GENTLEMEN,--In my last of June 17, 1787, I had the honor of communicating

to you the information I had received from Mr. Grand, that your funds

here were out, and he considerably in advance. I took occasion to mention

to him the paragraph in your letter of February 17, wherein you were so

kind as to say your attention should be immediately turned to the making

a remittance. However, I understood soon after that he had protested a

draught of Mr. Carmichael's, as also a smaller one of five hundred livres.

He called upon me, and explaining to me the extent of his advances,

observed that he should not be willing to add to them, except so far as

should be necessary for the private expenses of myself and secretary,

which he wished to be reduced as much below the ordinary allowance as

we could, until remittances should be received. He will send you by this

packet a state of his accounts, by which he informs me that your account

is in arrear about thirty-two thousand livres, advanced by him, and about

fifteen thousand livres from a fund of the State of Virginia, placed

here for the purchase of arms, making General Washington's statue, &c.

In examining his accounts, I found by the one he had sent you formerly,

that you were debited two articles of ten thousand livres and two thousand

seven hundred and twenty-four livres and sixty-six sous, which belonged

to the account of the State of Virginia. This I must explain to you.

That State had directed me to have the statue of General Washington

made, and given me assurances such as I could rely on, that I should

receive funds immediately. Doctor Franklin was setting out to America,

and Houdon, the statuary, expressed a willingness to go with him. But

it was necessary to advance him a sum of money for that purpose. Rather

than lose the opportunity, I ventured to borrow from the fund of the

United States those two sums for the State of Virginia, which I knew

would be immediately replaced. The funds of the State arrived, (being

nearly two hundred thousand livres,) and enabled me not only to replace

those sums immediately, but to furnish much larger supplies to the wants

of the United States, when their funds failed. Insomuch that the State

of Virginia is now in advance here for the United States about fifteen

thousand livres, as before mentioned. As yet it has not suffered by any of

these advances, but having no money left here but this balance, I shall

be censurable by that State if it be not replaced in time to answer the

demands on them, which will now be made within a few weeks. Mr. Grand has,

by my direction, credited you in the account he now sends for the two sums

of ten thousand livres and two thousand, seven hundred and twenty-four

livres and sixty-six sous, improperly charged in your former account. He

had also debited you in his account for the whole sums paid by the United

States, as well as those paid by Virginia, as by himself. The purpose of

this was to keep the accounts unmixed, though in fact the funds have been

applied occasionally in aid of each other.

I had proposed to Mr. Barclay the settlement of my account before his

departure for Morocco, but we concluded it would be better to do it on

his return, as that would enable me to bring it down to a later day.

It was not then expected he would be so long detained by that business.

Unfortunately for me, when at L'Orient, on his return to Paris, he found

it more advisable to proceed directly to America, so that I have lost this

opportunity of having my account settled. I shall either do it with him

on his return, if he returns soon, or with such other person here as you

will point out, or I will transmit it with copies of my vouchers, to be

settled by you, or do whatever else with it you shall please to direct.

The articles which, from their minuteness, have not admitted the taking

vouchers, I shall be ready to prove by my own oath. In this account I

have presumed to charge the United States with an outfit. The necessity

of this in the case of a minister, resident, and of course obliged to

establish a house, is obvious on reflection. There cannot be a surer proof

of its necessity than the experience and consent of all nations, as I

believe there is no instance of any nation sending a minister to reside

anywhere without an outfit. A year's salary is the least I have been able

to hear of, and I should be able to show that the articles of clothes,

carriage and horses, and household furniture, in a very plain style,

have cost me more than that. When I send you my account, either settled

here, or to be settled there, I shall take the liberty of referring this

article to the consideration of Congress. Its reasonableness has appeared

to me so palpable, that I have presumed it would appear so to Congress,

and have therefore kept up the expenses of my house at the current rate

of nine thousand dollars a year. If my expectations should be thought

unreasonable, I shall submit and immediately reduce my establishment, with

such rigor, as to make up this article in the shortest time possible. I

enclose you a letter from Fisseaux & Co. on the subject of their loan.

I wish the loan lately obtained by Mr. Adams, may enable you to get rid

of the debt to the Foreign Officers, principal and interest. Indeed,

if Mr. Adams could be charged with the transfer of our whole debt from

this country to Holland, it would be a most salutary operation. The

confusions of that country might perhaps facilitate that measure at

present, though no regular tax could be obtained in the moment for payment

of the interest. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most

perfect esteem and respect, gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble

servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

PARIS, August 6, 1787.

SIR,--The last letter I had the honor of addressing you, was dated June

the 21st. I have now that of enclosing you a letter from the Swedish

ambassador, praying that inquiry may be made for a vessel of his nation,

piratically carried off, and measures taken relative to the vessel,

cargo and crew. Also a letter from William Russell and others, citizens

of America, concerned in trade to the island of Guadaloupe, addressed to

the Marechal de Castries, and complaining of the shutting to them the

port of Point à Pitre, and receiving them only at Basse-tern. This was

enclosed to me by the subscribers, to be delivered to the Marechal de

Castries. But the present is not the moment to move in that business;

and moreover, I suppose, that whenever parties are within the reach of

Congress, they should apply to them, and my instructions come through

that channel. Matters arising within the kingdom of France, to which

my commission is limited, and not admitting time to take the orders of

Congress, I suppose I may move in originally. I also enclose you the copy

of a letter from Mr. Barclay, closing his proceedings in our affairs with

Morocco. Before this reaches you, he will have had the honor of presenting

himself to you in person. After his departure, the parliament of Bordeaux

decided that he was liable to arrest. This was done on a letter from the

minister, informing them that Mr. Barclay was invested with no character

which privileged him from arrest. His constant character of consul was

no protection, and they did not explain whether his character to Morocco

was not originally diplomatic, or was expired. Mr. Barclay's proceedings

under this commission being now closed, it would be incumbent on me to

declare with respect to them, as well as his consular transactions, my

opinion of the judgment, zeal and disinterestedness with which he has

conducted himself; were it not that Congress has been so possessed of

those transactions from time to time, as to judge for themselves. I

cannot but be uneasy, lest my delay of entering on the subject of the

consular convention, may be disapproved. My hope was and is, that more

practicable terms might be obtained; in this hope, I do nothing till

further orders, observing by an extract from the journals you were pleased

to send me, that Congress have referred the matter to your consideration,

and conscious that we are not suffering in the meantime, as we have not a

single consul in France, since the departure of Mr. Barclay. I mentioned

to you in my last, the revival of the hopes of the Chevalier de La

Luzerne. I thought it my duty to remind the Count de Montmorin, the other

day, of the long absence of their minister from Congress. He told me, the

Chevalier de La Luzerne would not be sent back, but that we might rely

that, in the month of October, a person would be sent, with whom we should

be content. He did not name the person, though there is no doubt that it

is the Count de Mourtier. It is an appointment, which, according to the

opinion I have formed of him, bids as fair to give content, as any one

which could be made.

I also mentioned in my last letter, that I had proposed the reducing the

substance of Monsieur de Calonnes' letter into the form of an _Arret_,

with some alterations, which, on consultation with the merchants at the

different ports I visited, I had found to be necessary. I received, soon

after, a letter from the Comptroller General, informing me, that the

letter of Monsieur de Calonnes was in a course of execution. Of this, I

enclose you a copy. I was, in that moment, enclosing to him my general

observations on that letter, a copy of which are also enclosed. In these,

I stated all the alterations I wished to have made. It became expedient,

soon after, to bring on the article of tobacco; first, to know whether

the Farmers had executed the order of Bernis, and also to prepare some

arrangements to succeed the expiration of this order. So that I am

now pursuing the whole subject of our commerce, 1, to have necessary

amendments made in Monsieur de Calonnes' letter; 2, to put it into a

more stable form; 3, to have full execution of the order of Bernis; 4, to

provide arrangements for the article of tobacco, after that order shall

be expired. By the copy of my letter on the two last points, you will

perceive that I again press the abolition of the Farm of this article.

The conferences on that subject give no hope of effecting that. Some poor

palliative is probably all we shall obtain. The Marquis de La Fayette

goes hand in hand with me in all these transactions, and is an invaluable

auxiliary to me. I hope it will not be imputed either to partiality or

affectation, my naming this gentleman so often in my despatches. Were I

not to do it, it would be a suppression of truth, and the taking to myself

the whole merit where he has the greatest share.

The Emperor, on his return to Vienna, disavowed the concessions of his

Governors General to his subjects of Brabant. He, at the same time,

proposed their sending deputies to him, to consult on their affairs. They

refused in the first moment; but afterwards nominated deputies; without

giving them any power, however, to concede anything. In the meantime,

they are arming and training themselves. Probably the Emperor will avail

himself of the aid of these deputies to tread back his steps. He will be

the more prompt to do this, that he may be in readiness to act freely, if

he finds occasion, in the new scenes preparing in Holland. What these will

be cannot be foreseen. You well know, that the original party-divisions

of that country were, into Stadtholderians, Aristocrats, and Democrats.

