As to the new constitution, I find myself nearly a neutral. There is a

great mass of good in it, in a very desirable form; but there is also, to

me, a bitter pill or two. I have written somewhat lengthily to Mr. Madison

on this subject, and will take the liberty to refer you to that part of my

letter to him. I will add one question to what I have said there. Would

it not have been better to assign to Congress exclusively the article of

imposts for federal purposes, and to have left direct taxation exclusively

to the States? I should suppose the former fund sufficient for all

probable events, aided by the land office.

The form which the affairs of Europe may assume, is not yet decipherable

by those out of the cabinet. The Emperor gives himself, at present, the

air of a mediator. This is necessary to justify a breach with the Porte.

He has his eye at the same time on Germany, and particularly on Bavaria,

the Elector of which has, for a long time, been hanging over the grave.

Probably, France would now consent to the exchange of the Austrian

Netherlands, to be created into a kingdom for the Duke de Deuxports,

against the electorate of Bavaria. This will require a war. The Empress

longs for Turkey, and viewing France as her principal obstacle, would

gladly negotiate her acquiescence. To spur on this, she is coqueting it

with England. The King of Prussia, too, is playing a double game between

France and England. But I suppose the former incapable of forgiving him,

or of ever reposing confidence in him. Perhaps the spring may unfold to

us the final arrangement which will take place among the powers of this

continent.

I often doubt whether I should trouble Congress or my friends with these

details of European politics. I know they do not excite that interest

in America, of which it is impossible for one to divest himself here. I

know too, that it is a maxim with us, and I think it a wise one, not to

entangle ourselves with the affairs of Europe. Still, I think, we should

know them. The Turks have practiced the same maxim of not meddling in the

complicated wrangles of this continent. But they have unwisely chosen to

be ignorant of them also, and it is this total ignorance of Europe, its

combinations and its movements, which exposes them to that annihilation

possibly about taking place. While there are powers in Europe which fear

our views, or have views on us, we should keep an eye on them, their

connections and oppositions, that in a moment of need, we may avail

ourselves of their weakness with respect to others as well as ourselves,

and calculate their designs and movements, on all the circumstances under

which they exist. Though I am persuaded, therefore, that these details

are read by many with great indifference, yet I think it my duty to enter

into them, and to run the risk of giving too much, rather than too little

information. I have the honor to be, with perfect esteem and respect, dear

Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.

P. S. The resolution of Congress, relative to the prize money received

here, speaks of that money as paid to me. I hope this matter is properly

understood. The treasury board desired me to receive it, and apply it

to such and such federal purposes; and they would pay the dividends of

the claimants in America. This would save the expense of remittance. I

declined, however, receiving the money, and ordered it into the hands of

their banker, who paid it away for the purposes to which they had destined

it. I should be sorry, an idea should get abroad, that I had received the

money of these poor fellows, and applied it to other purposes. I shall, in

like manner, order the Danish and Barbary money into the hands of bankers,

carefully avoiding ever to touch a sou of it, or having any other account

to make out than what the banker will furnish.

TO THE HON. MR. JAY.

PARIS, Dec. 21, 1787.

SIR,--The last letters I had the honor of addressing you were of the 3d

and 7th of November. Your several favors, to wit, two of July 27, two of

Oct. 24, and one of Nov. 3, have all been delivered within the course

of a week past; and I embrace the earliest occasion of returning to

Congress my sincere thanks for the new proofs I receive therein of their

confidence in me, and of assuring them of my best endeavors to merit

it. The several matters on which I receive instruction shall all be duly

attended to. The Commissioners of the Treasury inform me they will settle

the balance appropriated to the Barbary business, apprise me of it, and

place it under my power. The moment this is done, I will take the measures

necessary to effect the instructions of Congress. The letter to you from

the Governor of Rhode Island desires my attention to the application of

the claimants of the brig Apollonia, which shall surely be complied with.

I trust that an application will be made by the claimants. It will be

the more important, as the letter in this case, as in that of the sloop

Sally, formerly recommended to me, is directed to an advocate whom all my

endeavors have not enabled me to find. I fear, therefore, that the papers

in both cases must remain in my hands till called for by the person whom

the parties shall employ for the ordinary solicitation and management

of their appeals. I suppose they will engage some person to answer from

time to time the pecuniary demands of lawyers, clerks, and other officers

of the courts, to wait upon the judges and explain their cases to them,

which is the usage here, to instruct their lawyers and confer with them

whenever necessary, and in general to give all those attentions which the

solicitation of private causes constantly require here. Their management

indeed is very much a matter of intrigue and of money.

The public affairs of Europe are quiet at present, except as between the

Turks and Russians; and, even these, some people suppose may be quieted.

It is thought that Russia would accommodate easily. The peace between

France and England is very generally considered as insecure. It is said

the latter is not honestly disarming; she is certainly augmenting her land

forces, and the speech of the King, and debates of the court members,

prove their diffidence in the late accommodation. Yet it is believed

their premier is a friend to peace, and there can be no doubt of the same

dispositions in the chief minister here. The divisions continue between

the King and his parliament. A promise has been obtained for convoking the

States general, as early as 1791, at farthest. The embarrassments in the

department of finance are not yet so cleared up as that the public can see

their way through them. The arrival of the Count de La Luzerne, just now

announced, will probably put their marine operations into new activity.

