was made on vellum in 1804, which is now in the British Museum. Our
cut follows one corner of the reproduction in Santarem’s _Atlas_. A
photographic fac-simile has been issued in Venice by Ongania, and St.
Martin (_Atlas_, p. vii) follows this fac-simile. Ruge (_Geschichte
des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_) gives a modernized and more legible
reproduction. There are other drawings in Zurla’s _Fra Mauro_;
Vincent’s _Commerce and Navigation of the Ancients_ (1797, 1807);
Lelewel’s _Moyen Age_ (pl. xxxiii). Cf. _Studi della Soc. Geografia
Italia_ (1882), ii. 76, for references.
[752] Rafn gives a large map of Iceland with the names of a.d. 1000.
On the errors of early and late maps of Iceland see Baring-Gould’s
_Ultima Thule_, i. 253. On the varying application of the name Thule,
Thyle, etc., to the northern regions or to particular parts of them,
see R. F. Burton’s _Ultima Thule, a Summer in Iceland_ (London, 1875),
ch. 1. Bunbury (_Hist. Anc. Geog._, ii. 527) holds that the Thule of
Marinus of Tyre and of Ptolemy was the Shetlands. Cf. James Wallace’s
_Description of the Orkney islands_ (1693,—new ed., 1887, by John
Small) for an essay on “the Thule of the Ancients.”
[753] There are other reproductions of the map in full, in
Nordenskjöld’s _Vega_, i. 51; in his _Broderna Zenos_, and in his
_Studien_, p. 31. Cf. also the present _History_, II., p. 28, for
other bibliographical detail; Hassler, _Buchdruckergeschichte Ulm’s_;
D’Avezac’s _Waltzemüller_, 23; Wilberforce Eames’s _Bibliography
of Ptolemy_, separately, and in Sabin’s _Dictionary_; and Winsor’s
_Bibliog. of Ptolemy’s Geography_.
[754] Cf. D’Avezac in _Bull. de la Soc. de Géog._, xx. 417.
[755] See Vol. II. p. 41. There is another sketch in Nordenskjöld’s
_Studien_, etc., p. 33, which is reduced from a fac-simile given in
José de Lacerda’s _Exame dos Viagens do Doutor Livingstone_ (Lissabon,
1867). The present extract is from Santarem, pl. 50. Cf. O. Peschel in
_Ausland_, Feb. 13, 1857, and his posthumous _Abhandlungen_, i. 213.
[756] See references in Vol. II. p. 105.
[757] See Vol. II. p. 108.
[758] See _post_, Vol. IV. p. 35; and Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_, p.
174. Cf. Winsor’s _Bibliog. of Ptolemy_, sub anno 1511.
[759] He holds that the 1513 Ptolemy map was drawn in 1501-4, and was
engraved before Dec. 10, 1508.
[760] See Vol. II. p. 115.
[761] Winsor’s _Bibliog. of Ptolemy_, sub anno 1511.
[762] See Vol. II. p. 111. Winsor’s _Ptolemy_, sub anno 1513. Reisch,
in 1515, seems to have been of the same opinion. Cf. the bibliography
of Reisch’s _Margarita Philosophia_ in Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vol.
xvi., and separately, prepared by Wilberforce Eames. Reisch’s map is
given _post_, Vol. II. p. 114. Another sketch of this map, with an
examination of the question, where the name “Zoana Mela,” applied on it
to America, came from, is given by Frank Wieser in the _Zeitschrift für
Wissensch. Geographie_ (Carlsruhe), vol. v., a sight of which I owe to
the author, who believes Waldseemüller made the map.
[763] The map is given, _post_, Vol. II. 175. Cf. also Nordenskjöld,
_Studien_, p. 53.
[764] Cf. Winsor’s _Bibliog. of Ptolemy_, sub anno 1522.
[765] Winsor’s _Bibliog. of Ptolemy_, sub anno 1525. This map is no.
49, “Gronlandiæ et Russiæ.” Cf. Witsen’s _Noord en Oost Tartctrye_
(1705), vol. ii.
[766] Winsor’s _Kohl Collection_, no. 102.
[767] Given _post_, Vol. III. p. 17.
[768] Given _post_, Vol. III. p. 11.
[769] _Jahrb. des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden_ (1870), tab.
vii. A similar feature is in the map described by Peschel in the
_Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde in Leipzig_ (1871). It is also
to be seen in the Homem map of about 1540 (given in Vol. II. p. 446),
and in the map which Major assigns to Baptista Agnese, and which was
published in Paris in 1875 as a _Portulan de Charles Quint._ (Cf. Vol.
II. p. 445.)
[770] There is a fac-simile of Ziegler’s map in Vol. II. 434; also in
Goldsmid’s ed. of Hakluyt (Edinb., 1885), and in Nordenskjöld’s _Vega_,
i. 52.
[771] The map (1551) of Gemma Frisius in Apian is much the same.
