SIR,--When I had the honor of addressing you this morning, intelligence
was handing about, which I did not think well enough authenticated to
communicate to you. As it is now ascertained, I avail myself of the chance
that another post may yet reach Havre before the departure of the packet.
This will depend on the wind, which has for some days been unfavorable.
I must premise, that this court, about ten days ago, declared, by their
chargé des affaires in Holland, that if the Prussian troops continued to
menace Holland with an invasion, his Majesty was determined, in quality
of ally, to succor that province. An _official_ letter from the Hague, of
the 18th instant, assures that the Prussian army entered the territory of
Holland on the 15th, that most of the principal towns had submitted, some
after firing a gun or two, others without resistance; that the Rhingrave
de Salm had evacuated Utretcht, with part of the troops under his command,
leaving behind him one hundred and forty-four pieces of cannon, with great
warlike stores; that the standard of Orange was hoisted everywhere; that
no other cockade could be worn at the Hague; that the States General were
to assemble that night for reinstating the Stadtholder in all his rights.
The letter concludes, "we have this moment intelligence that Woerden
has capitulated; so that Amsterdam remains without defence." So far the
letter. We know, otherwise, that Monsieur de St. Priest, who had set
out on his embassy to the Hague, has stopped at Antwerp, not choosing to
proceed further till new orders. This court has been completely deceived,
first by its own great desire to avoid a war, and secondly by calculating
that the King of Prussia would have acted on principles of common sense,
which would surely have dictated, that a power, lying between the jaws
of Russia and Austria, should not separate itself from France, unless,
indeed, he had assurances of dispositions in those two powers, which
are not supposed to exist. On the contrary, I am persuaded that they ask
the alliance of France, whom we suppose to be under hesitations between
her reluctance to abandon the Turks, her jealousy of increasing by their
spoils, the power of the two empires, and the inability to oppose them.
If they cannot obtain her alliance, they will surely join themselves to
England and Prussia.
Official advices are received, that the first division of the Russian
army has passed the Borysthenes into the Polish Ukraine, and is marching
towards the frontiers of Turkey. Thus, we may consider the flames of war
as completely kindled in two distinct parts of this quarter of the globe,
and that though France and England have not yet engaged themselves in it,
the probabilities are, that they will do it.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir,
your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. CARNES.
PARIS, September 22, 1787.
SIR,--I am honored by your favor of the 17th instant. A war between France
and England does not necessarily engage America in it; and I think she
will be disposed rather to avail herself of the advantages of a neutral
power. By the former usage of nations, the goods of a friend were safe,
though taken in an enemy bottom, and those of an enemy were lawful prize,
though found in a free bottom. But in our treaties with France, &c., we
have established the simpler rule, that a free bottom makes free goods,
and an enemy bottom, enemy goods. The same rule has been adopted by the
treaty of armed neutrality between Russia, Sweden, Denmark, Holland and
Portugal, and assented to by France and Spain. Contraband goods, however,
are always excepted, so that they may still be seized; but the same powers
have established that naval stores are not contraband; and this may be
considered now as the law of nations. Though England acquiesced under this
during the late war, rather than draw on herself the neutral powers, yet
she never acceded to the new principle, and her obstinacy on this point,
is what has prevented the late renewal of her treaty with Russia. On the
commencement of a new war, this principle will probably be insisted on by
the neutral powers, whom we may suppose to be Sweden, Denmark, Portugal,
America, and perhaps Spain. Quere; if England will again acquiesce.
Supposing these details might be useful to you, I have taken the liberty
of giving them, and of assuring you of the esteem with which I am, Sir,
your very humble servant.
TO M. LIMOZIN.
PARIS, September 22, 1787.
SIR,--I must trouble you with another letter to Mr. Jay, to be delivered
to Monsieur Bourgoin on board the packet, which I hope will not be sailed
before it gets to your hands, as the letter is of extreme importance. It
is to inform Congress that official advice is just received here that the
Prussian troops entered the territory of Holland on the 15th instant; that
most of the principal towns had submitted, that Utrecht was evacuated by
the Rhingrave de Salm, and Woerden capitulated, so that Amsterdam remained
without defence. M. de St. Priest had stopped at Antwerp and waited
further orders. We know also, that the first division of the Russian
army has passed the Borysthenes into the Polish Ukraine, and is marching
towards the frontiers of Turkey. War then is well kindled in those two
quarters. Monsieur Cabarus is arrived at Paris, but will not accept the
appointment offered him unless they will adopt his plans. On this there is
hesitation; so that it is not certain he will come in.
I have received your favor of the 20th, and shall make proper use of its
contents. Should the packet be sailed, I will pray you to send my letter
by the first of the vessels which you mention bound for Philadelphia. I
am, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, September 24, 1787.
SIR,--The times are now so critical, that every day brings something
new and important, not known the day before. Observing the wind still
unfavorable, I am in hopes the packet may not sail to-morrow, and that
this letter may be at Havre in time for that conveyance. Mr. Eden has
waited on Count Montmorin to inform him, officially, that England must
consider its convention with France, relative to the giving notice of its
naval armament, as at an end, and that they are arming generally. This
is considered here as a declaration of war. The Dutch ambassador told me
yesterday, that he supposed the Prussian troops probably in possession
of the Hague. I asked him if it would interrupt the course of business,
commercial or banking, in Amsterdam; and particularly, whether our depot
of money there was safe. He said, the people of Amsterdam would be surely
so wise as to submit, when they should see that they could not oppose the
Stadtholder; therefore he supposed our depot safe, and that there would be
no interruption of business. It is the hour of the departure of the post;
so I have only time to add assurances of the respect and esteem with which
I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, September 28, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I received your favor by Mr. Cutting, and thank you sincerely
for the copy of your book. The departure of a packet boat, which always
gives me full employment for sometime before, has only permitted me
to look into it a little. I judge of it from the first volume, which I
thought formed to do a great deal of good. The first principle of a good
government, is certainly, a distribution of its powers into executive,
judiciary and legislative, and a subdivision of the latter into two or
three branches. It is a good step gained, when it is proved that the
English constitution, acknowledged to be better than all which have
preceded it, is only better in proportion as it has approached nearer to
this distribution of powers. From this, the last step is easy, to show
by a comparison of our constitutions with that of England, how much more
perfect they are. The article of Confederations is certainly worthy of
your pen. It would form a most interesting addition, to show, what have
been the nature of the Confederations which have existed hitherto, what
were their excellences, and what their defects. A comparison of ours with
them would be to the advantage of ours, and would increase the veneration
of our countrymen for it. It is a misfortune that they do not sufficiently
know the value of their constitutions, and how much happier they are
rendered by them, than any other people on earth, by the governments under
which they live.
You know all that has happened in the United Netherlands. You know
also that our friends, Van Staphorsts, will be among the most likely to
become objects of severity, if any severities should be exercised. Is
the money in their hands entirely safe? If it is not, I am sure you have
already thought of it. Are we to suppose the game already up, and that
the Stadtholder is to be re-established, perhaps erected into a monarch,
without the country lifting a finger in opposition to it. If so, it is a
lesson the more for us. In fact, what a crowd of lessons do the present
miseries of Holland teach us? Never to have an hereditary officer of any
sort: never to let a citizen ally himself with kings: never to call in
foreign nations to settle domestic differences: never to suppose that
any nation will expose itself to war for us, &c. Still I am not without
hopes that a good rod is in soak for Prussia, and that England will feel
the end of it. It is known to some, that Russia made propositions to the
Emperor and France, for acting in concert; that the Emperor consents,
and has disposed four camps of one hundred and eighty thousand men, from
the limits of Turkey to those of Prussia. This court hesitates, or rather
its Premier hesitates; for the Queen, Montmorin and Breteuil, are for the
measure. Should it take place, all may yet come to rights, except for the
Turks, who must retire from Europe, and this they must do, were France
Quixotic enough to undertake to support them. We, I hope, shall be left
free to avail ourselves of the advantages of neutrality; and yet, much
I fear, the English, or rather their stupid King, will force us out of
it. For thus I reason. By forcing us into the war against them, they will
be engaged in an expensive land war, as well as a sea war. Common sense
dictates, therefore, that they should let us remain neuter: _ergo_ they
will not let us remain neuter. I never yet found any other general rule
for foretelling what they will do, but that of examining what they ought
not to do.
* * * * *
I have the honor to be, with my best respects to Mrs. Adams, and
sentiments of perfect esteem and regard to yourself, Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO COLONEL SMITH.
PARIS, September 28, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I have duly received your favor by Mr. Cutting. I had before
had a transient acquaintance with him, and knew him to be sensible. Your
recommendation is always a new merit. I really think, and had taken the
liberty some time ago of hinting to Congress, that they would do well
to have a diplomatic character at Lisbon. There is no country whose
commerce is more interesting to us. I wish Congress would correspond
to the wishes of that court, in sending a person there, and to mine,
in sending yourself. For I confess, I had rather see you there than at
London, because I doubt whether it be honorable for us to keep anybody
at London, unless they keep some person at New York. Of all nations on
earth, they require to be treated with the most hauteur. They require to
be kicked into common good manners. You ask, if you shall say anything
to Sullivan about the bill. No. Only that it is paid. I have within these
two or three days, received letters from him explaining the matter. It was
really for the skin and bones of the moose, as I had conjectured. It was
my fault, that I had not given him a rough idea of the expense I would
be willing to incur for them. He had made the acquisition an object of
a regular campaign, and that too of a winter one. The troops he employed
sallied forth, as he writes me, in the month of March--much snow--a herd
attacked--one killed--in the wilderness--a road to cut twenty miles--to be
drawn by hand from the frontiers to his house--bones to be cleaned, &c.,
&c., &c. In fine, he puts himself to an infinitude of trouble, more than
I meant: he did it cheerfully, and I feel myself really under obligations
to him. That the tragedy might not want a proper catastrophe, the box,
bones, and all, are lost, so that this chapter of Natural History will
still remain a blank. But I have written to him not to send me another.
I will leave it for my successor to fill up, whenever I shall make my bow
here. The purchase for Mrs. Adams shall be made, and sent by Mr. Cutting.
I shall always be happy to receive her commands. Petit shall be made
happy by her praises of his last purchase for her. I must refer you to Mr.
Adams for the news. Those respecting the Dutch you know as well as I. Nor
should they be written but with the pen of Jeremiah. Adieu mon ami! Yours
affectionately.
TO MONSIEUR LE COMTE DE BUFFON.
PARIS, October 3, 1787.