There was a subdivision of the Aristocrats, into violent and moderate,

which was important. The violent Aristocrats would have wished to preserve

all the powers of government in the hands of the Regents, and that these

should remain self-elective; but choosing to receive a modification of

these powers from the Stadtholder, rather than from the people, they

threw themselves into his scale. The moderate Aristocrats would have

consented to a temperate mixture of democracy, and particularly, that the

Regents should be elected by the people. They were the declared enemies

of the Stadtholder, and acted in concert with the Democrats, forming with

them what was called the Patriots. It is the opinion of dispassionate

people on the spot, that their views might have been effected. But the

democratic party aimed at more. They talked of establishing tribunes of

the people, of annual accounts, of depriving the magistrates at the will

of the people, &c.; of enforcing all this with the arms in the hands

of the _corps francs_; and in some places, as at Heusden, Sprang, &c.,

began the execution of these projects. The moderate Aristocrats found it

difficult to strain their principles to this pitch. A schism took place

between them and the Democrats, and the former have for some time, been

dropping off from the latter, into the scale of the Stadtholder. This is

the fatal coalition which governs without obstacle in Zealand, Friesland,

and Guelderland, which constitutes the States of Utrecht, at Amersfort,

and, with their aid, the plurality in the States General. The States of

Holland, Groningen and Overyssel vote, as yet, in the opposition. But the

coalition gains ground in the States of Holland, and has been prevalent

in the Council of Amsterdam. If its progress be not stopped by a little

moderation in the Democrats, it will turn the scale decidedly in favor of

the Stadtholder, in the event of their being left to themselves without

foreign interference. If foreign powers interfere, their prospect does

not brighten. I see no sure friends to the Patriots but France, while

Prussia and England are their assured enemies. Nor is it probable that

characters so greedy, so enterprising, as the Emperor and Empress, will

be idle during such a struggle. Their views have long shown which side

they would take. That France has engaged to interfere, and to support the

Patriots, is beyond doubt. This engagement was entered into during the

life of the late King of Prussia, whose eye was principally directed on

the Emperor, and whose dispositions towards the Prince of Orange would

have permitted him to be clipped a little close. But the present King

comes in with warmer dispositions towards the Princess his sister. He

has shown decidedly, that he will support her, even to the destruction

of the balance of Europe, and the disturbance of its peace. The King of

England has equally decided to support that house, at the risk of plunging

his nation into another war. He supplies the Prince with money at this

moment. A particular remittance of one hundred and twenty thousand guineas

is known of. But his ministry is divided. Pitt is against the King's

opinion, the Duke of Richmond and the rest of the ministers, for it. Or

at least, such is the belief here. Mr. Adams will have informed you more

certainly. This division in the English ministry, with the ill condition

of their finances for war, produces a disposition, even in the King, to

try first every pacific measure; and that country and this were laboring

jointly to stop the course of hostilities in Holland, to endeavor to

effect an accommodation, and were scarcely executing at all, the armaments

ordered in their ports; when all of a sudden, an inflammatory letter

written by the Princess of Orange to the King of Prussia, induces him,

without consulting England, without consulting even his own Council, to

issue orders by himself to his Generals, to march twenty thousand men, to

revenge the insult supposed to be offered to his sister. With a pride and

egotism planted in the heart of every King, he considers her being stopped

in the road, as a sufficient cause to sacrifice a hundred or two thousand

of his own subjects, and as many of his enemies, and to spread fire,

sword and desolation, over the half of Europe. This hasty measure has

embarrassed England, undesirous of war if it can be avoided, yet unwilling

to separate from the power who is to render its success probable. Still

you may be assured, that that court is going on in concurrence with this,

to prevent extremities, if possible; always understood, that if the war

cannot be prevented, they will enter into it as parties, and in opposition

to one another. This event is, in my opinion, to be deprecated by the

friends of France. She never was equal to such a war by land, and such a

one by sea; and less so now, than in any moment of the present reign. You

remember that the nation was in a delirium of joy on the convocation of

the Notables, and on the various reformations agreed on between them and

the government. The picture of the distress of their finances was indeed

frightful, but the intentions to reduce them to order seemed serious.

The constitutional reformations have gone on well, but those of expenses

make little progress. Some of the most obviously useless have indeed been

lopped off, but the remainder is a heavy mass, difficult to be reduced.

Despair has seized every mind, and they have passed from an extreme of joy

to one of discontent. The parliament, therefore, oppose the registering

any new tax, and insist on an Assembly of the States General. The object

of this is to limit expenses, and dictate a constitution. The edict for

the stamp tax has been the subject of reiterated orders and refusals to

register. At length, the King has summoned the parliament to Versailles to

hold a bed of justice, in which he will order them, in person, to register

the edict. At the moment of my writing, they are gone to Versailles

for this purpose. There will yet remain to them, to protest against the

register, as forced, and to issue orders against its execution on pain of

death. But as the King would have no peaceable mode of opposition left, it

remains to be seen whether they will push the matter to this extremity. It

is evident, I think, that a spirit of this country is advancing towards

a revolution in their constitution. There are not wanting persons at the

helm, friends to the progress of this spirit. The Provincial Assemblies

will be the most probable instrument of effecting it.

Since writing thus far, I have received an intimation, that it will be

agreeable, not to press our commercial regulations at this moment the

ministry being too much occupied with the difficulties surrounding them,

to spare a moment on any subject which will admit of delay. Our business

must, therefore, be suspended for awhile. To press it out of season

would be to defeat it. It would be felt as a vital benefit here, could

we relieve their finances, by paying what we owe. Congress will judge

by Mr. Adams' letters, how far the transferring all our debts in this

country, to Holland, is practicable. On the replenishing their treasury

with our principal and interest, I should not be afraid to ask concessions

in favor of our West India trade. It would produce a great change of

opinion as to us and our affairs. In the Assemblée des Notables, hard

things were said of us. They were induced, however, in committing us to

writing, to smother their ideas a little. In the votes, now gone to be

printed, our debt is described in these words. "The twenty-first article

of the account, formed of the interest of the claims of his majesty on

the United States of America, cannot be drawn out for the present, except

as a document. The recovery of these claims, as well principal as perhaps

even interest, although they appear to rest on the most solid security,

may, nevertheless, be long delayed, and should not, consequently, be

taken into account in estimating the annual revenue. This article amounts

to one million and six hundred thousand livres." Above all things, it is

desirable to hush the foreign officers by payment. Their wants, the nature

of their services, their access to high characters, and connections with

them, bespeak the reasons for this. I hear also that Mr. Beaumarchais

means to make himself heard, if a memorial which he sends by an agent in

the present packet is not attended to, as he thinks it ought to be. He

called on me with it, and desired me to recommend his case to a decision,

and to note in my despatch, that it was the first time he had spoken to me

on the subject. This is true, it being the first time I ever saw him; but

my recommendations would be as displaced as unnecessary. I assured him,

Congress would do in that business, what justice should require, and their

means enable them. The information sent me by Mr. Montgomery from Alicant,

of the death of the Dey of Algiers, was not true. I had expressed my doubt

of it in my last, when I communicated it. I send herewith the newspapers

to this date, and a remonstrance of the parliament, to show you in what

language the King can be addressed at this day. I have received no journal

of Congress since the beginning of November last, and will thank you for

them if printed.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and

respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

P. S. August 7. The parliament were received yesterday very harshly by the

King. He obliged them to register the two edicts for the impot-territorial

and stamp tax. When speaking in my letter of the reiterated orders and

refusals to register, which passed between the King and parliament, I

omitted to insert the King's answer to a deputation of parliament, which

attended him at Versailles. It may serve to show the spirit which exists

between them. It was in these words, and these only. "Je vous ferai savoir

mes intentions. Allez-vous-en. Qu'on ferme la porte."

TO GOVERNOR RUTLEDGE.

PARIS, Aug. 6, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--I am honored with your letter by your son, and shall be happy

to render him every assistance in my power of whatever nature. The objects

of his stay in this country, and of his visit to London, are perfectly

well judged. So of that to Amsterdam. Perhaps it is questionable, whether

the time you propose he should spend at some of the German courts might

not be better employed at Madrid or Lisbon, and in Italy. At the former

there could be no object for him but politics, the system of which there

is intricate, and can never be connected with us; nor will our commercial

connections be considerable. With Madrid and Lisbon our connections, both

political and commercial, are great and will be increasing daily. Italy is

a field where the inhabitants of the Southern States may see much to copy

in agriculture, and a country with which we shall carry on considerable

trade. Pardon my submitting these thoughts to you. We shall pursue your

own plan unless you notify a change in it.

The present question in Europe is war or not war? I think there will be

none between the Emperor and his Brabantine subjects. But as to Holland,

it is more doubtful, for we do not as yet consider the little partisan

affairs which are taking place every day. France and England, conscious

that their exhausted means would poorly feed a war, have been strenuously

exerting themselves to procure an accommodation. But the King of Prussia,

in a moment of passion, has taken a measure which may defeat their wishes.

On receiving from the Princess of Orange, a letter informing him of her

having been stopped on the road, without consulting the court of London,

without saying a word to his own ministers, he issued orders himself to

his Generals to march twenty thousand men to be at her orders. England,

unwilling to bring on a war, may yet fear to separate from him who is

to be her main ally. Still, she is endeavoring, in concurrence with this

court, to stop the effects of this hasty movement, and to bring about a

suspension of hostilities and settlement of difficulties, always meaning

if they fail in this, to take the field in opposition to one another.

Blessed effect of a kingly government, where a pretended insult to the

sister of a king, is to produce the wanton sacrifice of a hundred or two

thousand of the people who have entrusted themselves to his government,

and as many of his enemies! and we think ours a bad government. The only

condition on earth to be compared with ours, in my opinion, is that of

the Indian, where they have still less law than we. The European, are

governments of kites over pigeons. The best schools for republicanism are

London, Versailles, Madrid, Vienna, Berlin, &c. Adieu, my dear Sir, and be

assured of the sincere esteem of your most obedient humble servant.

TO M. DE CREVE-COEUR.

PARIS, August 6, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--I was not a little disappointed to find on my return that you

had gone punctually in the packet as you had proposed. Great is the change

in the dispositions of this country in the short time since you left it.

A continuation of inconsiderate expense seemed to have raised the nation

to the highest pitch of discontent. The parliament refused to register

the new taxes. After much and warm altercation, a _lit de justice_ has

been held this day at Versailles; it was opened by the reading a severe

remonstrance from the parliament, to which the King made a hard reply,

and finished by ordering the stamp tax, and impot-territorial to be

registered. Your nation is advancing to a change of constitution; the

young desire it, the middle aged are not averse, the old alone opposed to

it. They will die, the provincial assemblies will chalk out the plan, and

the nation, ripening fast, will execute it. All your friends are in the

country, so I can give you no news of them; but no news are always good

news. The Dutchess Danville is with some of her friends; the Duke and

Dutchess de La Rochefoucault gone to the waters; the Countess d'Houdelot

with Madame de La Britu. Your sons are well, and go on well, and we are

laboring here to improve on M. de Calonne's letter on our commerce. Adieu,

my dear Sir, and be assured of the sentiments of sincere esteem with which

I am your friend and servant.

TO COLONEL RICHARD CLAIBORNE.

PARIS, August 8, 1787.

SIR,--I am of opinion that American tenants for western lands could not

be procured, and if they could, they would be very unsure. The best,

as far as I have been able to judge, are foreigners, who do not speak

the language. Unable to communicate with the people of the country,

they confine themselves to their farms and their families, compare

their present state to what it was in Europe, and find great reason to

be contented. Of all foreigners, I should prefer Germans. They are the

easiest got, the best for their landlords, and do best for themselves. The

deed in which you were interested, having been sent to me the other day to

be authenticated, I took the enclosed note of its particulars for you. I

am, with much esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JOHN CHURCHMAN.

PARIS, August 8, 1787.

SIR,--I have duly received your favor of June the 6th, and immediately

communicated its contents to a member of the Academy. He told me that

they had received the other copy of your memorial, which you mention to

have sent through another channel; that your ideas were not conveyed so

explicitly, as to enable them to decide finally on their merit, but that

they had made an entry in their journals, to preserve to you the claim

of the original idea. As far as we can conjecture it here, we imagine you

make a table of variations of the needle, for all the different meridians

whatever. To apply this table to use, in the voyage between America and

Europe, suppose the variation to increase a degree in every one hundred

and sixty miles. Two difficulties occur: 1, a ready and accurate method of

finding the variation of the place; 2, an instrument so perfect, as that

(though the degree on it shall represent one hundred and sixty miles) it

shall give the parts of the degree so minutely, as to answer the purpose

of the navigator. The variation of the needle at Paris, actually, is 21

west. I make no question you have provided against the doubts entertained

here, and I shall be happy that our country may have the honor of

furnishing the old world what it has so long sought in vain. I am, with

much respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO MONSIEUR L'HOMMANDE.

PARIS, August 9, 1787.

SIR,--At the time you honored me with your letter of May the 31st, I was

not returned from a journey I had taken into Italy. This circumstance,

with the mass of business which had accumulated during my absence, must

apologise for the delay of my answer. Every discovery which multiplies the

subsistence of man, must be a matter of joy to every friend to humanity.