[772] In the Basle ed. of the _Historia de Gentium_. Cf. Nordenskjöld’s
_Vega_, vol. i., who says that the map originally appeared in Magnus’s
_Auslegung und Verklarung der Neuen Mappen von den Alten Goettenreich_
(Venice, 1539); and is different from the map which appeared in the
intermediate edition of 1555 at Rome, a part of which is also annexed.
[773] The same is done in the Ptolemy of 1548 (Venice). There is a
fac-simile in Nordenskjöld’s _Studien_, p. 35.
[774] See Vol. IV. p. 84.
[775] We find it in the Nancy globe of about 1540 (see Vol. IV. p. 81);
in the Mercator gores of 1541 (Vol. II. p. 177); and in the Ruscelli
map of 1544 (Vol. II. p. 432), where Greenland (Grotlandia) is simply
a neck connecting Europe with America; and in Gastaldi “Carta Marina,”
in the Italian Ptolemy of 1548, where it is a protuberance on a
similar neck (see Vol. II. 435; IV. 43; and Nordenskjöld’s _Studien_,
43). The Rotz map of 1542 seems to be based on the same material used
by Mercator in his gores, but he adds a new confusion in calling
Greenland the “Cost of Labrador.” Cf. Winsor’s _Kohl Maps_, no. 104.
The “Grutlandia” of the Vopellio map of 1556 is also continuous with
Labrador (see Vol. II. 436; IV. 90).
[776] See Vol. IV. pp. 42, 82.
[777] In the edition of 1562, which repeated the map, the cartographer
Moletta (Moletius) testified that its geography had been confirmed “by
letters and marine charts sent to us from divers parts.”
[778] Winsor’s _Bibliog. of Ptolemy_, sub anno 1561.
[779] Lok’s map of 1582 calls it “Groetland,” the landfall of “Jac.
Scolvus,” the Pole. Cf. Vol. III. 40.
[780] For Mercator’s map, see Vol. II. 452; IV. 94, 373. Ortelius’
separate map of Scandia is much the same. It is the same with the map
of Phillipus Gallæus, dated 1574, but published at Antwerp in 1585 in
the _Theatri orbis terrarum Enchiridion_. Gilbert’s map in 1576 omits
the “Grocland” (Vol. III. 203). Both features, however, are preserved
in the Judæis of 1593 (Vol. IV. 97), in the Wytfliet of 1597 (Vol. II.
459), in Wolfe’s Linschoten in 1598 (Vol. III. 101), and in Quadus in
1600 (Vol. IV. 101). In the Zaltière map of 1566 (Vol. II. 451; IV.
93), in the Porcacchi map of 1572 (Vol. II. 96, 453; IV. 96), and in
that of Johannes Martines of 1578, the features are too indefinite for
recognition. Lelewel (i. pl. 7) gives a Spanish mappemonde of 1573.
[781] In fac-simile in Nordenskjöld’s _Vega_, i. 247.
[782] Vol. III p. 98.
[783] A paper by H. Rink in the _Geografisk Tidskrift_ (viii. 139)
entitled “Ostgrönländerne i deres Forhold till Vestgrönländerne og
de övrige Eskimostammer,” is accompanied by drafts of the map of G.
Tholacius, 1606, and of Th. Thorlacius, 1668-69,—the latter placing
East Bygd on the east coast near the south end. K. J. V. Steenstrup, on
Osterbygden in _Geog. Tidskrift_, viii. 123, gives facsimiles of maps
of Jovis Carolus in 1634; of Hendrick Doncker in 1669. Sketches of maps
by Johannes Meyer in 1652, and by Hendrick Doncker in 1666, are also
given in the _Geografisk Tidskrift_, viii. (1885), pl. 5.
[784] _Voyages des Pais Septentrionaux,_—a very popular book.
[785] _Chips from a German Workshop_, i. 327.
[786] _Archæological Tour_, p. 202.
[787] The earliest fixed date for the founding of Tenochtitlan (Mexico
city) is 1325. Brasseur tells us that Carlos de Sigüenza y Gongora made
the first chronological table of ancient Mexican dates, which was used
by Boturini, and was improved by Leon y Gama,—the same which Bustamante
has inserted in his edition of Gomara. Gallatin (_Amer. Ethnol. Soc.
Trans._, i.) gave a composite table of events by dates before the
Conquest, which is followed in Brantz Mayer’s _Mexico as it was_, i.
97. Ed. Madier de Montjau, in his _Chronologie hiéroglyphico-phonétique
des Rois Astéques de 1352 à 1522_, takes issue with Ramirez on some
points.
[788] Bancroft (v. 199) gives references to those writers who have
discussed this question of giants. Bandelier’s references are more
in detail (_Arch. Tour_, p. 201). Short (p. 233) borrows largely the
list in Bancroft. The enumeration includes nearly all the old writers.
Acosta finds confirmation in bones of incredible largeness, often found
in his day, and then supposed to be human. Modern zoölogists say they
were those of the Mastodon. Howarth, _Mammoth and the Flood_, 297.