SIR,--I had the honor of informing you, some time ago, that I had written
to some of my friends in America, desiring they would send me such of the
spoils of the moose, caribou, elk and deer, as might throw light on that
class of animals; but more particularly, to send me the complete skeleton,
skin and horns of the moose, in such condition as that the skin might
be sewed up and stuffed, on its arrival here. I am happy to be able to
present to you at this moment, the bones and skin of a moose, the horns
of another individual of the same species, the horns of the caribou, the
elk, the deer, the spiked horned buck, and the roebuck of America. They
all come from New Hampshire and Massachusetts, and were received by me
yesterday. I give you their popular names, as it rests with yourself to
decide their real names. The skin of the moose was dressed with the hair
on, but a great deal of it has come off, and the rest is ready to drop
off. The horns of the elk are remarkably small. I have certainly seen some
of them which would have weighed five or six times as much. This is the
animal which we call elk in the southern parts of America, and of which I
have given some description in the Notes on Virginia, of which I had the
honor of presenting you a copy. I really doubt whether the flat-horned
elk exists in America; and I think this may be properly classed with
the elk, the principal difference being in the horns. I have seen the
daim, the cerf, the chevreuil of Europe. But the animal we call elk, and
which may be distinguished as the round-horned elk, is very different
from them. I have never seen the brand-hirtz or cerf d'Ardennes, nor the
European elk. Could I get a sight of them, I think I should be able to
say which of them the American elk resembles most, as I am tolerably well
acquainted with that animal. I must observe also, that the horns of the
deer, which accompany these spoils, are not of the fifth or sixth part
of the weight of some that I have seen. This individual has been of three
years of age, according to our method of judging. I have taken measures,
particularly, to be furnished with large horns of our elk and our deer,
and therefore beg of you not to consider those now sent, as furnishing
a specimen of their ordinary size. I really suspect you will find that
the moose, the round-horned elk, and the American deer, are species not
existing in Europe. The moose is, perhaps, of a new class. I wish these
spoils, Sir, may have the merit of adding anything new to the treasures
of nature, which have so fortunately come under your observation, and
of which she seems to have given you the key: they will in that case be
some gratification to you, which it will always be pleasing to me to have
procured; having the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect
esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. DUMAS.
PARIS, October 4, 1787.
SIR,--I received your favor of the 23d of September, two days ago. That of
the 28th and 29th, was put in my hands this morning. I immediately waited
on the ambassadors, ordinary and extraordinary, of the United Netherlands,
and also on the envoy of Prussia, and asked their good offices to have
an efficacious protection extended to your person, your family, and your
effects, observing that the United States know no party, but are the
friends and allies of the United Netherlands as a nation, and would expect
from their friendship, that the person who is charged with their affairs
until the arrival of a minister, should be covered from all insult and
injury which might be offered him by a lawless mob; well assured that
their minister residing with Congress, would, on all occasions, receive
the same. They have been so good as to promise me, each, that he will
in his first despatches press this matter on the proper power, and give
me reason to hope that it will be efficacious for your safety. I will
transmit your letter to Mr. Jay by the Count de Moustier, who sets out
within a week for New York, as Minister Plenipotentiary for France, in
that country. I sincerely sympathize in your sufferings, and wish that
what I have done may effect an end to them, being with much respect and
esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY PRESIDENT SULLIVAN.
PARIS, October 5, 1787.
SIR,--I have now before me your several favors of April the 16th, 26th,
and 30th, and of May the 9th and 29th, and received also a few days ago
the box containing the skin, bones, and horns of the moose, and other
animals, which your Excellency has been so kind as to take so much trouble
to obtain and forward. They were all in good enough condition, except
that a good deal of the hair of the moose had fallen off. However, there
remained still enough to give a good idea of the animal, and I am in hopes
Monsieur de Buffon will be able to have him stuffed, and placed on his
legs in the King's Cabinet. He was in the country when I sent the box to
the Cabinet, so that I have as yet no answer from him. I am persuaded he
will find the moose to be a different animal from any he had described
in his work. I am equally persuaded that our elk and deer are animals of
a different species from any existing in Europe. Unluckily, the horns of
them now received are remarkably small. However, I have taken measures to
procure some from Virginia. The moose is really a valuable acquisition;
but the skeletons of the other animals would not be worth the expense
they would occasion to me, and still less the trouble to you. Of this, you
have been already so kind as to take a great deal more than I intended to
have given you, and I beg you to accept my sincere thanks. Should a pair
of large horns of the elk or deer fall into your way by accident, I would
thank you to keep them till some vessel should be coming directly from
your nearest port to Havre. So also of very large horns of the moose, for
I understand they are sometimes enormously large indeed. But I would ask
these things only on condition they should occasion you no trouble, and me
little expense.
You will have known that war is commenced between the Turks and Russians,
and that the Prussian troops have entered Holland, and reinstated the
Stadtholder. It is said that even Amsterdam has capitulated. Yet it
is possible, and rather probable, this country will engage in a war to
restore the Patriots. If they do, it will be the most general one long
known in Europe. We, I hope, shall enjoy the blessings of a neutrality,
and probably see England once more humbled. I am, with great esteem and
respect, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, October 8, 1787.
SIR,--I had the honor of writing you on the 19th of September, twice on
the 22d, and again on the 24th. The two first went by the packet, the
third by a vessel bound to Philadelphia. I have not yet learned by what
occasion the last went. In these several letters, I communicated to you
the occurrences of Europe, as far as they were then known. Notwithstanding
the advantage which the Emperor seemed to have gained over his subjects
of Brabant, by the military arrangements he had been permitted to make
under false pretexts, he has not obtained his ends. He certainly wished
to enforce his new regulations; but he wished more to be cleared of all
domestic difficulties, that he might be free to act in the great scenes
which are preparing for the theatre of Europe. He seems, therefore to
have instructed his Governor General of the Netherlands to insist on
compliance as far as could be insisted, without producing resistance by
arms; but, at the same time, to have furnished him with a sufficiently
complete recantation, to prevent the effects of insurrection. The Governor
pressed; the people were firm; a small act of force was then attempted,
which produced a decided resistance, in which the people killed several
of the military: the last resource was then used, which was the act of
recantation; this produced immediate tranquillity, and everything there is
now finally settled, by the Emperor's relinquishment of his plans.
My letter of the evening of September the 22d, informed you that the
Prussian troops had entered Holland, and that of the 24th that England had
announced to this court that she was arming generally. These two events
being simultaneous, proved that the two sovereigns acted in concert.
Immediately after, the court of London announced to the other courts
of Europe, that if France entered Holland with armed force, she would
consider it as an act of hostility, and declare war against her; sending
Mr. Granville here at the same, to make what she called a conciliatory
proposition. This proposition was received as a new insult, Mr. Granville
very coolly treated, and he has now gone back. It is said, he has carried
the ultimatum of France. What it is, particularly, has not transpired; it
is only supposed, in general, to be very firm. You will see, in one of the
Leyden gazettes, one of the letters written by the ministers of England
to the courts of their respective residence, communicating the declaration
before mentioned. In the meantime, Holland has been sooner reduced by the
Prussian troops than could have been expected. The abandonment of Utrecht
by the Rhingrave of Salm, seems to have thrown the people under a general
panic, during which every place submitted, except Amsterdam. That had
opened conferences with the Duke of Brunswick; but as late as the second
instant, no capitulation was yet concluded. The King of Prussia, on his
first move, demanded categorically of the King of Poland, what part he
intended to act in the event of war. The latter answered, he should act as
events should dictate; and is, in consequence of this species of menace
from Prussia, arming himself. He can bring into the field almost seventy
thousand good cavalry. In the meantime, though nothing transpires publicly
of the confederation between France and the two empires, mentioned in my
letter of September the 19th, it is not the less sure that it is on the
carpet, and will take place. To the circumstances before mentioned may
be added, as further indications of war, the naming as Generalissimo of
their marine on the Atlantic, Monsieur de Suffrein, on the Mediterranean,
Monsieur Albert de Rioms, the recalling Monsieur de St. Priest, their
ambassador, from Antwerp, before he had reached the Hague, and the
activity of their armies by sea. On the other hand, the little movement by
land would make one suppose they expected to put the King of Prussia into
other hands. They, too, like the Emperor, are arranging matters at home.
The rigorous levy of the _deux vingtiemes_ is enregistered, the stamp act
and impost territorial are revoked, the parliament recalled, the nation
soothed by these acts, and inspired by the insults of the British court.
The part of the Council still leaning towards peace, are become unpopular,
and perhaps may feel the effects of it. No change in the administration
has taken place since my last, unless we may consider as such, Monsieur
Cabarrus's refusal to stand in the lines. Thinking he should be forced to
follow, too seriously, plans formed by others, he has declined serving.
Should this war take place, as is quite probable, and should it be as
general as it threatens to be, our neutrality must be attended with great
advantages. Whether of a nature to improve our morals or our happiness,
is another question. But is it sure, that Great Britain, by her searches,
her seizures, and other measures for harassing us, will permit us to
preserve our neutrality? I know it may be argued, that the land war which
she would superadd to her sea war, by provoking us to join her enemies,
should rationally hold her to her good behavior with us. But since the
accession of the present monarch, has it not been passion, and not reason
which, nine times out of ten, has dictated her measures? Has there been a
better rule of prognosticating what he would do, than to examine what he
ought not to do? When I review his dispositions, and review his conduct, I
have little hope of his permitting our neutrality. He will find subjects
of provocation in various articles of our treaty with France, which will
now come into view, in all their consequences, and in consequences very
advantageous to the one, and injurious to the other country. I suggest
these doubts, on a supposition that our magazines are not prepared for
war, and in the opinion that provisions for that event should be thought
of.
The enclosed letter from Mr. Dumas came to me open, though directed to
you. I immediately waited on the ambassadors, ordinary and extraordinary,
of Holland, and the envoy of Prussia, and prayed them to interest
themselves to have his person, his family and his goods protected. They
promised me readily to do it, and have written accordingly; I trust it
will be with effect. I could not avoid enclosing you the letter from
Monsieur Bouebé, though I have satisfied him he is to expect nothing from
Congress for his inventions. These are better certified than most of those
things are; but if time stamps their worth, time will give them to us.
He expects no further answer. The gazettes of Leyden and France to this
date accompany this, which will be delivered you by the Count de Moustier,
Plenipotentiary from this country.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PARIS, October 8, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--The bearer hereof, the Count de Moustier, successor to Monsieur
de La Luzerne, would, from his office, need no letter of introduction
to you or to anybody. Yet I take the liberty of recommending him to
you, to shorten those formal approaches, which the same office would
otherwise expose him to, in making your acquaintance. He is a great
enemy to formality, etiquette, ostentation and luxury. He goes with
the best dispositions to cultivate society, without poisoning it by ill
example. He is sensible, disposed to view things favorably, and being well
acquainted with the constitution of England, her manners and language, is
the better prepared for his station with us. But I should have performed
only the lesser, and least pleasing half of my task, were I not to add
my recommendations of Madame de Brehan. She is goodness itself. You must
be well acquainted with her. You will find her well disposed to meet
your acquaintance, and well worthy of it. The way to please her, is to
receive her as an acquaintance of a thousand years standing. She speaks
little English. You must teach her more, and learn French from her. She
hopes, by accompanying Monsieur de Moustier, to improve her health, which
is very feeble, and still more, to improve her son in his education,
and to remove him to a distance from the seductions of this country. You
will wonder to be told, that there are no schools in this country to be
compared to ours, in the sciences. The husband of Madame de Brehan is
an officer, and obliged by the times to remain with the army. Monsieur
de Moustier brings your watch. I have worn it two months, and really
find it a most incomparable one. It will not want the little re-dressing
which new watches generally do, after going about a year. It costs six
hundred livres. To open it in all its parts, press the little pin on the
edge, with the point of your nail; that opens the crystal; then open the
dial-plate in the usual way; then press the stem, at the end within the
loop, and it opens the back for winding up or regulating.