As such, I learn with great satisfaction, that you have found the means

of preserving flour more perfectly than has been done hitherto. But I am

not authorized to avail my country of it, by making any offer for its

communication. Their policy is, to leave their citizens free, neither

restraining nor aiding them in their pursuits. Though the interposition of

government, in matters of invention, has its use, yet it is in practice

so inseparable from abuse, that they think it better not to meddle with

it. We are only to hope, therefore, that those governments who are in the

habit of directing all the actions of their subjects, by particular law,

may be so far sensible of the duty they are under of cultivating useful

discoveries, as to reward you amply for yours, which is among the most

interesting to humanity. I have the honor to be, with great consideration

and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO PETER CARR.

PARIS, August 10, 1787.

DEAR PETER,--I have received your two letters of December the 30th and

April the 18th, and am very happy to find by them, as well as by letters

from Mr. Wythe, that you have been so fortunate as to attract his notice

and good will; I am sure you will find this to have been one of the most

fortunate events of your life, as I have ever been sensible it was of

mine. I enclose you a sketch of the sciences to which I would wish you

to apply, in such order as Mr. Wythe shall advise; I mention, also, the

books in them worth your reading, which submit to his correction. Many

of these are among your father's books, which you should have brought to

you. As I do not recollect those of them not in his library, you must

write to me for them, making out a catalogue of such as you think you

shall have occasion for, in eighteen months from the date of your letter,

and consulting Mr. Wythe on the subject. To this sketch, I will add a few

particular observations:

1. Italian. I fear the learning this language will confound your French

and Spanish. Being all of them degenerated dialects of the Latin, they are

apt to mix in conversation. I have never seen a person speaking the three

languages, who did not mix them. It is a delightful language, but late

events having rendered the Spanish more useful, lay it aside to prosecute

that.

2. Spanish. Bestow great attention on this, and endeavor to acquire an

accurate knowledge of it. Our future connections with Spain and Spanish

America, will render that language a valuable acquisition. The ancient

history of that part of America, too, is written in that language. I send

you a dictionary.

3. Moral Philosophy. I think it lost time to attend lectures on this

branch. He who made us would have been a pitiful bungler, if he had

made the rules of our moral conduct a matter of science. For one man of

science, there are thousands who are not. What would have become of them?

Man was destined for society. His morality, therefore, was to be formed

to this object. He was endowed with a sense of right and wrong, merely

relative to this. This sense is as much a part of his nature, as the sense

of hearing, seeing, feeling; it is the true foundation of morality, and

not the το χαλον, truth, &c., as fanciful writers have imagined. The

moral sense, or conscience, is as much a part of man as his leg or arm. It

is given to all human beings in a stronger or weaker degree, as force of

members is given them in a greater or less degree. It may be strengthened

by exercise, as may any particular limb of the body. This sense is

submitted, indeed, in some degree, to the guidance of reason; but it is

a small stock which is required for this: even a less one than what we

call common sense. State a moral case to a ploughman and a professor. The

former will decide it as well, and often better than the latter, because

he has not been led astray by artificial rules. In this branch, therefore,

read good books, because they will encourage, as well as direct your

feelings. The writings of Sterne, particularly, form the best course of

morality that ever was written. Besides these, read the books mentioned in

the enclosed paper; and, above all things, lose no occasion of exercising

your dispositions to be grateful, to be generous, to be charitable, to

be humane, to be true, just, firm, orderly, courageous, &c. Consider

every act of this kind, as an exercise which will strengthen your moral

faculties and increase your worth.

4. Religion. Your reason is now mature enough to examine this object.

In the first place, divest yourself of all bias in favor of novelty and

singularity of opinion. Indulge them in any other subject rather than

that of religion. It is too important, and the consequences of error may

be too serious. On the other hand, shake off all the fears and servile

prejudices, under which weak minds are servilely crouched. Fix reason

firmly in her seat, and call to her tribunal every fact, every opinion.

Question with boldness even the existence of a God; because, if there

be one, he must more approve of the homage of reason, than that of

blindfolded fear. You will naturally examine first, the religion of your

own country. Read the Bible, then, as you would read Livy or Tacitus. The

facts which are within the ordinary course of nature, you will believe on

the authority of the writer, as you do those of the same kind in Livy and

Tacitus. The testimony of the writer weighs in their favor, in one scale,

and their not being against the laws of nature, does not weigh against

them. But those facts in the Bible which contradict the laws of nature,

must be examined with more care, and under a variety of faces. Here you

must recur to the pretensions of the writer to inspiration from God.

Examine upon what evidence his pretensions are founded, and whether that

evidence is so strong, as that its falsehood would be more improbable than

a change in the laws of nature, in the case he relates. For example, in

the book of Joshua, we are told, the sun stood still several hours. Were

we to read that fact in Livy or Tacitus, we should class it with their

showers of blood, speaking of statues, beasts, &c. But it is said, that

the writer of that book was inspired. Examine, therefore, candidly, what

evidence there is of his having been inspired. The pretension is entitled

to your inquiry, because millions believe it. On the other hand, you are

astronomer enough to know how contrary it is to the law of nature that

a body revolving on its axis, as the earth does, should have stopped,

should not, by that sudden stoppage, have prostrated animals, trees,

buildings, and should after a certain time have resumed its revolution,

and that without a second general prostration. Is this arrest of the

earth's motion, or the evidence which affirms it, most within the law of

probabilities? You will next read the New Testament. It is the history of

a personage called Jesus. Keep in your eye the opposite pretensions: 1,

of those who say he was begotten by God, born of a virgin, suspended and

reversed the laws of nature at will, and ascended bodily into heaven; and

2, of those who say he was a man of illegitimate birth, of a benevolent

heart, enthusiastic mind, who set out without pretensions to divinity,

ended in believing them, and was punished capitally for sedition, by being

gibbeted, according to the Roman law, which punished the first commission

of that offence by whipping, and the second by exile, or death _in furea_.

See this law in the Digest, Lib. 48. tit. 19. §. 28. 3. and Lipsius Lib.

2. de cruce. cap. 2. These questions are examined in the books I have

mentioned, under the head of Religion, and several others. They will

assist you in your inquiries; but keep your reason firmly on the watch in

reading them all. Do not be frightened from this inquiry by any fear of

its consequences. If it ends in a belief that there is no God, you will

find incitements to virtue in the comfort and pleasantness you feel in its

exercise, and the love of others which it will procure you. If you find

reason to believe there is a God a consciousness that you are acting under

his eye, and that he approves you, will be a vast additional incitement;

if that there be a future state, the hope of a happy existence in that

increases the appetite to deserve it; if that Jesus was also a God, you

will be comforted by a belief of his aid and love. In fine, I repeat,

you must lay aside all prejudice on both sides, and neither believe nor

reject anything, because any other persons, or description of persons,

have rejected or believed it. Your own reason is the only oracle given you

by heaven, and you are answerable, not for the rightness, but uprightness

of the decision. I forgot to observe, when speaking of the New Testament,

that you should read all the histories of Christ, as well of those whom a

council of ecclesiastics have decided for us, to be Pseudo-evangelists,

as those they named Evangelists. Because these Pseudo-evangelists

pretended to inspiration, as much as the others, and you are to judge

their pretensions by your own reason, and not by the reason of those

ecclesiastics. Most of these are lost. There are some, however, still

extant, collected by Fabricius, which I will endeavor to get and send you.

5. Travelling. This makes men wiser, but less happy. When men of sober

age travel, they gather knowledge, which they may apply usefully for

their country; but they are subject ever after to recollections mixed with

regret; their affections are weakened by being extended over more objects;

and they learn new habits which cannot be gratified when they return

home. Young men, who travel, are exposed to all these inconveniences in

a higher degree, to others still more serious, and do not acquire that

wisdom for which a previous foundation is requisite, by repeated and just

observations at home. The glare of pomp and pleasure is analogous to

the motion of the blood; it absorbs all their affection and attention,

they are torn from it as from the only good in this world, and return

to their home as to a place of exile and condemnation. Their eyes are

forever turned back to the object they have lost, and its recollection

poisons the residue of their lives. Their first and most delicate passions

are hackneyed on unworthy objects here, and they carry home the dregs,

insufficient to make themselves or anybody else happy. Add to this, that

a habit of idleness, an inability to apply themselves to business is

acquired, and renders them useless to themselves and their country. These

observations are founded in experience. There is no place where your

pursuit of knowledge will be so little obstructed by foreign objects, as

in your own country, nor any, wherein the virtues of the heart will be

less exposed to be weakened. Be good, be learned, and be industrious,

and you will not want the aid of travelling, to render you precious to

your country, dear to your friends, happy within yourself. I repeat my

advice, to take a great deal of exercise, and on foot. Health is the

first requisite after morality. Write to me often, and be assured of the

interest I take in your success, as well as the warmth of those sentiments

of attachment with which I am, dear Peter, your affectionate friend.

TO DR. GILMER.

PARIS, August 11, 1787.

DEAR DOCTOR,--Your letter of January the 9th, 1787, came safely to

hand in the month of June last. Unluckily you forgot to sign it, and

your handwriting is so Protean, that one cannot be sure it is yours.

To increase the causes of incertitude, it was dated _Pen-park_, a name

which I only know, as the seat of John Harmer. The hand-writing, too,

being somewhat in his style, made me ascribe it hastily to him, indorse

it with his name, and let it lie in my bundle to be answered at leisure.

That moment of leisure arriving, I set down to answer it to John Harmer,

and now, for the first time, discover marks of its being yours, and

particularly those expressions of friendship to myself and family, which

you have ever been so good as to entertain, and which are to me among

the most precious possessions. I wish my sense of this, and my desires

of seeing you rich and happy, may not prevent my seeing any difficulty in

the case you state of George Harmer's wills; which as you state them, are

thus:

1. A will, dated December the 26th, 1779, written in his own hand, and

devising to his brother the estates he had received from him.

2. Another will, dated June the 25th, 1782, written also in his own hand,

devising his estate to trustees, to be conveyed to such of his relations.

I. H. I. L. or H. L. as should become capable of acquiring property, or,

on failure of that, to be sold and the money remitted them.

3. A third will, dated September the 12th, 1786, devising all his estate

at Marrowbone, and his tracts at Horse-pasture and Poison-field to you;

which will is admitted to record, and of course, has been duly executed.

You say the learned are divided on these wills. Yet I see no cause of

division, as it requires little learning to decide, that "the first deed

and last will must always prevail." I am afraid, therefore, the difficulty

may arise on the want of words of inheritance in the devise to you; for

you state it as a devise to "George Gilmer" (without adding "and to his

heirs,") of "all the _estate_ called Marrowbone," "the _tract_ called

Horse-pasture," and "the _tract_ called Poison-field." If the question

is on this point, and you have copied the words of the will exactly, I

suppose you take an estate in fee simple in Marrowbone, and for life only

in Horse-pasture and Poison-field; the want of words of inheritance in

the two last cases, being supplied as to the first, by the word "estate,"

which has been repeatedly decided to be descriptive of the quantum of

interest devised, as well as of its locality. I am in hopes, however, you

have not copied the words exactly, that there are words of inheritance

to all the devises, as the testator certainly knew their necessity, and

that the conflict only will be between the different wills, in which

case I see nothing which can be opposed to the last. I shall be very

happy to eat at Pen-park, some of the good mutton and beef of Marrowbone,

Horse-pasture and Poison-field, with yourself and Mrs. Gilmer, and my

good old neighbors. I am as happy nowhere else, and in no other society,

and all my wishes end, where I hope my days will end, at Monticello. Too

many scenes of happiness mingle themselves with all the recollections

of my native woods and fields, to suffer them to be supplanted in my

affection by any other. I consider myself here as a traveller only, and

not a resident. My commission expires next spring, and if not renewed, I

shall, of course, return then. If renewed, I shall remain here some time

longer. How much, I cannot say; yet my wishes shorten the period. Among

the strongest inducements will be, that of your society and Mrs. Gilmer's,

which I am glad to find brought more within reach, by your return to

Pen-park. My daughters are importunate to return also. Patsy enjoys good

health, and is growing to my stature. Maria arrived here about a month

ago, after a favorable voyage, and in perfect health. My own health has

been as good as ever, after the first year's probation. If you knew how

agreeable to me are the details of the small news of my neighborhood, your

charity would induce you to write frequently. Your letters lodged in the

post office at Richmond (to be forwarded to New York) come with certainty.

We are doubtful yet, whether there will be war or not. Present me with

warm affection to Mrs. Gilmer, and be assured yourself of the unvarying

sentiments of esteem and attachment, with which I am, dear Doctor, your

sincere friend and servant.

TO COLONEL T. M. RANDOLPH.

PARIS, August 11, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--Mr. Ammonett sent me your favor of May 7, which you expected he

would have brought. He furnished me with the name of the family to whose

property he supposes himself entitled, and the name of the town where it

lies. I have endeavored to have them searched out, but as yet neither

family nor town is discovered. If they can be found, the estate will

then be to be searched for; the laws for limitation of actions will form

the next opposition to him, and probably the laws of forfeiture against

the Protestants, who were the subject of the revocation of the edict of

Nantes, which laws have never been repealed, nor probably ever will be,

even should the future condition of Protestants here be mitigated. I shall

proceed in the enquiry for him, and let him know the result.

Your son Thomas, at Edinburgh, has done me the favor to open a little

correspondence with me. He has sometimes asked my advice as to the course

of his studies, which I have given to him the more freely as he informed

me he was not tied down to any particular plan by your instructions. He

informed me in his last letter that you proposed he should come to Paris

this fall, stay here the winter, and return to Virginia in the spring.

I understand him as proposing to study the law, so that probably, on his

return, you will place him at Williamsburg for that purpose. On this view

of his destination I venture to propose to you another plan. The law may

be studied as well in one place as another; because it is a study of books

alone, at least till near the close of it. Books can be read equally well

at Williamsburg, at London, or Paris. The study of the law is an affair of

three years, the last of which should be spent in attending Mr. Wythe's

lectures. Upon the plan he has now in expectation, his residence here

six months as a traveller, must cost him two hundred guineas, and three

years' study at Williamsburg, four hundred and fifty guineas more, making

five hundred and fifty guineas in the whole. My proposition is that he

shall pass his two first years of legal study in some one of the villages

within an hour's walk of Paris, boarded with some good family, wherein he

may learn to speak the language, which is not to be learned in any other

way. By this means he will avoid the loss of time and money which would

be the consequence of a residence in the town, and he will be nigh enough

to come to dine, to make acquaintances, see good company, and examine the

useful details of the city. With very great economy he may do this on one

hundred guineas a year, but at his ease for one hundred and fifty guineas.

At the end of two years I would propose him a journey through the southern

parts of France, thence to Genoa, Leghorn, Florence, Rome, Naples, Venice,

Milan, Turin, Geneva, Lyons and Paris. This will employ him seven months,

and cost him three hundred and thirty guineas, if he goes alone, or

two hundred and thirty guineas if he finds a companion. Then he should

return to Virginia, and pass his third year of legal study in attending

Mr. Wythe's lectures. This whole plan would take three years and seven

months, and cost from seven hundred to seven hundred and fifty guineas,

which would be one month longer, and one hundred and fifty or two hundred

guineas dearer than the one proposed. The advantages of this would be his

learning to speak French well, his acquiring a better acquaintance here

with men and things, and his having travelled through the most interesting

parts of Europe, advantages which he will forever think cheaply purchased

for one hundred and fifty or two hundred guineas, even were a deduction

of that sum to be made from the establishment you mean to give him. But in

every case, whether you decide that he shall return to study in Virginia,

or remain here for that purpose, I would recommend that he should not be

tied down to quit Edinburgh this fall precisely, but only when he shall

have finished his courses of lectures in those sciences with which he

should not be unacquainted. I have taken the liberty of noting these to

him. I perceive by his letters that he has a good genius, and everybody

bears witness to his application, which is almost too great. It would be

a pity, therefore, he should miss of giving them full encouragement. I

must beg your pardon for thus intruding myself into a business belonging

to yourself alone, and hope you will find its excuse in the motives from

which it proceeds, friendship for yourself, Mrs. Randolph and your son.

I wish to see you gratified, and to be gratified myself in seeing him

act the advantageous part, which will naturally result from his talents,

his merit, and the favorable ground from which he will start; a fear of

seeing this endangered by a too early return to our own country where the

example of his cotemporaries may soon possibly lead him from the regular

pursuits his friends may chalk out for him, all these considerations have

impelled me to take this liberty, and to rely for pardon on the assurance

of the sincere attachment and respect with which I am, dear Sir, your

affectionate friend and servant.

TO THE REVEREND J. MADISON.

PARIS, August 13, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--I have been long, very long, without answering your favor of

March 27, 1786, and since that I have received those of December 28, and

by Mrs. Oster. The reason of this has been that the genius of invention

and improvement in Europe seems to be absolutely taking a nap. We have

nothing to communicate to you but of the small kind, such as making the

axletree turn with the wheel, which has been proposed here, adopted

by some, and thought to be proved best by experiment, though theory

has nothing to urge in its favor. A hydrostatic waistcoat is lately

announced, which a person puts on either above or below his clothes in a

minute, and fills with air by blowing with the mouth in twelve seconds.

It is not yet shown, however, so I cannot tell you either the manner or

matter of its construction. It may be useful when the loss of a vessel is

foreseen. Herschell's discovery of two satellites to his planet, you have

heard of ere this. He first saw them in January last. One revolves round

its principal in about a week; the other in about a fortnight. I think

your conjecture that the periodical variation of light in certain fixed

stars proceeds from Maculæ, is more probable than that of Maupertius,

who supposes those bodies may be flat, and more probable also than that

which supposes the star to have an orbit of revolution so large as to

vary sensibly its degree of light. The latter is rendered more difficult

of belief from the shortness of the period of variation. I thank you

for the shells you sent me. Their identity with marine shells and their

vicinity to the sea, argue an identity of cause. But still the shells

found in the mountains are very imperfectly accounted for. I have lately

become acquainted with a memoire on a petrification mixed with shells by

a Monsieur de La Sauvagere, giving an exact account of what Voltaire had

erroneously stated in his questions Encyclopediques, article Coquilles,

from whence I had transferred it into my notes. Having been lately at

Tours, I had an opportunity of enquiring into de La Sauvagere's character,

and the facts he states. The result was entirely in his and their favor.

This fact is so curious, so circumstantially detailed, and yet so little

like any known operation of nature, that it throws the mind under absolute

suspense. The memoir is out of print. But my bookseller is now in search

of it, and if he can find it I will put a copy of it into a box of books

I shall send by the September packet, addressed to Mr. Wythe. In the same

box I will put for you the Bibliotheque Physico-economique, for 1786,

1787, the connoissance des tems, Fourcroy's Chemistry, wherein all the

later discoveries are digested, and a number of my notes on Virginia, of

a copy of which you will be pleased to accept. It is a poor crayon, which

yourself and the gentlemen which issue from your school must fill up.

We are doubtful here whether we are to have peace or war. The movements

of Prussia and England indicate war; the finances of England and France

indicate peace. I think the two last will endeavor to accommodate the

Dutch differences. Be pleased to present me respectfully to Mrs. Madison,

and after repeating the recommendation of my nephew to you, I take the

liberty of assuring you of that esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your

friend and servant.

TO THE HONORABLE J. BLAIR.

PARIS, August 13, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--I received the letter with which you were pleased to honor me,

by Mrs. Oster, and immediately waited on her with a tender of my services.

She had, however, so far got her matters arranged as to be no longer in

fear of any disagreeable measure, and is since gone to establish herself

with her friends in Lorraine. I wish she may not there have alarms of a

different nature. We have hitherto been in hopes that the desperate state

of the finances of France and England would indispose those powers to war,

and induce them, by an armed mediation, to quiet the affairs of Holland.

The actual march, however, of the Prussian troops, the departure of the

British squadron somewhere westwardly, and the preparations for a naval

armament at Brest, and a land one in the neighborhood of the Netherlands,

render war at present more expected than it has been. Still we look to

the necessities of the two principal powers as promising efficacy to

the negotiations not yet broken off. Though we shall be neutrals, and

as such shall derive considerable pecuniary advantages, yet I think we

shall lose in happiness and morals by being launched again into the

ocean of speculation, led to overtrade ourselves, tempted to become

sea-robbers under French colors, and to quit the pursuits of agriculture,

the surest road to affluence and best preservative of morals. Perhaps,

too, it may divert the attention of the States from those great political

improvements, which the honorable body, of which you are a member, will,

I hope, propose to them. What these may be, I know not, but I am sure they

will be what they should be. My idea is that we should be made one nation

in every case concerning foreign affairs, and separate ones in whatever

is merely domestic; that the Federal government should be organized into

Legislative, Executive and Judiciary, as are the State governments, and

some peaceable means of enforcement devised for the Federal head over the

States. But of all these things you are a better judge. I have delivered

your message to Mr. Mazzei, who is still here. Be so good as to present me

respectfully to Mrs. Blair, and to be assured yourself of the sentiments

of esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your

most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JOSEPH JONES.

PARIS, August 14, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--I have never yet thanked you, but with the heart, for the

act of Assembly confirming the agreement with Maryland, the pamphlet

and papers I received from you a twelve month ago. Very soon after their

receipt, I got my right wrist dislocated, which prevented me long from

writing, and as soon as that was able to bear it, I took a long journey,

from which I am but lately returned. I am anxious to hear what our federal

convention recommends, and what the States will do in consequence of their

recommendation. * * * * With all the defects of our constitution, whether

general or particular, the comparison of our governments with those of

Europe, is like a comparison of heaven and hell. England, like the earth,

may be allowed to take the intermediate station. And yet, I hear there are

people among you, who think the experience of our governments has already

proved, that republican governments will not answer. Send those gentry

here, to count the blessings of monarchy. A king's sister, for instance,

stopped on the road, and on a hostile journey, is sufficient cause for him

to march immediately twenty thousand men to revenge this insult, when he

had shown himself little moved by the matter of right then in question.

* * * * *

From all these broils we are happily free, and that God may keep us long

so, and yourself in health and happiness, is the prayer of, dear Sir, your

most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.

PARIS, August 14, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--I am happy to find, by the letter of August the 1st, 1786,

which you did me the honor to write to me, that the modern dress for your

statue would meet your approbation. I found it strongly the sentiment

of West, Copley, Trumbull, and Brown, in London: after which, it would

be ridiculous to add, that it was my own. I think a modern in an antique

dress as just an object of ridicule as a Hercules or Marius with a periwig

and a chapeau bras.