De Moustier is remarkably communicative. With adroitness he may be pumped
of anything. His openness is from character, not from affectation. An
intimacy with him may, on this account, be politically valuable. I am,
dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
(Private.) PARIS, October 8, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--The Count de Moustier, Minister Plenipotentiary from the Court
of Versailles to the United States, will have the honor of delivering
you this. The connection of your offices will necessarily connect you
in acquaintance; but I beg leave to present him to you, on account of
his personal as well as his public character. You will find him open,
communicative, candid, simple in his manners, and a declared enemy to
ostentation and luxury. He goes with a resolution to add no aliment to it
by his example, unless he finds that the dispositions of our countrymen
require it indispensably. Permit me, at the same time, to solicit your
friendly notice, and through you, that also of Mrs. Jay, to Madame la
Marquise de Brehan, sister-in-law to Monsieur de Moustier. She accompanies
him, in hopes that a change of climate may assist her feeble health, and
also, that she may procure a more valuable education for her son, and
safer from seduction, in America than in France. I think it impossible
to find a better woman, more amiable, more modest, more simple in her
manners, dress, and way of thinking. She will deserve the friendship of
Mrs. Jay, and the way to obtain hers, is to receive her and treat her
without the shadow of etiquette.
The Count d'Aranda leaves us in a day or two. He desired me to recall him
to your recollection, and to assure you of his friendship. In a letter
which I mean as a private one, I may venture details too minute for a
public one, yet not unamusing, or unsatisfactory. I may venture names,
too, without the danger of their getting into a newspaper. There has long
been a division in the Council here, on the question of war and peace.
Monsieur de Montmorin and Monsieur de Breteuil have been constantly for
war. They are supported in this by the Queen. The King goes for nothing.
He hunts one half the day, is drunk the other, and signs whatever he
is bid. The Archbishop of Thoulouse desires peace. Though brought in
by the Queen, he is opposed to her in this capital object, which would
produce an alliance with her brother. Whether the Archbishop will yield
or not, I know not. But an intrigue is already begun for ousting him
from his place, and it is rather probable it will succeed. He is a good
and patriotic minister for peace, and very capable in the department
of finance. At least, he is so in theory. I have heard his talents for
execution censured. Can I be useful here to Mrs. Jay or yourself, in
executing any commissions, great or small? I offer you my services with
great cordiality. You know whether any of the wines in this country may
attract your wishes. In my tour, last spring, I visited the best vineyards
of Burgundy, Cote-rotie, Hermitage, Lunelle, Frontignan, and white and red
Bordeaux, got acquainted with the proprietors, and can procure for you the
best crops from the vigneron himself. Mrs. Jay knows if there is anything
else here, in which I could be useful to her. Command me without ceremony,
as it will give me real pleasure to serve you, and be assured of the
sincere attachment and friendship, with which I am, dear Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MONSIEUR LE COMTE DE MOUSTIER.
PARIS, October 9, 1787.
Mr. Jefferson has the honor of presenting his respects to Monsieur le
Comte de Moustier, and of taking leave of him by letter, which he is
prevented doing in person, by an unexpected visit to Versailles to-day.
He will hope to have the pleasure of sometimes hearing from him, and
will take the liberty occasionally, of troubling him with a letter. He
considers the Count de Moustier as forming, with himself, the two end
links of that chain which holds the two nations together, and is happy
to have observed in him dispositions to strengthen rather than to weaken
it. It is a station of importance, as on the cherishing good dispositions
and quieting bad ones, will depend, in some degree, the happiness and
prosperity of the two countries. The Count de Moustier will find the
affections of the Americans with France, but their habits with England.
Chained to that country by circumstances, embracing what they loathe, they
realize the fable of the living and the dead bound together. Mr. Jefferson
troubles the Count de Moustier with two letters, to gentlemen whom he
wishes to recommend to his particular acquaintance, and to that of Madame
de Brehan. He bids Monsieur de Moustier a most friendly adieu, and wishes
him everything which may render agreeable his passage across the water,
and his residence beyond it.
TO MADAME DE BREHAN.
PARIS, October 9, 1787.
Persuaded, Madam, that visits at this moment must be troublesome, I beg
you to accept my adieus in this form. Be assured, that no one mingles
with them more regret at separating from you. I will ask your permission
to enquire of you by letter sometimes, how our country agrees with your
health and your expectations, and will hope to hear it from yourself. The
imitation of European manners, which you will find in our towns, will, I
fear, be little pleasing. I beseech you to practice still your own, which
will furnish them a model of what is perfect. Should you be singular, it
will be by excellence, and after awhile you will see the effect of your
example.
Heaven bless you, Madam, and guard you under all circumstances; give you
smooth waters, gentle breezes, and clear skies, hushing all its elements
into peace, and leading with its own hand the favored bark, till it shall
have safely landed its precious charge on the shores of our new world.
TO M. LIMOZIN.
PARIS, October 9, 1787.
SIR,--I have duly received your favor with my account balance 160_l._
7_s._, which shall be paid to your order. I observe it is supposed with
you that the differences between the courts of London and St. Cloud are
nearly settled. But be assured on the contrary, that no accommodation is
expected, and that war is as certain as it can be, without being actually
commenced or declared. There remains indeed, a possibility of preventing
it, but it is very feeble. This court would be disposed to do it, but they
believe that of London decided on war. We cannot foresee the moment it
will commence, but it is not distant, according to present appearances. M.
de Suffrein is appointed to command on the Ocean, and M. Albert de Rion on
the Mediterranean.
I have the honor to be, with much respect, Sir, your most obedient humble
servant.
TO MR. DUMAS.
PARIS, October 14, 1787.
SIR,--I have duly received your favors of October the 23d and 26th. With
respect to the mission you suggest in the former, no powers are lodged in
the hands of Mr. Adams and myself. Congress commissioned Mr. Adams, Dr.
Franklin and myself, to treat with the Emperor on the subject of amity
and commerce; at the same time, they gave us the commission to Prussia,
with which you are acquainted. We proposed treating through the imperial
ambassador here. It was declined on their part, and our powers expired,
having been given but for two years. Afterwards, the same ambassador here
was instructed to offer to treat with us. I informed him our powers were
expired, but that I would write to Congress on the subject. I did so, but
have never yet received an answer. Whether this proceeds from a change
of opinion in them, or from the multiplicity of their occupations, I am
unable to say; but this state of facts will enable you to see that we
have no powers in this instance, to take the measures you had thought of.
I sincerely sympathise with you in your sufferings. Though forbidden by
my character, to meddle in the internal affairs of an allied State, it is
the wish of my heart that their troubles may have such an issue, as will
secure the greatest degree of happiness to the body of the people; for it
is with the mass of the nation we are allied, and not merely with their
governors. To inform the minds of the people, and to follow their will,
is the chief duty of those placed at their head. What party in your late
struggles was most likely to do this, you are more competent to judge than
I am. Under every event, that you may be safe and happy, is the sincere
wish of him, who has the honor to be, with sentiments of great esteem,
Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MADAME DE CORNY.
PARIS, October 18, 1787.
I now have the honor, Madam, to send you the Memoire of M. de Calonnes.
Do not injure yourself by hurrying its perusal. Only, when you shall
have read it at your ease, be so good as to send it back, that it may
be returned to the Duke of Dorset. You will read it with pleasure. It
has carried comfort to my heart, because it must do the same to the
King and the nation. Though it does not prove M. de Calonnes to be more
innocent than his predecessors, it shows him not to have been that
exaggerated scoundrel, which the calculations and the clamors of the
public have supposed. It shows that the public treasures have not been so
inconceivably squandered, as the parliaments of Grenoble, Thoulouse, &c.,
had affirmed. In fine, it shows him less wicked, and France less badly
governed, than I had feared. In examining my little collection of books,
to see what it could furnish you on the subject of Poland, I find a small
piece which may serve as a supplement to the history I had sent you. It
contains a mixture of history and politics, which I think you will like.
How do you do this morning? I have feared you exerted and exposed yourself
too much yesterday. I ask you the question, though I shall not await its
answer. The sky is clearing, and I shall away to my hermitage. God bless
you, my dear Madam, now and always. Adieu.
TO THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN.
PARIS, October 23, 1787.
SIR,--I take the liberty of troubling your Excellency on the subject of
the _Arret_ which has lately appeared, for prohibiting the importation
of whale oils and spermaceti, the produce of foreign fisheries. This
prohibition being expressed in general terms, seems to exclude the whale
oils of the United States of America, as well as of the nations of Europe.
The uniform disposition, however, which his Majesty and his ministers have
shown to promote the commerce between France and the United States, by
encouraging our productions to come hither, and particularly those of our
fisheries, induces me to hope, that these were not within their view, at
the passing of this _Arret_. I am led the more into this opinion, when I
recollect the assiduity exercised for several months, in the year 1785,
by the committee appointed by government to investigate the objects of
commerce of the two countries, and to report the encouragements of which
it was susceptible; the result of that investigation, which his Majesty's
Comptroller General did me the honor to communicate, in a letter of the
22d of October, 1786, stating therein the principles which should be
established for the future regulations of that commerce, and particularly
distinguishing the articles of whale oils by an abatement of the duties
on them for the present, and a promise of further abatement after the year
1790; the thorough re-investigation with which Monsieur de Lambert honored
this subject, when the letter of 1786 was to be put into the form of an
_Arret_; that _Arret_ itself, bearing date the 29th of December last,
which ultimately confirmed the abatements of duty present and future,
and declared that his Majesty reserved to himself to grant other favors
to that production, if on further information, he should find it for the
interest of the two nations; and finally, the letter in which Monsieur
de Lambert did me the honor to enclose the _Arret_, and to assure me,
that the duties which had been levied on our whale oils, contrary to
the intention of the letter of 1786, should be restored. On a review,
then, of all these circumstances, I cannot but presume, that it has not
been intended to reverse, in a moment, views so maturely digested, and
uniformly pursued; and that the general expressions of the _Arret_ of
September the 28th had within their contemplation the nations of Europe
only. This presumption is further strengthened by having observed, that
in the treaties of commerce, made since the epoch of our independence,
the _jura gentis amicissimæ_ conceded to other nations, are expressly
restrained to those of the "most favored _European_ nation;" his Majesty
wisely foreseeing, that it would be expedient to regulate the commerce of
a nation, which brings nothing but raw materials to employ the industry
of his subjects, very differently from that of the European nations,
who bring mostly what has already passed through all the stages of
manufacture.