I remember having written to you, while Congress sat at Annapolis, on

the water communication between ours and the western country, and to have

mentioned particularly the information I had received of the plain face

of the country between the sources of Big Beaver and Cayohoga, which made

me hope that a canal of no great expense might unite the navigation of

Lake Erie and the Ohio. You must since have had occasion of getting better

information on this subject, and if you have, you would oblige me by a

communication of it. I consider this canal, if practicable, as a very

important work.

I remain in hopes of great and good effects from the decision of the

Assembly over which you are presiding. To make our States one as to all

foreign concerns, preserve them several as to all merely domestic, to give

to the federal head some peaceable mode of enforcing its just authority,

to organize that head into legislative, executive, and judiciary

apartments, are great desiderata in our federal constitution. Yet with

all its defects, and with all those of our particular governments, the

inconveniences resulting from them, are so light in comparison with

those existing in every other government on earth, that our citizens

may certainly be considered as in the happiest political situation which

exists.

The Assemblée des Notables has been productive of much good in this

country. The reformation of some of the most oppressive laws has taken

place, and is taking place. The allotment of the State into subordinate

governments, the administration of which is committed to persons

chosen by the people, will work in time a very beneficial change in

their constitution. The expense of the trappings of monarchy, too, is

lightening. Many of the useless officers, high and low, of the King,

Queen, and Princes, are struck off. Notwithstanding all this, the

discovery of the abominable abuses of public money by the late Comptroller

General, some new expenses of the court, not of a piece with the projects

of reformation, and the imposition of new taxes, have, in the course

of a few weeks, raised a spirit of discontent in this nation, so great

and so general, as to threaten serious consequences. The parliaments

in general, and particularly that of Paris, put themselves at the head

of this effervescence, and direct its object to the calling the States

General, who have not been assembled since 1614. The object is to fix a

constitution, and to limit expenses. The King has been obliged to hold a

bed of justice, to enforce the registering the new taxes; the parliament,

on their side, propose to issue a prohibition against their execution.

Very possibly this may bring on their exile. The mild and patriotic

character of the new ministry, is the principal dependence against this

extremity.

The turn which the affairs of Europe will take, is not yet decided.

* * * * *

A war, wherein France, Holland, and England should be parties, seems,

_prima facie_, to promise much advantage to us. But in the first place,

no war can be safe for us which threatens France with an unfavorable

issue; and in the next, it will probably embark us again into the ocean

of speculation, engage us to over-trade ourselves, convert us into

sea-rovers, under French and Dutch colors, divert us from agriculture,

which is our wisest pursuit, because it will in the end contribute

most to real wealth, good morals, and happiness. The wealth acquired by

speculation and plunder, is fugacious in its nature, and fills society

with the spirit of gambling. The moderate and sure income of husbandry

begets permanent improvement, quiet life, and orderly conduct, both

public and private. We have no occasion for more commerce than to take off

our superfluous produce, and the people complain that some restrictions

prevent this; yet the price of articles with us, in general, shows the

contrary. Tobacco, indeed, is low, not because we cannot carry it where

we please, but because we make more than the consumption requires. Upon

the whole, I think peace advantageous to us, necessary for Europe, and

desirable for humanity. A few days will decide, probably, whether all

these considerations are to give way to the bad passions of Kings, and

those who would be Kings.

I have the honor to be, with very sincere esteem and respect, dear Sir,

your most obedient, and most humble servant.

P. S. August 15. The parliament is exiled to Troyes this morning.

TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS.

PARIS, August 14, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--I remember when you left us, it was with a promise to

supply all the defects of correspondence with our friends, of which we

complained, and which you had felt in common with us. Yet I have received

but one letter from you, which was dated June the 5th, 1786, and I

answered it, August the 14th, 1786. Dropping that, however, and beginning

a new account, I will observe to you, that wonderful improvements are

making here in various lines. In architecture, the wall of circumvallation

round Paris, and the palaces by which we are to be let out and in, are

nearly completed; four hospitals are to be built instead of the old

Hotel-Dieu; one of the old bridges has all its houses demolished, and

a second nearly so; a new bridge is begun at the Place Louis XV.; the

Palais Royale is gutted, a considerable part in the centre of the garden

being dug out, and a subterranean circus begun, wherein will be equestrian

exhibitions, &c. In society, the habit habillé is almost banished, and

they begin to go even to great suppers in frock: the court and diplomatic

corps, however, must always be excepted. They are too high to be reached

by any improvement. They are the last refuge from which etiquette,

formality, and folly will be driven. Take away these, and they would be on

a level with other people.

* * * * *

[After describing the unsettled state of Europe, as in some of the

preceding letters, the writer proceeds:]

So much for the blessings of having Kings, and magistrates who would be

Kings. From these events, our young Republic may learn useful lessons,

never to call on foreign powers to settle their differences, to guard

against hereditary magistrates, to prevent their citizens from becoming

so established in wealth and power, as to be thought worthy of alliance

by marriage with the nieces, sisters, &c., of Kings, and, in short, to

besiege the throne of heaven with eternal prayers, to extirpate from

creation this class of human lions, tigers, and mammoths called Kings;

from whom, let him perish who does not say, "good Lord deliver us;" and

that so we may say, one and all, or perish, is the fervent prayer of

him who has the honor to mix with it, sincere wishes for your health and

happiness, and to be, with real attachment and respect, dear Sir, your

affectionate friend and humble servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

PARIS, August 15, 1787.

SIR,--An American gentleman leaving Paris this afternoon to go by the way

of L'Orient to Boston, furnishes me the rare occasion of a conveyance,

other than the packet, sure and quick. My letter by the packet informed

you of the bed of justice, for enregistering the stamp tax and land tax.

The parliament, on their return, came to an _Arretee_ (a resolution)

which, besides protesting against the enregistering, as done by force,

laid the foundation for an _Arret de defence_ (an act) against the

execution of the two new laws. The question on the final _Arret_ was

adjourned to the day before yesterday. It is believed they did not

conclude on this _Arret_, as it has not appeared. However, there was a

concourse of about ten thousand people at the parliament house, who, on

their adjournment, received them with acclamations of joy, loosened the

horses of the most eminent speakers against the tax from their carriages,

and drew them home. This morning, the parliament is exiled to Troyes. It

is believed to proceed, principally, from the fear of a popular commotion

here.

The officer, charged by this court to watch the English squadron, which

was under sailing orders, returned about a week ago, with information

that it had sailed, having shaped its course westwardly. This is another

step towards war. It is the more suspicious, as their minister here denies

the fact. Count Adhemar is here from London, by leave from his court. The

Duke of Dorset, the British ambassador here, has lately gone to London

on leave. Neither of these ambassadors has the confidence of his court,

on the point of abilities. The latter merits it for his honesty. The

minister of the British court, resident here, remains; but Mr. Eden, their

ambassador to Spain, under pretence of taking this in his route, is in

truth their _factotum_ in the present emergency. Nothing worth noting has

occurred since my last, either in the Dutch or Austrian Netherlands.

I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir,

your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO THE HONORABLE JAMES MADISON.

PARIS, August 15, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--A gentleman going from hence by L'Orient to Boston, furnishes

me an opportunity of recommending to your care the enclosed letters,

which I could not get ready for the last packet. Pray inform me in your

next whether letters directed to your foreign ministers, or franked by

them, are free of postage; that they ought to be so is acknowledged

substantially by the resolution of Congress, allowing us to charge

postages. I have sometimes suspected that my letters stagnate in the

post-offices. My letters by the last packet brought down the domestic

news of this country to the day in which the bed of justice was held. The

day before yesterday the parliament house was surrounded by ten thousand

people, who received them on their adjournment with acclamations of joy,

took out the horses of the principal speakers and drew their chariots

themselves to their hotels. The parliament not having taken the desperate

step (as far as is yet known) of forbidding the execution of the new tax

laws by an _Arret de defence sur peine de mort_, we presume it is the fear

of a popular commotion which has occasioned the King to exile them to

Troyes. This is known only this morning. The ministry here have certain

information that the English squadron has sailed and took its course

westwardly. This is another move towards war. No other important fact has

taken place since my letter by the packet. Adieu. Yours affectionately.

TO THE COUNT DEL VERMI.

PARIS, August 15, 1787.

SIR,--In consequence of the permission you were so kind as to give me,

when I had the honor of seeing you at Milan, I shall sometimes take

the liberty of troubling you with a line. I cannot begin with an act of

greater justice than that of expressing to you all my gratitude for your

attentions and services while in your capital, and to which I am indebted

for the best informations I received there. I then mentioned some late

publications on the subject of America, of which I would do myself the

honor of sending you one, because it was my own, and two others because

worth reading. Mine are some notes only on the State of Virginia. The

others are Ramsay's history of the war and Soulé's history. The first

is very authentic, there being no fact in it which may not be relied

on; but it is confined to the war in the southern States. The last is a

general history, of which we can only say it is the best of those written

in Europe. There is a history of the same period now printing in London,

though written in America by an English clergyman of the name of Gordon.

He had access to some collections of papers not known to any other writer.

But I am unable to say as yet what may be the merit of his work. You must

have observed when in America, that time and trial had discovered defects

in our federal constitution. A new essay, made in the midst of the flames

of war, could not be perfect. The States have appointed deputies, who

are now sitting at Philadelphia, to consider what are the defects, and

to propose new articles to be added to the instrument of confederation

for amending them. The articles to be proposed by them will have to be

confirmed by Congress and by the Legislature of every State before they

will be in force. As yet their proceedings are not known. Probably they

go to the following points: 1. To invest Congress with the exclusive

sovereignty in every matter relative to foreign nations and the general

mass of our Union, retaining to the States their individual sovereignty in

matters merely domestic. 2. To devise some peaceable mode whereby Congress

may enforce their decisions. 3. To organize Congress into three branches,

Legislative, Executive and Judiciary. I had the honor of informing you of

the commotions which had taken place in Massachusetts, the only ones which

had ever taken place since the declaration of Independence. I have now

that of informing you that those commotions have been entirely quieted.

General Washington is well, and is president of the federal convention

sitting at Philadelphia, as before mentioned. Dr. Franklin and others,

the greatest characters of America, are members of it. I do not give you

European news; you have that from other quarters; after adding therefore,

that the books before mentioned, are delivered to Messieurs Cathalan,

of Marseilles, who will send them to their correspondent at Genoa, with

instructions to forward them to you at Milan. I shall only repeat very

sincere assurances of the esteem and respect with which I have the honor

to be, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

PARIS, August 30, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--Since your favor of July the 10th, mine have been of July the

17th, 23d and 28th. The last enclosed a bill of exchange from Mr. Grand,

on Tessier, for £46, 17s. 10d. sterling, to answer General Sullivan's bill

for that sum. I hope it got safe to hand, though I have been anxious about

it, as it went by post, and my letters through that channel sometimes

miscarry.

From the separation of the Notables to the present moment, has been

perhaps the most interesting interval ever known in this country. The

propositions of the government, approved by the Notables, were precious

to the nation, and have been in an honest course of execution, some of

them being carried into effect, and others preparing. Above all, the

establishment of the Provincial Assemblies, some of which have begun their

sessions, bid fair to be the instrument for circumscribing the power of

the crown, and raising the people into consideration. The election given

to them, is what will do this. Though the minister, who proposed these

improvements, seems to have meant them as the price of the new supplies,

the game has been so played, as to secure the improvements to the nation,

without securing the price. The Notables spoke softly on the subject

of the additional supplies. But the parliament took them up roundly,

refused to register the edicts for the new taxes, till compelled in a

bed of justice, and suffered themselves to be transferred to Troyes,

rather than withdraw their opposition. It is urged principally against

the King, that his revenue is one hundred and thirty millions more than

that of his predecessor was, and yet he demands one hundred and twenty

millions further. You will see this well explained in the "Conference

entre un ministre d'etat et un Conseiller au parliment," which I send you,

with some small pamphlets. In the meantime, all tongues in Paris (and

in France as it is said) have been let loose, and never was a license

of speaking against the government exercised in London more freely or

more universally. Caricatures, placards, bons mots, have been indulged

in by all ranks of people, and I know of no well-attested instance of a

single punishment. For sometime mobs of ten, twenty and thirty thousand

people collected daily, surrounded the parliament house, huzzaed the

members, even entered the doors and examined into their conduct, took the

horses out of the carriages of those who did well, and drew them home.

The government thought it prudent to prevent these, drew some regiments

into the neighborhood, multiplied the guards, had the streets constantly

patrolled by strong parties, suspended privileged places, forbade all

clubs, &c. The mobs have ceased; perhaps this may be partly owing to

the absence of parliament. The Count d'Artois, sent to hold a bed of

justice in the Cour des Aides, was hissed and hooted without reserve,

by the populace; the carriage of Madame de (I forget the name) in the

Queen's livery was stopped by the populace, under a belief that it was

Madame de Polignac, whom they would have insulted; the Queen, going to

the theatre at Versailles with Madame de Polignac, was received with

a general hiss. The King, long in the habit of drowning his cares in

wine, plunges deeper and deeper. The Queen cries, but sins on. The Count

d'Artois is detested, and Monsieur, the general favorite. The Archbishop

of Thoulouse is made minister principal, a virtuous, patriotic, and able

character. The Marechal de Castries retired yesterday, notwithstanding

strong solicitations to remain in office. The Marechal de Segur retired

at the same time, prompted to it by the court. Their successors are not

yet known. Monsieur de St. Priest goes ambassador to Holland, in the room

of Verac, transferred to Switzerland, and the Count de Moustier goes to

America, in the room of the Chevalier de La Luzerne, who has a promise

of the first vacancy. These nominations are not yet made formally, but

they are decided on, and the parties are ordered to prepare for their

destination.

As it has been long since I have had a confidential conveyance to you,

I have brought together the principal facts from the adjournment of the

Notables to the present moment, which, as you will perceive from their

nature, required a confidential conveyance. I have done it the rather,

because, though you will have heard many of them, and seen them in the

public papers, yet, floating in the mass of lies which constitute the

atmosphere of London and Paris, you may not have been sure of their truth;

and I have mentioned every truth of any consequence, to enable you to

stamp as false, the facts pretermitted. I think that in the course of

three months, the royal authority has lost, and the rights of the nation

gained, as much ground by a revolution of public opinion only, as England

gained in all her civil wars under the Stuarts. I rather believe, too,

they will retain the ground gained, because it is defended by the young

and the middle aged, in opposition to the old only. The first party

increases, and the latter diminishes daily, from the course of nature. You

may suppose, that in this situation, war would be unwelcome to France. She

will surely avoid it, if not forced into it by the courts of London and

Berlin. If forced, it is probable she will change the system of Europe

totally, by an alliance with the two empires, to whom nothing would be

more desirable. In the event of such a coalition, not only Prussia, but

the whole European world must receive from them their laws. But France

will probably endeavor to preserve the present system, if it can be done,

by sacrificing to a certain degree, the pretensions of the Patriotic party

in Holland. But of all these matters, you can judge, in your position,

where less secrecy is observed, better than I can.

I have news from America as late as July the 19th. Nothing had transpired

from the federal convention. I am sorry they began their deliberations

by so abominable a precedent as that of tying up the tongues of their

members. Nothing can justify this example but the innocence of their

intentions, and ignorance of the value of public discussions. I have no

doubt that all their other measures will be good and wise. It is really an

assembly of demigods. General Washington was of opinion, that they should

not separate till October.

I have the honor to be, with every sentiment of friendship and respect,

dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO M. LE COMTE DE MONTMORIN.

PARIS, September 8, 1787.

SIR,--I had the honor of addressing your Excellency on the 3d of July,

some observations on the letter of Monsieur de Calonnes, of October

22d, 1786, relative to the commerce of France with the United States of

America; of proposing to it some small amendments, and of expressing a

wish that it might be put into such a form as would secure its execution.

Monsieur de Villedeuil, then Comptroller general was pleased to inform

me that the Farmers General had received orders on the first of April,

1787, to conform themselves to the decisions notified in that letter, and

that on the 5th of the same month they had given orders not to levy "sur

les _huiles_ et autres produits de la _peche Americane_ que les droits

mentionnes dans la lettre." This expression, restrained to the produce

of the _fisheries_, with recent information received from the American

agent at Havre, make me apprehensive that the ancient duties are still

demanded on all other objects, and induce me to repeat to your Excellency

my request that the letter of M. de Calonnes may be put into such form

as will insure its execution and stability. In my letter of July 25th,

I took the liberty of proposing that timely measures might be adopted

for encouraging the direct importation of the tobacco of the United

States into this Kingdom when the order of Bernis should be expired,

and that in the meantime that order might be strictly executed. A great

accumulation of tobaccos in the seaports of France, and a refusal of

the Farmers General to purchase any more, on the pretence that they have

purchased the whole quantity required by government, excites discontent

among the merchants. It is their opinion that the Farms have not complied

with the order of Bernis. As the government was pleased to desire the

publication of that order to induce the merchants to bring tobaccos here,

it would be very satisfactory to make known also the execution of that

order. If the Farms can verify that they have strictly executed it, all

discontent will cease and the merchants become sensible that the present

glut is occasioned by their importing too much. On the other hand, if

it shall appear, from the list of purchases made by the Farms, or from

other evidence, that they have not purchased the whole quantity on the

conditions prescribed by government, they will doubtless be instructed to

do it, and that too without delay, as the duration of the contract with

Mr. Morris, and of the order of Bernis, formed on that, will soon expire.

A parcel of gazettes and magazines sent to me from America, for my own

use, and detained in the syndic chamber, obliges me to trouble your

Excellency for an order for their delivery.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and

respect, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO M. LIMOSIN.

PARIS, Sept. 9, 1787.

SIR,--Immediately on the receipt of your favor of the 31st of August,

I waited on the person who is charged with the superintendence of the

conduct of the Farms, and informed him that the custom-house officers had

required the ancient duties on a cargo of pearlash, arrived at Havre.

He observed to me that the duties promised to be abolished by the King

were only those due to himself or the Farms; but that there were _droits

loceaux_, which he could not abolish; that the officers of the customs

might have demanded the droits loceaux, but that it was impossible they

should have demanded any other duties. If they have done so, I will beg

the favor of you to send me such evidence of the demand as will enable

me to press for a proper notice of the Farms, if they have failed to give

orders, or a punishment of the officer, if he has failed to obey them.

No further changes in the government since my last. The office of

Directeur du tresor royal was offered to M. de La Borde and refused by

him. Had no accident intervened, I think the affairs of the Dutch would

have been arranged without producing any war immediately. They are even

at this moment in a train of negotiation. But, in the meantime, a war

has broke out between the Russians and Turks. We have no news yet of

any action, but the Turks have imprisoned the Russian Ambassador at

Constantinople, and no hope is entertained of preventing hostilities.

Considering the situation of things in Europe, it seems inevitable that

this fire must spread over the whole of it. The utmost that can be hoped,

in my opinion, is that the season is so far advanced as that the other

powers of Europe may not be drawn into the vortex of hostilities till

the ensuing spring. The desire of government to prevent a war, might make

it disagreeable to them to see this opinion published. I will pray you,

therefore, to make use of it only for your own government, and that of

the Americans concerned in commerce with your port. I shall make the same

communication to our agents at Nantes and Bordeaux. I have the honor to

be, with much esteem, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.

TO MR. T. BLAKE.

PARIS, Sept. 9, 1787.

SIR,--Congress do not grant their sea-letters for the East Indies,

but to ships belonging to citizens of the United States, and navigated

by officers and seamen of the United States. Even the cargo must also

belong to their own citizens. Nor can these letters be obtained but on an

application to Congress themselves, whereupon they appoint a committee of

their own body to enquire into the circumstances relative to the vessel,

cargo and crew, and on their report of the fact, they grant or refuse the

passport.

I am, with much respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO MR. BONDFIELD.

PARIS, September 9, 1787.

SIR,--The affairs of Holland, though at one moment they had threatened a

war, had got into a hopeful train of accommodation, when all of a sudden a

war is kindled between the Russians and Turks. The latter have imprisoned

the Russian Ambassador resident with them, which you know is their manner

of declaring war; and though no news of actual hostilities is yet arrived,

every body considers them as inevitable. In the present state of Europe,

a spark dropped anywhere must kindle the whole. The only thing to be

hoped is that the advance of the season may prevent the other powers from

being drawn into the vortex of hostilities, till the next spring. But this

cannot be depended on. Government here would still wish for peace, and may

see disagreeably the publication of any opinion unfriendly to their wish.

I will beg of you, therefore to make use of this for your own information

only, and that of the persons concerned in our commerce from your port. My

duty leads me to care of them, and my desire to give no offence makes me

wish to give no further alarm. I make the same communication to the ports

of Nantes, L'Orient, and Havre. I am, with much esteem, Sir, your most

obedient humble servant.

TO M. DUMAS.

PARIS, September 10, 1787.

SIR,--I am honored with your favor of the 5th instant, and will forward

the letter to Mr. Jay by the packet-boat which sails the 25th of this

month. I am sorry for the situation in which Mr. Grand's refusal to make

further advances has placed you. I know its pain, because I participate of

it. The aspect of your affairs has also been discouraging. Perhaps the war

kindled between Russia and Turkey may engage your friends, of necessity in

measures they wished to avoid, and may ultimately relieve you. Our Federal

Convention is likely to sit till October; there is a general disposition

through the States to adopt what they shall propose, and we may be assured

their propositions will be wise, as a more able assembly never sat in

America. Happily for us, that when we find our constitutions defective and

insufficient to secure the happiness of our people, we can assemble with

all the coolness of philosophers, and set it to rights, while every other

nation on earth must have recourse to arms to amend or to restore their

constitutions. The sale of our western lands begins this month. I hope

from this measure a very speedy reduction of our national debt. It can

only be applied to pay off the principal, being irrevocably made a sinking

fund for that purpose. I have the honor to be, with much esteem and

respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO DON FRANCISCO CHIAPPI.

PARIS, September 15, 1787.

SIR,--I have lately received from Mr. Jay, Secretary for foreign affairs

to the United States of America, the enclosed letter from Congress to

his Majesty the Emperor (whom God preserve), and their ratification of

the treaty between his Majesty (whom God preserve) and the United States,

together with an instruction to forward them to you, to be delivered into

the hands of his Majesty (whom God preserve). I am at the same time to

ask the favor of you to deliver the inclosed letter to Taher Ben Abdelkack

Fennish.