On these circumstances, I take the liberty of asking information from
your Excellency, as to the extent of the late _Arret_; and if I have
not been mistaken in supposing it did not mean to abridge that of
December the 29th, I would solicit an explanatory _Arret_, to prevent the
misconstructions of it, which will otherwise take place. It is much to be
desired, too, that this explanation could be given as soon as possible, in
order that it may be handed out with the _Arret_ of September the 28th.
Great alarm may otherwise spread among the merchants and adventurers
in the fisheries, who, confiding in the stability of regulations, which
his Majesty's wisdom had so long and well matured, have embarked their
fortunes in speculations in this branch of business.
The importance of the subject to one of the principal members of our
Union induces me to attend with great anxiety, the re-assurance from your
Excellency, that no change has taken place in his Majesty's views on this
subject; and that his dispositions to multiply, rather than diminish the
combinations of interest between the two people, continue unaltered.
Commerce is slow in changing its channel. That between this country
and the United States, is as yet but beginning; and this beginning has
received some checks. The _Arret_ in question would be a considerable one,
without the explanation I have the honor to ask. I am persuaded, that
a continuation of the dispositions which have been hitherto manifested
towards us, will insure effects, political and commercial, of value to
both nations.
I have had too many proofs of the friendly interest your Excellency
is pleased to take, in whatever may strengthen the bands and connect
the views of the two countries, to doubt your patronage of the present
application; or to pretermit any occasion of repeating assurances of those
sentiments of high respect and esteem with which I have the honor to be,
your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MONSIEUR L'ABBE DE MORELLET.
PARIS, Oct. 24, 1787.
SIR,--I wish it were in my power to announce to the Count de Cambrai that
the Treasury Board of the United States had enabled their banker here
to answer the demands of the foreign officers. But it is not. As soon as
I knew that there was a deficiency of money to pay the interest of this
demand, I informed the Treasury Board of it. They answered me they would
supply the necessary fund as soon as it should be in their power; and I
am persuaded they have not failed in inclination to do it. Of this I had
the honor to notify the Count de Cambrai the last year. It is not unknown
to you that the part of our new machine of government which works the
worst, is that which respects the raising money; and it is that which
has occasioned the late attempts to amend our confederation. Foreseeing
that our Treasury Board might not be able to remit money from America, I
suggested to Congress the expediency of borrowing money in Holland to pay
off the foreign officers. And in the month of July last, being assured
they could command the money in Holland, I pressed a more particular
proposition to this purpose. As I do not foresee any possible objection
to the proposition I made them, I think myself sure of their acceding to
it, and that I may receive news of it in the month of December. I may
be disappointed as to the time of receiving their answer, because the
course of their business is slow; but I do not apprehend it will be much
retarded, and still less that they will refuse it altogether. The moment
I receive an answer, the Count de Cambrai may be assured it shall be
communicated to him. In doing this I shall gratify not only my personal
friendship for him, but also those sentiments of particular esteem
and attachment with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE HONORABLE J. JAY.
PARIS, Oct. 27, 1787.
SIR,--When I had the honor of addressing you on the 8th instant, the
appearances of war were such, that no one would have been surprised to
hear that hostilities were actually commenced at sea. The preparations
were pushed with such vivacity on the part of England, that it was
believed she had other objects in view than those she spoke out. However,
having protected by her countenance the establishment of the Stadtholder
by the Prussian troops, and completely detached the Court of Berlin from
that of Versailles, she made a proposition to the latter to disarm, which
was agreed to. Mutual declarations for this purpose were signed last night
at Versailles, of which I have now the honor to enclose you copies.
Commissaries are to be appointed on each side to see that the disarming
takes place. The Count de Moustier having been detained at Brest a
fortnight by contrary wind, and this continuing obstinately in the same
point, admits a possibility that this letter may yet reach Brest before
his departure. It passes through the post office and will be opened and
read of course. I shall have the honor of addressing you more fully a week
hence by a private hand. I have now that of assuring you of the sincerity
of that esteem and respect with which I have honor to be, Sir, your most
obedient and most humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, November 3, 1787.
SIR,--My last letters to you were of the 8th and 27th of October. In the
former, I mentioned to you the declaration of this country, that they
would interpose with force, if the Prussian troops entered Holland; the
entry of those troops into Holland; the declaration of England, that if
France did oppose force, they would consider it as an act of war; the
naval armaments on both sides; the nomination of the Bailli de Suffrein
as Generalissimo on the ocean; and the cold reception of Mr. Granville
here, with his conciliatory propositions, as so many symptoms which seemed
to indicate a certain and immediate rupture. It was indeed universally
and hourly expected. But the King of Prussia, a little before these last
events, got wind of the alliance on the carpet between France and the two
empires; he awaked to the situation in which that would place him; he made
some applications to the court of St. Petersburg, to divert the Empress
from the proposed alliance, and supplicated the court of London not to
abandon him. That court had also received a hint of the same project;
both seemed to suspect, for the first time, that it would be possible for
France to abandon the Turks, and that they were likely to get more than
they had played for at Constantinople; for they had meant nothing more
there, than to divert the Empress and Emperor from the affairs of the
west, by employing them in the east, and at the same time, to embroil them
with France as the patroness of the Turks. The court of London engaged not
to abandon Prussia: but both of them relaxed a little the tone of their
proceedings. The King of Prussia sent a Mr. Alvensleben here expressly
to explain and soothe: the King of England, notwithstanding the cold
reception of his propositions by Grenville, renewed conferences here
through Eden and the Duke of Dorset. The minister, in the affection of
his heart for peace, readily joined in conference, and a declaration and
counter-declaration were cooked up at Versailles, and sent to London for
approbation. They were approved, arrived here at one o'clock the 27th,
were signed that night at Versailles, and on the next day, I had the honor
of enclosing them to you, under cover to the Count de Moustier, whom
I supposed still at Brest, dating my letter as of the 27th, by mistake
for the 28th. Lest, however, these papers should not have got to Brest
before the departure of the Count de Moustier, I now enclose you other
copies. The English declaration states a notification of this court, in
September, by Barthelemy, their minister at London, "that they would send
succours into Holland," as the first cause of England's arming; desires
an explanation of the intentions of this court, as to the affairs of
Holland, and proposes to disarm; on condition, however, that the King of
France shall not retain any hostile views in any quarter, for what has
been done in Holland. This last phrase was to secure Prussia, according to
promise. The King of France acknowledges the notification by his minister
at London, promises he will do nothing in consequence of it, declares he
has no intention to intermeddle with force in the affairs of Holland, and
that he will entertain hostile views in no quarter, for what has been done
there. He disavows having ever had any intention to interpose with force
in the affairs of that republic. This disavowal begins the sentence, which
acknowledges he had notified the contrary to the court of London, and it
includes no apology to soothe the feelings which may be excited in the
breasts of the Patriots of Holland, at hearing the King declare he never
did intend to aid them with force, when promises to do this were the basis
of those very attempts to better their constitution, which have ended in
its ruin, as well as their own.
I have analyzed these declarations, because, being somewhat wrapped up in
their expressions, their full import might escape, on a transient reading;
and it is necessary it should not escape. It conveys to us the important
lesson, that no circumstances of morality, honor, interest, or engagement,
are sufficient to authorize a secure reliance on any nation, at all times,
and in all positions. A moment of difficulty, or a moment of error, may
render forever useless the most friendly dispositions in the King, in
the major part of his ministers, and the whole of his nation. The present
pacification is considered by most as only a short truce. They calculate
on the spirit of the nation, and not on the agued hand which guides its
movements. It is certain, that from this moment the whole system of Europe
changes. Instead of counting together England, Austria, and Russia, as
heretofore, against France, Spain, Holland, Prussia, and Turkey, the
division will probably be, England, Holland, and Prussia, against France,
Austria, Russia, and perhaps Spain. This last power is not sure, because
the dispositions of its heir apparent are not sure. But whether the
present be truce or peace, it will allow time to mature the conditions of
the alliance between France and the two empires, always supposed to be on
the carpet. It is thought to be obstructed by the avidity of the Emperor,
who would swallow a good part of Turkey, Silesia, Bavaria, and the rights
of the Germanic body. To the two or three first articles, France might
consent, receiving in gratification a well-rounded portion of the Austrian
Netherlands, with the islands of Candia, Cyprus, Rhodes, and perhaps lower
Egypt. But all this is in embryo, uncertainly known, and counterworked by
the machinations of the courts of London and Berlin.
The following solution of the British armaments is supposed in a letter of
the 25th ultimo, from Colonel Blachden of Connecticut, now at Dunkirk, to
the Marquis de La Fayette. I will cite it in his own words:--"A gentleman
who left London two days ago, and came to this place to-day, informs me
that it is now generally supposed that Mr. Pitt's great secret, which
has puzzled the whole nation so long, and to accomplish which design the
whole force of the nation is armed, is to make a vigorous effort for
the recovery of America. When I recollect the delay they have made in
delivering the forts in America, and that little more than a year ago, one
of the British ministry wrote to the King a letter, in which were these
remarkable words, 'if your Majesty pleases, America may yet be yours;' add
to this, if it were possible for the present ministry in England to effect
such a matter, they would secure their places and their power for a long
time, and should they fail in the end, they would be certain of holding
them during the attempt, which it is in their power to prolong as much
as they please, and, at all events, they would boast of having endeavored
the recovery of what a former ministry had abandoned--it is possible." A
similar surmise has come in a letter from a person in Rotterdam to one at
this place. I am satisfied that the King of England believes the mass of
our people to be tired of their independence, and desirous of returning
under his government; and that the same opinion prevails in the ministry
and nation. They have hired their newswriters to repeat this lie in their
gazettes so long, that they have become the dupes of it themselves. But
there is no occasion to recur to this, in order to account for their
arming. A more rational purpose avowed, that purpose executed, and when
executed, a solemn agreement to disarm, seem to leave no doubt that the
re-establishment of the Stadtholder was their object. Yet it is possible,
that having found that this court will not make war in this moment for any
ally, new views may arise, and they may think the moment favorable for
executing any purposes they may have, in our quarter. Add to this, that
reason is of no aid in calculating their movements. We are, therefore,
never safe till our magazines are filled with arms. The present season
of truce or peace, should, in my opinion, be improved without a moment's
respite, to effect this essential object, and no means be omitted, by
which money may be obtained for the purpose. I say this, however, with
due deference to the opinion of Congress, who are better judges of the
necessity and practicability of the measure.
I mentioned to you, in a former letter, the application I had made to the
Dutch ambassadors and Prussian envoy, for the protection of Mr. Dumas.
The latter soon after received an assurance, that he was put under the
protection of the States of Holland; and the Dutch ambassador called on
me a few days ago, to inform me, by instruction from his constituents,
"that the States General had received a written application from Mr.