Mr. Jay also informs me that Congress had confirmed Mr. Barclay's

appointment of yourself to be their agent at Morocco, of Don Joseph

Chiappi to be their agent at Mogador, and Don Girolamo Chiappi to be

their agent at Tangier, with which agents it was their desire that their

ministers at Versailles and London should regularly correspond; that want

of time prevented his having and sending to me the certified copies of

these acts by that opportunity, but that he would do it by the next. It

will be with singular pleasure that I shall be instrumental in forwarding

to you these testimonies of the sense which Congress entertains of your

personal merit, and of your dispositions to be useful to the citizens of

America.

In the meantime, I shall be very happy to receive from you such

communications, from time to time, as may be interesting to either nation,

and will avail myself of every occasion of making communications of the

same nature to you, and of assuring you of those sentiments of esteem and

respect with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient, and

most humble servant.

TO MR. WYTHE.

PARIS, Sept. 16, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--I am now to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of Dec.

the 13th and 22d, 1786, and of Jan., 1787. These should not have been so

long unanswered, but that they arrived during my absence on a journey

of between three and four months through the southern parts of France,

and northern of Italy. In the latter country, my time allowed me to go

no farther than Turin, Milan, and Genoa: consequently, I scarcely got

into classical ground. I took with me some of the writings, in which

endeavors have been made to investigate the passage of Annibal over the

Alps, and was just able to satisfy myself, from a view of the country,

that the descriptions given of his march are not sufficiently particular

to enable us, at this day, even to guess at his track across the Alps.

In architecture, painting, sculpture, I found much amusement; but more

than all, in their agriculture, many objects of which might be adopted

with us to great advantage. I am persuaded, there are many parts of our

lower country where the olive tree might be raised, which is assuredly

the richest gift of heaven. I can scarcely except bread. I see this tree

supporting thousands among the Alps, where there is not soil enough to

make bread for a single family. The caper too, might be cultivated with

us. The fig we do raise. I do not speak of the vine, because it is the

parent of misery. Those who cultivate it are always poor, and he who would

employ himself with us in the culture of corn, cotton, &c., can procure,

in exchange for them, much more wine, and better, than he could raise by

its direct culture.

I sent you formerly copies of the documents on the Tagliaferro family,

which I had received from Mr. Febroni. I now send the originals. I have

procured for you a copy of Polybius, the best edition; but the best

edition of Vitruvius, which is with the commentaries of Ticinus, is not to

be got here. I have sent to Holland for it. In the meantime, the Polybius

comes in a box containing books for Peter Carr, and for some of my friends

in Williamsburg and its vicinities. I have taken the liberty of addressing

the box to you. It goes to New York in the packet boat which carries this

letter, and will be forwarded to you by water, by Mr. Madison. Its freight

to New York is paid here. The transportation from thence to Williamsburg

will be demanded of you, and shall stand as the equivalent to the cost

of Polybius and Vitruvius, if you please. The difference either way will

not be worth the trouble of raising and transmitting accounts. I send you

herewith, a state of the contents of the box, and for whom each article

is. Among these are some, as you will perceive, of which I ask your

acceptance. It is a great comfort to me, that while here, I am able to

furnish some amusement to my friends, by sending them such productions

of genius, ancient and modern, as might otherwise escape them; and I hope

they will permit me to avail myself of the occasion while it lasts.

This world is going all to war. I hope ours will remain clear of it. It

is already declared between the Turks and Russians, and considering the

present situation of Holland, it cannot fail to spread itself all over

Europe. Perhaps it may not be till next spring, that the other powers will

be engaged in it: nor is it as yet clear how they will arrange themselves.

I think it not impossible that France and the two empires may join against

all the rest. The Patriotic party in Holland will be saved by this, and

the Turks sacrificed. The only thing which can prevent the union of France

and the two empires, is the difficulty of agreeing about the partition

of the spoils. Constantinople is the key of Asia. Who shall have it? is

the question. I cannot help looking forward to the re-establishment of

the Greeks as a people, and the language of Homer becoming again a living

language, as among possible events. You have now with you Mr. Paradise,

who can tell you how easily the modern may be improved into the ancient

Greek.

You ask me in your letter, what ameliorations I think necessary in our

federal constitution. It is now too late to answer the question, and it

would always have been presumption in me to have done it. Your own ideas,

and those of the great characters who were to be concerned with you in

these discussions, will give the law, as they ought to do, to us all.

My own general idea was, that the States should severally preserve their

sovereignty in whatever concerns themselves alone, and that whatever may

concern another State, or any foreign nation, should be made a part of

the federal sovereignty; that the exercise of the federal sovereignty

should be divided among three several bodies, legislative, executive,

and judiciary, as the State sovereignities are; and that some peaceable

means should be contrived, for the federal head to force compliance

on the part of the States. I have reflected on your idea of wooden, or

ivory diagrams, for the geometrical demonstrations. I should think wood

as good as ivory; and that in this case, it might add to the improvement

of the young gentlemen, that they should make the figures themselves.

Being furnished by a workman with a piece of veneer, no other tool than a

penknife and a wooden rule, would be necessary. Perhaps pasteboards, or

common cards, might be still more convenient. The difficulty is, how to

reconcile figures which must have a very sensible breadth to our ideas of

a mathematical line, which, as it has neither breadth nor thickness, will

revolt more at these than at simple lines drawn on paper or slate. If,

after reflecting on this proposition, you would prefer having them made

here, lay your commands on me, and they shall be executed.

I return you a thousand thanks for your goodness to my nephew. After

my debt to you for whatever I am myself, it is increasing it too much

to interest yourself for his future fortune. But I know, that to you, a

consciousness of doing good is a luxury ineffable. You have enjoyed it

already, beyond all human measure, and that you may long live to enjoy it,

and to bless your country and friends, is the sincere prayer of him who

is, with every possible sentiment of esteem and respect, dear Sir, your

most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. RITTENHOUSE.

PARIS, September 18, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--I am now to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of April the

14th, and June the 26th, as also of the second volume of the transactions

you were so kind as to send me. It would have been a grateful present

indeed, could you have accompanied them with a copy of your observations

on our western country. Besides the interest I feel in that country in

common with others, I have a particular one, as having ventured so many

crudities on that subject. A copy of these, with some late corrections,

I have put into a box of books sent to Mr. Madison, and another for Mr.

Hopkinson. I hope he will forward them to you from New York. I have also

put into the same box for you a dissertation, by De la Sauvagere, on the

spontaneous growth of shells. When I was at Tours this summer, I inquired

into the character of De la Sauvagere, from a gentleman who had known him

well. He told me he was a person of talents, but of a heated imagination;

however, that he might be depended on for any facts advanced on his own

knowledge. This gentleman added, that he had seen such proofs of this

growth of shells in many parts of the country round Tours, as to convince

him of the truth of the fact; and that he has never seen any person, even

the most incredulous, quit those Falunieres but under the same conviction.

After all, I cannot say I give faith to it. It is so unlike the processes

of nature, to produce the same effect in two different ways, that I can

only bring myself to agree it is not impossible. I have added for you

the Connoissance des Temps for '88 and '89, and a copy of Fourcroi's

Chemistry, which is the best and most complete publication in that line,

which we have had for some time past. I shall be happy to receive an

account of your improvement in time-pieces, as well as the third volume of

the transactions, when published. There are abundance of good things in

the second volume. But I must say there are several which have not merit

enough to be placed in such company. I think we should be a little rigid

in our admission of papers. It is the peculiar privilege derived from

our not being obliged to publish a volume in any fixed period of time. A

person here pretends to have discovered the method of rendering sea-water

potable, and has some respectable certificates of its success. He has

contrived a varnish, also, for lining biscuit barrels, which preserves

the biscuit good, and keeps it free from insects. He asks money for his

secrets, so we are not to know them soon.

The affairs of Holland had got so far entangled as to leave little hope

that war could be avoided. In this situation, the Turks have declared war

against the Russians. This, I think, renders a general war inevitable.

Perhaps the European powers may take this winter to determine which side

each shall take. There is a possibility that an alliance between France

and the two empires may induce England and Prussia to tread back their

steps. In that case, the Patriotic party in Holland will be peaceably

placed at the head of their government. The Turks will be driven out

of Europe, their continental possessions divided between Russia and the

Emperor, and perhaps their islands and Egypt allotted to France. These

events seem possible at present. * * * * * * *

TO THE HONORABLE THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE TREASURY.

PARIS, September 18, 1787.

GENTLEMEN,--Congress having thought proper, by their vote of July the

18th, to entrust me to take measures for the redemption of our captives at

Algiers, and to desire you to furnish the money necessary, it is proper to

state to you some data whereby you may judge what sum is necessary. The

French prisoners, last redeemed by the order of Mathurins, cost somewhat

less than four hundred dollars: but the General of the order told me,

that they had always been made to pay more for foreign prisoners than

their own. The smallest sum then, at which we can expect ours, including

redemption, clothing, feeding, and transportation, will be five hundred

dollars each. There are twenty of them. Of course, ten thousand dollars

is the smallest sum which can be requisite. I think a larger sum should

be set apart, as so much of it as shall not be wanting for the prisoners,

will remain for other uses. As soon as you shall have notified me that

the money is ready, I will proceed to execute the order of Congress.

I must add the injunctions of the General of the Mathurins, that it be

not made known that the public interest themselves in the redemption of

these prisoners, as that would induce the Algerians to demand the most

extravagant price. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most

profound respect, Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

PARIS, September 19, 1787.

SIR,--My last letters to you were of the 6th and 15th of August; since

which, I have been honored with yours of July the 24th, acknowledging

the receipt of mine of the 14th and 23d of February. I am anxious to

hear you have received that also of May the 4th, written from Marseilles.

According to the desires of Congress, expressed in their vote confirming

the appointments of Francisco, Giuseppa and Girolamo Chiappi, their

agents in Morocco, I have written letters to these gentlemen, to begin a

correspondence with them. To the first, I have inclosed the ratification

of the treaty with the Emperor of Morocco, and shall send it either by

our agent at Marseilles, who is now here, or by the Count Daranda, who

sets out for Madrid in a few days, having relinquished his embassy here.

I shall proceed on the redemption of our captives at Algiers, as soon as

the commissioners of the treasury shall enable me, by placing the money

necessary, under my orders. The prisoners redeemed by the religious order

of Mathurins, cost about four hundred dollars each, and the General of

the order told me, that they had never been able to redeem foreigners on

so good terms as their own countrymen. Supposing that their redemption,

clothing, feeding and transportation, should amount to five hundred

dollars each, there must be, at least, a sum of ten thousand dollars set

apart for this purpose. Till this is done, I shall take no other step than

the preparatory one, of destroying at Algiers all idea of our intending

to redeem the prisoners. This, the General of the Mathurins told me, was

indispensably necessary, and that it must not, on any account, transpire,

that the public would interest themselves for their redemption. This was

rendered the more necessary, by the declaration of the Dey to the Spanish

consul, that he should hold him responsible, at the Spanish price, for our

prisoners, even for such as should die. Three of them have died of the

plague. By authorizing me to redeem at the prices _usually_ paid by the

European nations, Congress, I suppose, could not mean the Spanish price,

which is not only unusual, but unprecedented, and would make our vessels

the first object with those pirates. I shall pay no attention, therefore,

to the Spanish price, unless further instructed. Hard as it may seem, I

should think it necessary not to let it be known even to the relations of

the captives, that we mean to redeem them.

I have the honor to enclose you a paper from the admiralty of Guadaloupe,

sent to me as a matter of form, and to be lodged, I suppose, with our

marine records. I enclose, also, a copy of a letter from the Count de

Florida Blanca to Mr. Carmichael, by which you will perceive, they have

referred the settlement of the claim of South Carolina for the use of

their frigate, to Mr. Gardoqui, and to the Delegates of South Carolina in

Congress.

I had the honor to inform you, in my last letter, of the parliament's

being transferred to Troyes. To put an end to the tumults in Paris,

some regiments were brought nearer, the patroles were strengthened and

multiplied, some mutineers punished by imprisonment: it produced the

desired effect. It is confidently believed, however, that the parliament

will be immediately recalled, the stamp tax and land tax repealed, and

other means devised of accommodating their receipts and expenditures.

Those supposed to be in contemplation, are a rigorous levy of the old

tax of the _deux vingtièmes_, on the rich, who had, in a great measure,

withdrawn their property from it, as well as on the poor, on whom it had

principally fallen. This will greatly increase the receipts; while they

are proceeding on the other hand, to reform their expenses far beyond what

they had promised. It is said these reformations will amount to eighty

millions. Circumstances render these measures more and more pressing.

I mentioned to you in my last letter, that the officer charged by the

ministry to watch the motion of the British squadron, had returned with

information that it had sailed westwardly. The fact was not true. He had

formed his conclusion too hastily, and thus led the ministry into error.

The King of Prussia, urged on by England, has pressed more and more the

affairs of Holland, and lately has given to the States General of Holland,

four days only to comply with his demand. This measure would, of itself,

have rendered it impossible for France to proceed longer in the line of

accommodation with Prussia. In the same moment, an event takes place,

which seems to render all attempt at accommodation idle. The Turks have

declared war against the Russians, and that under circumstances which

exclude all prospect of preventing its taking place. The King of Prussia

having deserted his ancient friends, there remains only France and Turkey,

perhaps Spain also, to oppose the two empires, Russia and England. By such

a piece of Quixotism, France might plunge herself into ruin with the Turks

and Dutch, but would save neither. But there is certainly a confederacy

secretly in contemplation, of which the public have not yet the smallest

suspicion; that is, between France and the two empires. I think it sure

that Russia has desired this, and that the Emperor, after some hesitation,

has acceded. It rests on this country to close. Her indignation against

the King of Prussia will be some spur. She will thereby save her party in

Holland, and only abandon the Turks to that fate she cannot ward off, and

which their precipitation has brought on themselves, by the instigations

of the English ambassador at the Porte, and against the remonstrances of

the French ambassador. Perhaps this formidable combination, should it take

place, may prevent the war of the western powers, as it would seem that

neither England nor Prussia would carry their false calculations so far,

as, with the aid of the Turks only, to oppose themselves to such a force.

In that case, the Patriots of Holland would be peaceably established in

the powers of their government, and the war go on against the Turks only,

who would probably be driven from Europe. This new arrangement would be a

total change of the European system, and a favorable one for our friends.

The probability of a general war, in which this country will be engaged

on one side, and England on the other, has appeared to me sufficient to

justify my writing to our agents in the different ports of France, to put

our merchants on their guard, against risking their property in French

or English bottoms. The Emperor, instead of tracing back his steps in

Brabant, as was expected, has pursued the less honorable plan of decoying

his subjects thence by false pretences, to let themselves be invested by

his troops, and this done, he dictates to them his own terms. Yet it is

not certain the matter will end with that.

The Count de Moustier is nominated Minister Plenipotentiary to America;

and a frigate is ordered to Cherbourg, to carry him over. He will endeavor

to sail by the middle of the next month, but if any delay should make him

pass over the whole of October, he will defer his voyage to the spring,

being unwilling to take a winter passage. Monsieur de St. Priest is

sent ambassador to Holland, in the room of Monsieur de Verac, appointed

to Switzerland. The Chevalier de Luzerne might, I believe, have gone

to Holland, but he preferred a general promise of promotion, and the

possibility that it might be to the court of London. His prospects are

very fair. His brother, the Count de la Luzerne, (now Governor in the West

Indies,) is appointed minister of the marine, in the place of Monsieur

de Castries, who has resigned. The Archbishop of Thoulouse is appointed

_ministre principale_, and his brother, Monsieur de Brienne, minister of

war, in the place of Monsieur de Segur. The department of the Comptroller

has had a very rapid succession of tenants. From Monsieur de Calonnes it

passed to Monsieur de Forqueux, from him to Villedeuil, and from him to

Lambert, who holds it at present, but divided with a Monsieur Cabarrus,

(whom I believe you knew in Spain,) who is named _Directeur du tresor

royal_, the office into which M. Neckar came at first. I had the honor

to inform you, that before the departure of the Count de Luzerne to his

government in the West Indies, I had pressed on him the patronage of

our trade with the French islands; that he appeared well disposed, and

assured me he would favor us as much as his instructions, and the laws

of the colonies, would permit. I am in hopes these dispositions will be

strengthened by his residence in the islands, and that his acquaintance

among the people there, will be an additional motive to favor them.

Probably they will take advantage of his appointment, to press indulgences

in commerce with us. The ministry is of a liberal complexion, and well

disposed to us. The war may add to the motives for opening their islands

to other resources for their subsistence, and for doing what may be

agreeable to us. It seems to me, at present, then, that the moment of

the arrival of the Count de La Luzerne, will be the moment for trying to

obtain a freer access to their islands. It would be very material to do

this, if possible, in a permanent way, that is to say, by treaty. But

I know of nothing we have to offer in equivalent. Perhaps the payment

of our debt to them might be made use of as some inducement, while they

are so distressed for money. Yet the borrowing the money in Holland will

be rendered more difficult by the same event, in proportion as it will

increase the demand for money by other powers.

The gazettes of Leyden and France to this date are enclosed, together with

some pamphlets on the internal affairs of this country.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and

respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO CHARLES THOMPSON.

PARIS, Sept. 20, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of April the 28th did not come to my hands till the

first instant. Unfortunately, the box of plants, which were a day too late

to come by the April packet, missed the packet of June the 10th also, and

only came by that of July the 25th. They are not yet arrived at Paris,

but I expect them daily. I am sensible of your kind attention to them,

and that as you were leaving New York, you took the course which bade

fair to be the best. That they were forgotten in the hands in which you

placed them, was probably owing to too much business, and more important.

I have desired Mr. Madison to refund to you the money you were so kind as

to advance for me. The delay of your letter will apologize for this delay

of the repayment. I thank you also for the extract of the letter you were

so kind as to communicate to me, on the antiquities found in the western

country. I wish that the persons who go thither would make very exact

descriptions of what they see of that kind, without forming any theories.

The moment a person forms a theory, his imagination sees, in every object,

only the traits which favor that theory. But it is too early to form

theories on those antiquities. We must wait with patience till more facts

are collected. I wish your Philosophical Society would collect exact

descriptions of the several monuments as yet known, and insert them naked

in their Transactions, and continue their attention to those hereafter to

be discovered. Patience and observation may enable us in time, to solve

the problem, whether those who formed the scattering monuments in our

western country, were colonies sent off from Mexico, or the founders of

Mexico itself? Whether both were the descendants or the progenitors of

the Asiatic red men? The Mexican tradition, mentioned by Dr. Robertson,

is an evidence, but a feeble one, in favor of the one opinion. The number

of languages radically different, is a strong evidence in favor of the

contrary one. There is an American by the name of Ledyard, he who was with

Captain Cook on his last voyage, and wrote an account of that voyage,

who has gone to St. Petersburg; from thence he was to go to Kamschatka;

to cross over thence to the northwest coast of America, and to penetrate

through the main continent, to our side of it. He is a person of ingenuity

and information. Unfortunately, he has too much imagination. However, if

he escapes safely, he will give us new, curious and useful information.

I had a letter from him, dated last March, when he was about to leave St.

Petersburg on his way to Kamschatka.

With respect to the inclination of the strata of rocks, I had observed

them between the Blue Ridge and North Mountains in Virginia, to be

parallel with the pole of the earth. I observed the same thing in most

instances in the Alps, between Cette and Turin; but in returning along

the precipices of the Apennines, where they hang over the Mediterranean,

their direction was totally different and various; and you mention that

in our western country they are horizontal. This variety proves they have

not been formed by subsidence, as some writers of theories of the earth

have pretended; for then they should always have been in circular strata,

and concentric. It proves, too, that they have not been formed by the

rotation of the earth on its axis, as might have been suspected, had all

these strata been parallel with that axis. They may, indeed, have been

thrown up by explosions, as Whitehurst supposes, or have been the effect

of convulsions. But there can be no proof of the explosion, nor is it

probable that convulsions have deformed every spot of the earth. It is now

generally agreed that rock grows, and it seems that it grows in layers in

every direction, as the branches of trees grow in all directions. Why seek

farther the solution of this phenomenon? Everything in nature decays. If

it were not reproduced then by growth, there would be a chasm.

I remember you asked me, in a former letter, whether the steam mill in

London was turned by the steam immediately, or by the intermediate agency

of water raised by the steam. When I was in London, Boulton made a secret

of his mill. Therefore, I was permitted to see it only superficially.

I saw no water wheels, and therefore supposed none. I answered you,

accordingly, that there were none. But when I was at Nismes, I went to

see the steam mill there, and they showed it to me in all the parts. I

saw that their steam raised water, and that this water turned a wheel.

I expressed my doubts of the necessity of the inter-agency of water,

and that the London mill was without it. But they supposed me mistaken;

perhaps I was so; I have had no opportunity since of clearing up the

doubt.

* * * * *

I had a letter from Mr. Churchman, but not developing his plan of knowing

the longitude, fully. I wrote him what was doubted about it, so far as we

could conjecture what it was.

I am, with very great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and

servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

PARIS, Sept. 22, 1787.

SIR,--The letters of which the enclosed are copies, are this moment

received, and as there is a possibility that they may reach Havre before

the packet sails, I have the honor of enclosing them to you. They contain

a promise of reducing the duties on tar, pitch and turpentine, and that

the government will interest itself with the city of Rouen, to reduce the

local duty on potash. By this you will perceive that we are getting on a

little in this business, though under their present embarrassments, it is

difficult to procure the attention of the ministers to it. The parliament

has enregistered the edict of a rigorous levy of the _deux vingtiemes_.

As this was proposed by the King in lieu of the impost territorial, there

is no doubt now that the latter, with the stamp tax, will be immediately

repealed. There can be no better proof of the revolution in the public

opinion, as to the powers of the monarch, and of the force, too, of that

opinion. Six weeks ago, we saw the King displaying the plentitude of his

omnipotence, as hitherto conceived, to enforce these two acts. At this

day, he is forced to retract them by the public voice; for as to the

opposition of the parliament, that body is too little esteemed to produce

this effect in any case where the public do not throw themselves into the

same scale.

I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir,

your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JOHN JAY.