Adams, praying their protection of Dumas; that they had instructed their
_greffier_, Fagel, to assure Mr. Adams, by letter, that he was under
the protection of the States of Holland; but to inform him, at the same
time, that Mr. Dumas' conduct, out of the line of his office, had been so
extraordinary, that they would expect de l'honnêteté de Mr. Adams, that
he would charge some other person with the affairs of the United States,
during his absence."
Your letter of September the 8th, has been duly received. I shall pay
due attention to the instructions relative to the medals, and give any
aid I can in the case of Boss' vessel. As yet, however, my endeavors to
find Monsieur Pauly, _avocat au conseil d'etat_, _rue Coquilliere_, have
been ineffectual. There is no such person living in that street. I found
a Monsieur Pauly, _avocat au parlement_, in another part of the town; he
opened the letter, but said it could not mean him. I shall advertise in
the public papers. If that fails, there will be no other chance of finding
him. Mr. Warnum will do well, therefore, to send some other description by
which the person may be found. Indeed, some friend of the party interested
should be engaged to follow up this business, as it will require constant
attention, and probably a much larger sum of money than that named in the
bill enclosed in Mr. Warnum's letter.
I have the honor to enclose you a letter from O'Bryan to me, containing
information from Algiers, and one from Mr. Montgomery, at Alicant. The
purpose of sending you this last, is to show you how much the difficulties
of ransom are increased since the Spanish negotiations. The Russian
captives have cost about eight thousand livres apiece, on an average. I
certainly have no idea that we should give any such sum; and, therefore,
if it should be the sense of Congress to give such a price, I would be
glad to know it by instruction. My idea is, that we should not ransom, but
on the footing of the nation which pays least, that it may be as little
worth their while to go in pursuit of us, as any nation. This is cruelty
to the individuals now in captivity, but kindness to the hundreds that
would soon be so, were we to make it worth the while of those pirates
to go out of the Straits in quest of us. As soon as money is provided,
I shall put this business into train. I have taken measures to damp at
Algiers all expectations of our proposing to ransom, at any price. I feel
the distress which this must occasion to our countrymen there, and their
connections; but the object of it is their ultimate good, by bringing down
their holders to such a price as we ought to pay, instead of letting them
remain in such expectations as cannot be gratified. The gazettes of France
and Leyden accompany this.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
[_The annexed are translations of the declaration and counter-
declaration, referred to in the preceding letter._]
DECLARATION.
The events which have taken place in the republic of the United provinces,
appearing no longer to leave any subject of discussion, and still less of
dispute, between the two courts, the undersigned are authorized to ask,
if it be the intention of his most Christian Majesty to act in pursuance
of the notification given, on the 16th of last month, by the Minister
Plenipotentiary of his most Christian Majesty, which, announcing his
purpose of aiding Holland, has occasioned maritime armaments on the part
of his Majesty, which armaments have become reciprocal.
If the court of Versailles is disposed to explain itself on this subject,
and on the conduct adopted towards the republic, in a manner conformably
to the desire evinced by each party, to preserve a good understanding
between the two courts, it being also understood, at the same time, that
no hostile view is entertained in any quarter, in consequence of the past;
his Majesty, always eager to manifest his concurrence in the friendly
sentiments of his most Christian Majesty, agrees forthwith that the
armaments, and, in general, all preparations for war, shall be mutually
discontinued, and that the marines of the two nations shall be placed
on the footing of a peace establishment, such as existed on the first of
January of the present year.
Signed.{DORSET.
{WM. EDEN.
At Versailles, the 27th of October, 1887.
COUNTER-DECLARATION.
It neither being, nor ever having been, the intention of his Majesty to
interpose by force in the affairs of the republic of the United provinces,
the communication made to the court of London by M. Barthelemy, having had
no other object than to announce to that court an intention, the motives
of which no longer exist, _especially since the King of Prussia has made
known his resolution_, his Majesty makes no difficulty in declaring, that
he has no wish to act in pursuance of the communication aforesaid, and
that he entertains no hostile view in any quarter, relative to what has
passed in Holland.
Consequently, his Majesty, desiring to concur in the sentiments of his
Britannic Majesty, for the preservation of a good understanding between
the two courts, consents with pleasure to the proposition of his Britannic
Majesty, that the armaments, and, in general, all preparations for war,
shall be mutually discontinued, and that the marines of the two nations
shall be replaced upon the footing of the peace establishment, as it
existed on the first day of January of the present year.
Signed. MONTMORIN.
At Versailles, the 27th of October, 1787.
TO JOHN JAY.
(Private.) PARIS, November 3, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I shall take the liberty of confiding sometimes to a private
letter such details of the small history of the court or cabinet, as may
be worthy of being known, and yet not proper to be publicly communicated.
I doubt whether the administration is yet in a permanent form. The
Count de Montmorin and Baron de Breteuil are, I believe, firm enough in
their places. It was doubted whether they would wait for the Count de La
Luzerne, if the war had taken place; but at present, I suppose they will.
I wish it also, because M. de Hector, his only competitor, has on some
occasions shown little value for the connection with us. Lambert, the
Comptroller General, is thought to be very insecure. I should be sorry
also to lose him. I have worked several days with him, the Marquis de
La Fayette, and Monsieur du Pont, (father of the young gentleman gone to
America with the Count de Moustier) to reduce into one _Arret_, whatever
concerned our commerce. I have found him a man of great judgment and
application, possessing good general principles on subjects of commerce,
and friendly dispositions towards us. He passed the _Arret_ in a very
favorable form, but it has been opposed in the Council, and will, I fear,
suffer some alteration in the article of whale oil. That of tobacco,
which was put into a separate instrument, experiences difficulties also,
which do not come from him. M. du Pont has rendered us essential service
on these occasions. I wish his son could be so well noticed, as to make
a favorable report to his father; he would, I think, be gratified by it,
and his good dispositions be strengthened, and rendered further useful to
us. Whether I shall be able to send you these regulations by the present
packet, will depend on their getting through the Council in time. The
Archbishop continues well with his patroness. Her object is, a close
connection with her brother. I suppose he convinces her, that peace will
furnish the best occasion of cementing that connection.
It may not be uninstructive, to give you the origin and nature of
his influence with the Queen. When the Duke de Choiseul proposed the
marriage of the Dauphin with this lady, he thought it proper to send a
person to Vienna, to perfect her in the language. He asked his friend,
the Archbishop of Thoulouse, to recommend to him a proper person. He
recommended a certain Abbé. The Abbé, from his first arrival at Vienna,
either tutored by his patron, or prompted by gratitude, impressed on
the Queen's mind, the exalted talents and merit of the Archbishop, and
continually represented him as the only man fit to be placed at the helm
of affairs. On his return to Paris, being retained near the person of
the Queen, he kept him constantly in her view. The Archbishop was named
of the Assembly des Notables, had occasion enough there to prove his
talents, and Count de Vergennes, his great enemy, dying opportunely, the
Queen got him into place. He uses the Abbé even yet, for instilling all
his notions into her mind. That he has imposing talents and patriotic
dispositions, I think is certain. Good judges think him a theorist only,
little acquainted with the details of business, and spoiling all his
plans by a bungled execution. He may perhaps undergo a severe trial. His
best actions are exciting against him a host of enemies, particularly
the reduction of the pensions, and reforms in other branches of economy.
Some think the other ministers are willing he should stay in, till he has
effected this odious, yet necessary work, and that they will then make him
the scape-goat of the transaction. The declarations too, which I send you
in my public letter, if they should become public, will probably raise an
universal cry. It will all fall on him, because Montmorin and Breteuil
say, without reserve, that the sacrifice of the Dutch has been against
their advice. He will, perhaps, not permit these declarations to appear
in this country. They are absolutely unknown; they were communicated to
me by the Duke of Dorset, and I believe no other copy has been given here.
They will be published doubtless in England, as a proof of their triumph,
and may thence make their way into this country. If the Premier can stem
a few months, he may remain long in office, and will never make war if he
can help it. If he should be removed, the peace will probably be short.
He is solely chargeable with the loss of Holland. True, they could not
have raised money by taxes, to supply the necessities of war; but could
they do it were their finances ever so well arranged? No nation makes war
now-a-days, but by the aid of loans; and it is probable, that in a war
for the liberties of Holland, all the treasures of that country would have
been at their service. They have now lost the cow which furnishes the milk
of war. She will be on the side of their enemies, whenever a rupture shall
take place; and no arrangement of their finances can countervail this
circumstance.
I have no doubt, you permit access to the letters of your foreign
ministers, by persons only of the most perfect trust. It is in the
European system, to bribe the clerks high, in order to obtain copies of
interesting papers. I am sure you are equally attentive to the conveyance
of your letters to us, as you know that all are opened that pass through
any post-office of Europe. Your letters which come by the packet, if put
into the mail at New York, or into the post-office at Havre, wear proofs
that they have been opened. The passenger to whom they are confided,
should be cautioned always to keep them in his own hands, till he can
deliver them personally in Paris.
I have the honor to be, with very sincere esteem and respect, dear Sir,
your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN.
PARIS, November 6, 1787.
SIR,--I take the liberty of asking your Excellency's perusal of the
enclosed case of an American hostage, confined in the prisons of Dunkirk.
His continuance there seems to be useless, and yet endless. Not knowing
how far the government can interfere for his relief, as it is a case
wherein private property is concerned, I do not presume to ask his
liberation absolutely; but I will solicit from your Excellency such
measures in his behalf, as the laws and usages of the country may permit.
The Comptroller General having been so good as to explain to me in a
conversation that he wished to know what duties were levied in England on
American whale oil, I have had the honor of informing him by letter, that
the ancient duties on that article are seventeen pounds, six shillings and
six pence, sterling, the ton, and that some late additional duties make
them amount to about eighteen pounds sterling. That the common whale oil
sells there but for about twenty pounds sterling, the ton, and of course
the duty amounts to a prohibition. This duty was originally laid on all
foreign fish oil, with a view to favor the British and American fisheries.
When we became independent, and, of course, foreign to great Britain,
we became subject to the foreign duty. No duty, therefore, which France
may think proper to lay on this article, can drive it to the English
market. It could only oblige the inhabitants of Nantucket to abandon
their fishery. But the poverty of their soil offering them no other
resource, they must quit their country, and either establish themselves
in Nova Scotia, where, as British fishermen, they may participate of the
British premium, in addition to the ordinary price of their whale oil,
or they must accept the conditions which this government offers, for the
establishment they have proposed at Dunkirk. Your Excellency will judge,
what conditions may counterbalance, in their minds, the circumstances of
the vicinity of Nova Scotia, sameness of language, laws, religion, customs
and kindred. Remaining in their native country, to which they are most
singularly attached, excluded from commerce with England, taught to look
to France as the only country from which they can derive sustenance, they
will, in case of war, become useful rovers against its enemies. Their
position, their poverty, their courage, their address and their hatred,
will render them formidable scourges on the British commerce. It is to be
considered then, on the one hand, that the duty which M. de Calonnes had
proposed to retain on their oil, may endanger the shifting this useful
body of seamen out of our joint scale into that of the British; and also
may suppress a considerable subject of exchange for the productions
of France: on the other hand, that it may produce an addition to his
majesty's revenue. What I have thus far said, is on the supposition, that
the duty may operate a diminution of the price received by the fishermen.
If it act in the contrary direction, and produce an augmentation of price
to the consumer, it immediately brings into competition a variety of other
oils, vegetable and animal, a good part of which France receives from
abroad, and the fisherman thus losing his market, is compelled equally to
change either his calling or country. When M. de Calonnes first agreed
to reduce the duties to what he has declared, I had great hopes the
commodity could bear them, and that it would become a medium of commerce
between France and the United States. I must confess, however, that my
expectations have not been fulfilled, and that but little has come here
as yet. This induces me to fear, that it is so poor an article, that any
duty whatever will suppress it. Should this take place, and the spirit of
emigration once seize those people, perhaps an abolition of all duty might
then come too late to stop, what it would now easily prevent. I fear there
is danger in the experiment; and it remains for the wisdom of his Majesty
and his ministers to decide, whether the prospect of gain to the revenue,
or establishing a national fishery, may compensate this danger. If the
government should decide to retain the duty, I shall acquiesce in it
cheerfully, and do everything in my power to encourage my countrymen still
to continue their occupation.
The actual session of our several legislatures would render it interesting
to forward immediately the regulations proposed on our commerce; and the
expiration of the order of Bernis, at the close of this month, endangers a
suspension and derangement in the commerce of tobacco, very embarrassing
to the merchants of the two countries. Pardon me therefore, Sir, if I
appear solicitous to obtain the ultimate decision of his Majesty's Council
on these subjects, and to ask as early a communication of that decision,
as shall be convenient.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most profound esteem and
respect, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE HON. JOHN JAY.
PARIS, November 7, 1787.
SIR,--By a letter of the 2d instant, from the Count de Moustier, I
perceive he is still at Brest. The wind has been now near a month in
the south-western quarter, and if it remains there a few days longer, my
despatches by the packet may reach you as soon as those by Monsieur de
Moustier. This being the last post which can reach the packet, should
she sail on the 10th, I avail myself of it to inform you of the only
circumstance, since the date of my letters delivered to Mr. Stuari,
worth your knowledge; that is the appointment of the Chevalier de La
Luzerne, Ambassador to the Court of London. This fortunate issue of those
expectations which made him unwilling to return to America, together
with the character of his successor, will, I hope, render it pleasing to
Congress that his return was not too much pressed. He would have gone back
with dispositions toward us very different from those he will carry for
us to the Court of London. He has been constantly sensible that we wished
his return, and that we could have procured it, but that we did not wish
to stand in the way of his promotion. He will view this as in some measure
the effect of our indulgence, and I think we may count on his patronage
and assistance wherever they may be useful to us. I have the honor to be,
with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, November 13, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--This will be delivered you by young Mr. Rutledge. Your
knowledge of his father will introduce him to your notice. He merits it
moreover, on his own account.
I am now to acknowledge your favors of Oct. the 8th and 26th. That of
Aug. 25th was duly received, nor can I recollect by what accident I was
prevented from acknowledging it in mine of Sept. the 28th. It has been
the source of my subsistence hitherto, and must continue to be so, till I
receive letters on the affairs of money from America. Van Staphorsts and
Willinks have answered my drafts. Your books for the Marquis de La Fayette
are received here. I will notify it to him, who is at present with his
Provincial Assembly in Auvergne.
Little is said lately of the progress of the negotiations between the
courts of Petersburg, Vienna and Versailles. The distance of the former,
and the cautious, unassuming character of its minister here, is one cause
of delays: a greater one is, the greediness and unstable character of the
Emperor. Nor do I think that the Principal here will be easily induced
to lend himself to any connection, which shall threaten a war within a
considerable number of years. His own reign will be that of peace only,
in all probability; and were any accident to tumble him down, this country
would immediately gird on its sword and buckler, and trust to occurrences
for supplies of money. The wound their honor has sustained festers in
their hearts; and it may be said with truth, that the Archbishop, and
a few priests determined to support his measures, because, proud to see
their order come again into power, are the only advocates for the line
of conduct which has been pursued. It is said and believed through Paris
literally, that the Count de Montmorin, "_pleuroit comme un enfant_,"
when obliged to sign the counter-declaration. Considering the phrase as
figurative, I believe it expresses the distress of his heart. Indeed,
he has made no secret of his individual opinion. In the meantime, the
Principal goes on with a firm and patriotic spirit, in reforming the
cruel abuses of the government, and preparing a new constitution, which
will give to this people as much liberty as they are capable of managing.
This, I think, will be the glory of his administration, because, though
a good theorist in finance, he is thought to execute badly. They are
about to open a loan of one hundred millions, to supply present wants,
and it is said, the preface of the _Arret_ will contain a promise of the
convocation of the States General, during the ensuing year. Twelve or
fifteen Provincial Assemblies are already in action, and are going on
well; and I think, that though the nation suffers in reputation, it will
gain infinitely in happiness, under the present administration. I enclose
to Mr. Jay, a pamphlet which I will beg of you to forward. I leave it open
for your perusal. When you shall have read it, be so good as to stick a
wafer in it. It is not yet published, nor will be for some days. This copy
has been ceded to me as a favor.
How do you like our new constitution? I confess there are things in it
which stagger all my dispositions to subscribe to what such an Assembly
has proposed. The house of federal representatives will not be adequate
to the management of affairs, either foreign or federal. Their President
seems a bad edition of a Polish King. He may be elected from four years
to four years, for life. Reason and experience prove to us, that a
chief magistrate, so continuable, is an office for life. When one or
two generations shall have proved that this is an office for life, it
becomes, on every occasion, worthy of intrigue, of bribery, of force, and
even of foreign interference. It will be of great consequence to France
and England, to have America governed by a Galloman or Angloman. Once
in office, and possessing the military force of the Union, without the
aid or check of a council, he would not be easily dethroned, even if the
people could be induced to withdraw their votes from him. I wish that at
the end of the four years, they had made him forever ineligible a second
time. Indeed, I think all the good of this new constitution might have
been couched in three or four new articles, to be added to the good, old
and venerable fabric, which should have been preserved even as a religious
relique. Present me and my daughters affectionately to Mrs. Adams. The
younger one continues to speak of her warmly. Accept yourself, assurances
of the sincere esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be, dear
Sir, your friend and servant.
P. S. I am in negotiation with de La Blancharie. You shall hear from me
when arranged.
TO COLONEL SMITH.
PARIS, November 13, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I am now to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of October
the 4th, 8th, and 26th. In the last, you apologise for your letters
of introduction to Americans coming here. It is so far from needing
apology on your part, that it calls for thanks on mine. I endeavor to
show civilities to all the Americans who come here, and who will give me
opportunities of doing it; and it is a matter of comfort to know, from
a good quarter, what they are, and how far I may go in my attentions to
them.
Can you send me Woodmason's bills for the two copying presses for the
Marquis de La Fayette and the Marquis de Chastellux? The latter makes
one article in a considerable account, of old standing, and which I
cannot present for want of this article. I do not know whether it is
to yourself or Mr. Adams, I am to give my thanks for the copy of the
new constitution. I beg leave through you to place them where due.
It will yet be three weeks before I shall receive them from America.
There are very good articles in it, and very bad. I do not know which
preponderate. What we have lately read, in the history of Holland, in
the chapter on the Stadtholder, would have sufficed to set me against
a chief magistrate, eligible for a long duration, if I had ever been
disposed towards one; and what we have always read of the elections of
Polish Kings should have forever excluded the idea of one continuable
for life. Wonderful is the effect of impudent and persevering lying. The
British ministry have so long hired their gazetteers to repeat, and model
into every form, lies about our being in anarchy, that the world has at
length believed them, the English nation has believed them, the ministers
themselves have come to believe them, and what is more wonderful, we have
believed them ourselves. Yet where does this anarchy exist? Where did
it ever exist, except in the single instance of Massachusetts? And can
history produce an instance of rebellion so honorably conducted? I say
nothing of its motives. They were founded in ignorance, not wickedness.
God forbid we should ever be twenty years without such a rebellion.
The people cannot be all, and always, well informed. The part which
is wrong will be discontented, in proportion to the importance of the
facts they misconceive. If they remain quiet under such misconceptions,
it is a lethargy, the forerunner of death to the public liberty. We
have had thirteen States independent for eleven years. There has been
one rebellion. That comes to one rebellion in a century and a half,
for each State. What country before, ever existed a century and a half
without a rebellion? And what country can preserve its liberties, if
its rulers are not warned from time to time, that this people preserve
the spirit of resistance? Let them take arms. The remedy is to set them
right as to facts, pardon and pacify them. What signify a few lives
lost in a century or two? The tree of liberty must be refreshed from
time to time, with the blood of patriots and tyrants. It is its natural
manure. Our convention has been too much impressed by the insurrection
of Massachusetts; and on the spur of the moment, they are setting up a
kite to keep the hen yard in order. I hope in God, this article will be
rectified before the new constitution is accepted. You ask me if anything
transpires here on the subject of South America? Not a word. I know that
there are combustible materials there, and that they wait the torch only.
But this country probably will join the extinguishers. The want of facts
worth communicating to you, has occasioned me to give a little loose to
dissertation. We must be contented to amuse, when we cannot inform.
Present my respects to Mrs. Smith, and be assured of the sincere esteem
of, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO MR. JAMES MAURY.
PARIS, November 13, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I received your favor of October 25, the day before yesterday
only. It would be needless for me, therefore, to add to what you already
know on the subject of peace and war. The principal minister here is
so intent on domestic improvements, and on peace, as necessary to give
leisure for them, that it will not be his fault, if it be disturbed again.
It will be equally unnecessary for me to give you a formal attestation
of your being a citizen of the United States. Should any occasion for it
arise hereafter, I shall be always ready to certify it. With respect to
tobacco, the contract with Mr. Morris and the order of Berni cease with
this year. I am obtaining an arrangement for the five years which yet
remain of the present lease to the Farmers General, by which they will
be obliged to take all the tobacco for which they shall have occasion
from America, except about one-fifth northern, which they represent
as necessary. They will be obliged to take only such as comes directly
from America, without having touched at any European port in _French_
or _American_ bottoms, and to make the purchase in _France_. It will be
particularly watched that they purchase not a single hogshead in England.
By this I hope to have completely effected the diverting so much of the
tobacco trade as amounts to their own consumption from England to France.
I am glad to find, also, by your letter, that this operation will have
the effect to raise the price of this commodity at the English market.
24,000 hogheads of tobacco a year, less at that market than heretofore,
must produce some change, and it could not be for the worse. The order to
the farmers will name only 14,000 hogheads a year, but it is certain they
must extend it themselves nearly or quite to 24,000, as their consumption
is near 30,000. I am endeavoring to bring hither also, directly, the
rice of America, consumed in this country. At present they buy it from
London. I am of opinion they could consume the whole of what is made in
America, especially if the rice States will introduce the culture of the
Piedmont and Egyptian rices also, both of which qualities are demanded
here in concurrence with that of Carolina. I have procured for them the
seed from Egypt and Piedmont. The indulgences given to American whale oil
will ensure its coming here directly. In general, I am in hopes to ensure
here the transportation of all our commodities which come to this country
in American and French bottoms exclusively, which will countervail the
effect of the British navigation act on our carrying business. The returns
in French instead of English manufactures, will take place by degrees.
Supposing that these details cannot but be agreeable to you as a merchant
and as an American, I trouble you with them; being with much sincerity,
and on all occasions, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO MONSIEUR DUMAS.
PARIS, December 9, 1787.
SIR,--Your letter of November 27, showing that mine of November 14, had
not then got to hand, had given me alarm for its fate, and I had sat down
to write you a second acknowledgment of the receipt of your two favors of
October 23 and 26, and to add the receipt, also, of those of November 14,
22 and 27. A copy of my answer of November 14 was prepared to be enclosed
to you, but in that moment came your favors of November 30, December 2d
and 4th, by which I perceived that the original had at length got safe to
hand. By that you have seen all that interference, direct or indirect,
on the part of Mr. Adams and myself in the business you had done me the
honor to suggest, would be improper. Your despatches for Mr. Jay shall go
with mine in the packet of this month. These will bring the matter into
the view of Congress. In the meantime I think it would be well to avoid
exciting at Brussels or anywhere else the least expectation thereon,
because it is impossible for us to know what that body may, in its wisdom
and with all circumstances under its eye, decide should be done. They
had, in the year 1784, made up their minds as to the system of commercial
principles they wished to pursue. These were very free. They proposed them
to all the powers of Europe. All declined except Prussia. To this general
opposition they may now find it necessary to present a very different
general system to which their treaties will form cases of exception, and
they may wish to lessen rather than multiply those cases of exception.
Add to this, that it is in contemplation to change the organization of
the federal government, and they may think it better to leave the system
of foreign connection to be formed by those who are to pursue it. I only
mention these as possible considerations, without pretending to know
the sentiments of that honorable body, or any one of its members on the
subject; and to show that no expectations should be raised which might
embarrass them or embroil ourselves. The proposed change of government
seems to be the proper topic to urge as the reason why Congress may not at
this moment choose to be forming new treaties. Should they choose it, on
the other hand, the reserve of those who act for them, while uninstructed,
cannot do injury.
I find the expectation very general that the present peace will be of
short duration. There are circumstances in favor of this opinion, there
are others against it. Certain it is that this country is in a state so
unprepared as to excite astonishment. After the last war, she seems to
have reposed on her laurels, in confidence that no power would venture to
disturb that repose.
It is presumable her present ministry will prepare to vindicate their
nation and their friends. The late events have kindled a fire, which,
though smothered of necessity for the present moment, will probably never
be quenched but by signal revenge. Individuals will, in the meantime, have
incurred sufferings which that may not repair. That yours may be lessened
for the present, and relieved in future, is the sincere wish of him who
has the honor to be, with sentiments of great esteem and regard, Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
PARIS, December 11, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I am later in acknowledging the receipt of your favors of
October the 15th, and November the 5th and 15th, because we have been
long expecting a packet, which I hoped would bring communications worth
detailing to you; and she arrived only a few days ago, after a very long
passage indeed. I am very sorry you have not been able to make out the
cypher of my letter of September the 25th, because it contained things
which I wished you to know at that time. They have lost now a part of
their merit; but still, I wish you could decipher them, as there remains
a part, which it might yet be agreeable to you to understand. I have
examined the cypher from which it was written. It is precisely a copy of
those given to Messrs. Barclay and Lambe. In order that you may examine
whether yours corresponds, I will now translate into cypher the three
first lines of my letter of June the 14th.
* * * * *
This will serve to show whether your cypher corresponds with mine, as well
as my manner of using it. But I shall not use it in future, till I know
from you the result of your re-examination of it. I have the honor now, to
return you the letter you had been so good as to enclose to me. About the
same time of Liston's conversation with you, similar ones were held with
me by Mr. Eden. He particularly questioned me on the effect of our treaty
with France, in the case of a war, and what might be our dispositions.
I told him without hesitation, that our treaty obliged us to receive
the armed vessels of France, with their prizes, into our ports, and to
refuse the admission of prizes made on her by her enemies; that there
was a clause by which we guaranteed to France her American possessions,
and which might, perhaps, force us into the war, if these were attacked.
"Then it will be war," said he, "for they will assuredly be attacked." I
added, that our dispositions would be to be neutral, and that I thought
it the interest of both those powers that we should be so, because it
would relieve both from all anxiety as to the feeding their West India
islands, and England would, moreover, avoid a heavy land war on our
continent, which would cripple all her proceedings elsewhere. He expected
these sentiments from me personally, and he knew them to be analogous to
those of our country. We had often before had occasions of knowing each
other: his peculiar bitterness towards us had sufficiently appeared,
and I had never concealed from him, that I considered the British as our
natural enemies, and as the only nation on earth who wished us ill from
the bottom of their souls. And I am satisfied, that were our continent
to be swallowed up by the ocean, Great Britain would be in a bonfire from
one end to the other. Mr. Adams, as you know, has asked his recall. This
has been granted, and Colonel Smith is to return too; Congress having
determined to put an end to their commission at that court. I suspect and
hope they will make no new appointment.
Our new constitution is powerfully attacked in the American newspapers.
The objections are, that its effect would be to form the thirteen States
into one; that, proposing to melt all down into one general government,
they have fenced the people by no declaration of rights; they have not
renounced the power of keeping a standing army; they have not secured
the liberty of the press; they have reserved the power of abolishing
trials by jury in civil cases; they have proposed that the laws of the
federal legislatures, shall be paramount to the laws and constitutions
of the States; they have abandoned rotation in office; and particularly,
their President may be re-elected from four years to four years, for
life, so as to render him a King for life, like a King of Poland; and
they have not given him either the check or aid of a council. To these
they add calculations of expense, &c., &c., to frighten the people. You
will perceive that these objections are serious, and some of them not
without foundation. The constitution, however, has been received with
a very general enthusiasm, and as far as can be judged from external
demonstrations, the bulk of the people are eager to adopt it. In the
eastern States, the printers will print nothing against it, unless the
writer subscribes his name. Massachusetts and Connecticut have called
conventions in January, to consider of it. In New York, there is a
division. The Governor (Clinton) is known to be hostile to it. Jersey,
it is thought, will certainly accept it. Pennsylvania is divided; and
all the bitterness of her factions has been kindled anew on it. But the
party in favor of it is strongest, both in and out of the legislature.
This is the party anciently of Morris, Wilson, &c. Delaware will do
what Pennsylvania shall do. Maryland is thought favorable to it; yet it
is supposed Chase and Paca will oppose it. As to Virginia, two of her
Delegates, in the first place, refused to sign it. These were Randolph,
the Governor, and George Mason. Besides these, Henry, Harrison, Nelson,
and the Lees, are against it. General Washington will be for it, but it
is not in his character to exert himself much in the case. Madison will be
its main pillar; but though an immensely powerful one, it is questionable
whether he can bear the weight of such a host. So that the presumption
is, that Virginia will reject it. We know nothing of the dispositions
of the States south of this. Should it fall through, as is possible,
notwithstanding the enthusiasm with which it was received in the first
moment, it is probable that Congress will propose, that the objections
which the people shall make to it being once known, another convention
shall be assembled, to adopt the improvements generally acceptable, and
omit those found disagreeable. In this way, union may be produced under a
happy constitution, and one which shall not be too energetic, as are the
constitutions of Europe. I give you these details, because, possibly, you
may not have received them all. The sale of our western lands is immensely
successful. Five millions of acres have been sold at private sale, for
a dollar an acre, in certificates, and at the public sales, some of them
had sold as high as two dollars and forty cents the acre. The sales had
not been begun two months. By these means, taxes, &c., our domestic debt,
originally twenty-eight millions of dollars, was reduced, by the 1st day
of last October, to twelve millions, and they were then in treaty for two
millions of acres more, at a dollar, private sale. Our domestic debt will
thus be soon paid off, and that done, the sales will go on for money,
at a cheaper rate, no doubt, for the payment of our foreign debt. The
_petite guerre_ always waged by the Indians, seems not to abate the ardor
of purchase or emigration. Kentucky is now counted at sixty thousand.
Frankland is also growing fast.
I have been told, that the cutting through the Isthmus of Panama, which
the world has so often wished, and supposed practicable, has at times been
thought of by the government of Spain, and that they once proceeded so
far, as to have a survey and examination made of the ground; but that the
result was, either impracticability or too great difficulty. Probably the
Count de Campomanes, or Don Ulloa, can give you information on this head.
I should be exceedingly pleased to get as minute details as possible on
it, and even copies of the survey, report, &c., if they could be obtained
at a moderate expense. I take the liberty of asking your assistance in
this.
I have the honor to be, with very great respect and esteem, Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, December 12, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--In the month of July, I received from Fiseaux & Co. of
Amsterdam, a letter notifying me that the principal of their loan to
the United States would become due the first day of January. I answered
them, that I had neither powers nor information on the subject, but
would transmit their letter to the board of treasury. I did so, by the
packet which sailed from Havre, August the 10th. The earliest answer
possible, would have been by the packet which arrived at Havre three
or four days ago. But by her I do not receive the scrip of a pen from
anybody. This makes me suppose, that my letters are committed to Paul
Jones, who was to sail a week after the departure of the packet; and
that possibly, he may be the bearer of orders from the treasury, to repay
Fiseaux's loan with the money you borrowed. But it is also possible, he
may bring no order on the subject. The slowness with which measures are
adopted on our side the water, does not permit us to count on punctual
answers; but, on the contrary, renders it necessary for us to suppose,
in the present case, that no orders will arrive in time, and to consider
whether anything, and what, should be done? As it may be found expedient
to transfer all our foreign debts to Holland, by borrowing there, and
as it may always be prudent to preserve a good credit in that country,
because we may be forced into wars, whether we will or not, I should
suppose it very imprudent to suffer our credit to be annihilated, for so
small a sum as fifty-one thousand guilders. The injury will be greater,
too, in proportion to the smallness of the sum; for they will ask, "How
can a people be trusted for large sums, who break their faith for such
small ones?" You know best what effect it will have on the minds of
the money lenders of that country, should we fail in this payment. You
know best, also, whether it is practicable and prudent for us, to have
this debt paid without orders. I refer the matter, therefore, wholly to
your consideration, willing to participate with you in any risk and any
responsibility which may arise. I think it one of those cases, where
it is a duty to risk one's self. You will perceive, by the enclosed,
the necessity of an immediate answer, and that, if you think anything
can and should be done, all the necessary authorities from you should
accompany your letter. In the meantime, should I receive any orders from
the treasury by Paul Jones, I will pursue them, and consider whatever you
shall have proposed or done, as _non avenue_.
I am, with much affection, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble
servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PARIS, December 20, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--My last to you was of October the 8th, by the Count de
Moustier. Yours of July the 18th, September the 6th and October the 24th,
were successively received, yesterday, the day before, and three or four
days before that. I have only had time to read the letters; the printed
papers communicated with them, however interesting, being obliged to lie
over till I finish my despatches for the packet, which despatches must
go from hence the day after to-morrow. I have much to thank you for;
first and most for the cyphered paragraph respecting myself. These little
informations are very material towards forming my own decisions. I would
be glad even to know, when any individual member thinks I have gone wrong
in any instance. If I know myself, it would not excite ill blood in me,
while it would assist to guide my conduct, perhaps to justify it, and to
keep me to my duty, alert. I must thank you too, for the information in
Thomas Burke's case; though you will have found by a subsequent letter,
that I have asked of you a further investigation of that matter. It is to
gratify the lady who is at the head of the convent wherein my daughters
are, and who, by her attachment and attention to them, lays me under great
obligations. I shall hope, therefore, still to receive from you the result
of all the further inquiries my second letter had asked. The parcel of
rice which you informed me had miscarried, accompanied my letter to the
Delegates of South Carolina. Mr. Bourgoin was to be the bearer of both,
and both were delivered together into the hands of his relation here,
who introduced him to me, and who, at a subsequent moment, undertook to
convey them to Mr. Bourgoin. This person was an engraver, particularly
recommended to Dr. Franklin and Mr. Hopkinson. Perhaps he may have mislaid
the little parcel of rice among his baggage. I am much pleased that the
sale of western lands is so successful. I hope they will absorb all the
certificates of our domestic debt speedily, in the first place, and that
then, offered for cash, they will do the same by our foreign ones.
The season admitting only of operations in the cabinet, and these being in
a great measure secret, I have little to fill a letter. I will therefore
make up the deficiency, by adding a few words on the constitution proposed
by our convention.
I like much the general idea of framing a government, which should go on
of itself, peaceably, without needing continual recurrence to the State
legislatures. I like the organization of the government into legislative,
judiciary and executive. I like the power given the legislature to levy
taxes, and for that reason solely, I approve of the greater House being
chosen by the people directly. For though I think a House so chosen, will
be very far inferior to the present Congress, will be very illy qualified
to legislate for the Union, for foreign nations, &c., yet this evil does
not weigh against the good, of preserving inviolate the fundamental
principle, that the people are not to be taxed but by representatives
chosen immediately by themselves. I am captivated by the compromise of the
opposite claims of the great and little States, of the latter to equal,
and the former to proportional influence. I am much pleased too, with the
substitution of the method of voting by person, instead of that of voting
by States; and I like the negative given to the Executive, conjointly
with a third of either House; though I should have liked it better, had
the judiciary been associated for that purpose, or invested separately
with a similar power. There are other good things of less moment. I
will now tell you what I do not like. First, the omission of a bill of
rights, providing clearly, and without the aid of sophism, for freedom
of religion, freedom of the press, protection against standing armies,
restriction of monopolies, the eternal and unremitting force of the habeas
corpus laws, and trials by jury in all matters of fact triable by the laws
of the land, and not by the laws of nations. To say, as Mr. Wilson does,
that a bill of rights was not necessary, because all is reserved in the
case of the general government which is not given, while in the particular
ones, all is given which is not reserved, might do for the audience to
which it was addressed; but it is surely a _gratis dictum_, the reverse of
which might just as well be said; and it is opposed by strong inferences
from the body of the instrument, as well as from the omission of the
cause of our present Confederation, which had made the reservation in
express terms. It was hard to conclude, because there has been a want
of uniformity among the States as to the cases triable by jury, because
some have been so incautious as to dispense with this mode of trial in
certain cases, therefore, the more prudent States shall be reduced to the
same level of calamity. It would have been much more just and wise to
have concluded the other way, that as most of the States had preserved
with jealousy this sacred palladium of liberty, those who had wandered,
should be brought back to it; and to have established general right rather
than general wrong. For I consider all the ill as established, which may
be established. I have a right to nothing, which another has a right to
take away; and Congress will have a right to take away trials by jury in
all civil cases. Let me add, that a bill of rights is what the people are
entitled to against every government on earth, general or particular; and
what no just government should refuse, or rest on inference.
The second feature I dislike, and strongly dislike, is the abandonment,
in every instance, of the principle of rotation in office, and most
particularly in the case of the President. Reason and experience tell
us, that the first magistrate will always be re-elected if he may be
re-elected. He is then an officer for life. This once observed, it
becomes of so much consequence to certain nations, to have a friend or
a foe at the head of our affairs, that they will interfere with money
and with arms. A Galloman, or an Angloman, will be supported by the
nation he befriends. If once elected, and at a second or third election
outvoted by one or two votes, he will pretend false votes, foul play, hold
possession of the reigns of government, be supported by the States voting
for him, especially if they be the central ones, lying in a compact body
themselves, and separating their opponents; and they will be aided by one
nation in Europe, while the majority are aided by another. The election of
a President of America, some years hence, will be much more interesting to
certain nations of Europe, than ever the election of a King of Poland was.
Reflect on all the instances in history, ancient and modern, of elective
monarchies, and say if they do not give foundation for my fears; the Roman
Emperors, the Popes while they were of any importance, the German Emperors
till they became hereditary in practice, the Kings of Poland, the Deys
of the Ottoman dependencies. It may be said, that if elections are to be
attended with these disorders, the less frequently they are repeated the
better. But experience says, that to free them from disorder, they must
be rendered less interesting by a necessity of change. No foreign power,
nor domestic party, will waste their blood and money to elect a person,
who must go out at the end of a short period. The power of removing every
fourth year by the vote of the people, is a power which they will not
exercise, and if they were disposed to exercise it, they would not be
permitted. The King of Poland is removable every day by the diet. But
they never remove him. Nor would Russia, the Emperor, &c., permit them to
do it. Smaller objections are, the appeals on matters of fact as well as
laws; and the binding all persons, legislative, executive and judiciary
by oath, to maintain that constitution. I do not pretend to decide, what
would be the best method of procuring the establishment of the manifold
good things in this constitution, and of getting rid of the bad. Whether
by adopting it, in hopes of future amendment; or after it shall have been
duly weighed and canvassed by the people, after seeing the parts they
generally dislike, and those they generally approve, to say to them, "We
see now what you wish. You are willing to give to your federal government
such and such powers; but you wish, at the same time, to have such and
such fundamental rights secured to you, and certain sources of convulsion
taken away. Be it so. Send together deputies again. Let them establish
your fundamental rights by a sacrosanct declaration, and let them pass
the parts of the constitution you have approved. These will give powers to
your federal government sufficient for your happiness."
This is what might be said, and would probable produce a speedy, more
perfect and more permanent form of government. At all events, I hope you
will not be discouraged from making other trials, if the present one
should fail. We are never permitted to despair of the commonwealth. I
have thus told you freely what I like, and what I dislike, merely as a
matter of curiosity; for I know it is not in my power to offer matter
of information to your judgment, which has been formed after hearing
and weighing everything which the wisdom of man could offer on these
subjects. I own, I am not a friend to a very energetic government. It is
always oppressive. It places the governors indeed more at their ease,
at the expense of the people. The late rebellion in Massachusetts has
given more alarm, than I think it should have done. Calculate that one
rebellion in thirteen States in the course of eleven years, is but one
for each State in a century and a half. No country should be so long
without one. Nor will any degree of power in the hands of government,
prevent insurrections. In England, where the hand of power is heavier than
with us, there are seldom half a dozen years without an insurrection.
In France, where it is still heavier, but less despotic, as Montesquieu
supposes, than in some other countries, and where there are always two
or three hundred thousand men ready to crush insurrections, there have
been three in the course of the three years I have been here, in every
one of which greater numbers were engaged than in Massachusetts, and a
great deal more blood was spilt. In Turkey, where the sole nod of the
despot is death, insurrections are the events of every day. Compare
again the ferocious depredations of their insurgents, with the order, the
moderation and the almost self-extinguishment of ours. And say, finally,
whether peace is best preserved by giving energy to the government, or
information to the people. This last is the most certain, and the most
legitimate engine of government. Educate and inform the whole mass of the
people. Enable them to see that it is their interest to preserve peace and
order, and they will preserve them. And it requires no very high degree
of education to convince them of this. They are the only sure reliance
for the preservation of our liberty. After all, it is my principle that
the will of the majority should prevail. If they approve the proposed
constitution in all its parts, I shall concur in it cheerfully, in hopes
they will amend it, whenever they shall find it works wrong. This reliance
cannot deceive us, as long as we remain virtuous; and I think we shall
be so, as long as agriculture is our principal object, which will be the
case, while there remains vacant lands in any part of America. When we
get piled upon one another in large cities, as in Europe, we shall become
corrupt as in Europe, and go to eating one another as they do there. I
have tired you by this time with disquisitions which you have already
heard repeated by others, a thousand and a thousand times; and therefore,
shall only add assurances of the esteem and attachment with which I have
the honor to be, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.
P. S. The instability of our laws is really an immense evil. I think it
would be well to provide in our constitutions, that there shall always
be a twelvemonth between the engrossing a bill and passing it; that it
should then be offered to its passage without changing a word; and that if
circumstances should be thought to require a speedier passage, it should
take two-thirds of both Houses, instead of a bare majority.
TO E. CARRINGTON.
PARIS, Dec. 21, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I have just received your two favors of October the 23d and
November the 10th. I am much obliged to you for your hints in the Danish
business. They are the only information I have on that subject, except
the resolution of Congress, and warn me of a rock on which I should most
certainly have split. The vote plainly points out an agent, only leaving
it to my discretion to substitute another. My judgment concurs with that
of Congress as to his fitness. But I shall inquire for the surest banker
at Copenhagen to receive the money, not because I should have had any
doubts, but because I am informed others have them. Against the failure of
a banker, were such an accident, or any similar one to happen, I cannot
be held accountable in a case where I act without particular interest.
My principal idea in proposing the transfer of the French debt, was, to
obtain on the new loans a much longer day for the reimbursement of the
principal, hoping that the resources of the United States could have been
equal to the article of interest alone. But I shall endeavor to quiet, as
well as I can, those interested. A part of them will probably sell out at
any rate; and one great claimant may be expected to make a bitter attack
on our honor. I am very much pleased to hear, that our western lands sell
so successfully. I turn to this precious resource, as that which will, in
every event, liberate us from our domestic debt, and perhaps too, from our
foreign one; and this, much sooner than I had expected. I do not think any
thing could have been done with them in Europe. Individual speculators and
sharpers had duped so many with their unlocated land-warrants, that every
offer would have been suspected.