I have the honor to enclose you three letters from Mr. Dumas. By one of

the 23d of October, he proposed to me that Mr. Adams and myself should

authorize him to go to Brussels on the subject he explains to you. I wrote

him the answer of Nov. 14th. by which I expected he would see that nothing

could be done, and think no more of it. His subsequent letters, however,

giving me reason to apprehend that, making too sure of the expediency of

the treaty he proposed, he might excite expectations from that government,

I wrote him the letter of Dec. 9 to suggest to him that this proposition

might not be so certainly eligible as he seemed to expect, and to advise

him to avoid doing anything which might commit or embarrass Congress. The

uneasiness of his present situation, and the desire of a refuge from it,

had probably suggested to him this idea, and occasioned him to view it

with partiality.

This will be accompanied with the gazettes of France and Leyden. There

being no passenger to go by the packet, within my knowledge, this letter

will go through the post-office. I shall, therefore, only add assurances

of the esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your

most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MONSIEUR LIMOZIN.

PARIS, December 22, 1787.

SIR,--I have the honor now, to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of

the 18th and 19th of November, and two of the 18th of the present month. I

did not write to you immediately on the receipt of the two first, because

the observations they contained were to be acted on here. I was much

obliged to you for them, as I have been frequently before for others, and

you will find that I have profited by them in the _Arret_ which is to come

out for the regulation of our commerce, wherein most of the things are

provided for, which you have from time to time recommended. With respect

to the article of yellow wax, I think there is a general clause in the

_Arret_, which will take it in; but I am not sure of it. If there be

not, it is now too late to get any alteration made. You shall receive the

_Arret_ the moment it is communicated to me.

I have examined the case of Captain Thomas, with all the dispositions

possible to interpose for him. But on mature reflection, I find it is

one of those cases wherein my solicitation would be ill received. The

government of France, to secure to its subjects the carrying trade between

her colonies and the mother country, have made a law, forbidding any

foreign vessels to undertake to carry between them. Notwithstanding this,

an American vessel has undertaken, and has brought a cargo. For me to

ask that this vessel shall be received, would be to ask a repeal of the

law, because there is no more reason for receiving her, than there will

be for receiving the second, third, &c., which shall act against the same

law, nor for receiving an American vessel, more than the vessels of any

other nations. Captain Thomas has probably engaged in this business, not

knowing the law; but ignorance of the law is no excuse, in any country.

If it were, the laws would lose their effect, because it can be always

pretended. Were I to make this application to the Comptroller General,

he might possibly ask me, whether, in a like case, of a French vessel in

America acting through ignorance, against law, we would suspend the law

as to her? I should be obliged honestly to answer, that with us, there is

no power which can suspend the law for a moment; and Captain Thomas knows

that this answer would be the truth. The Senegal company seems to be as

much engaged in it as he is. I should suppose his most probable means of

extrication would be with their assistance, and availing himself of their

privileges, and the apparent authority he has received from the officers

of government there. I am sorry his case is such a one as I cannot present

to the minister. A jealousy of our taking away their carrying trade, is

the principal reason which obstructs our admission into their West India

islands. It would not be right for me to strengthen that jealousy.

I have the honor to be, with much esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble

servant.

TO THE BOARD OF TREASURY.

PARIS, Dec. 30, 1787.

GENTLEMEN,--In my letter of Aug. 5, I had the honor of enclosing to

you a letter written me by Messrs. Fiseaux & Co., reminding us that the

principal of the loan of 51,000 florins obtained by them, would become

due on the first day of the ensuing year. A few days ago, I received

another from them calling for the money. At first I was disposed to

answer them that I was in nowise authorized to do anything in it, and

that it rested with you altogether. But, on consulting with some persons

better acquainted with the delicacy of credit in Holland, I found there

was reason to fear that a failure to pay that money might not only do

essential injury to our credit in general, but even hinder the progress of

the loan going on in the hands of Willincks and Van Staphorsts; and that

it would be for the interest of that loan itself, to pay this demand out

of it, if possible. I wrote, therefore, to Mr. Adams, to consult him about

it, and to know, if he was of the same opinion, whether he would venture

to join me in directing such an application of the money. I wrote at the

same to Willincks and Van Staphorsts, to know whether they could have as

much in their hands to spare, and whether they would venture to pay it on

our order. Mr. Adams approved of the proposition, and was willing to join

in ordering the payment. Willincks and Van Staphorsts answered that they

had in their hands money enough to pay the February interest of the former

loan, and to answer, for some time yet, Mr. Adams' and my draughts for

our subsistence; but that if they should pay the principal of Fiseaux's

loan, it would be an advance of their own: they likewise observed, that

to pay such a sum without your orders, placed them under an unnecessary

responsibility. Upon this, I concluded to ask them only to pay this year's

interest, now becoming due, to desire Fiseaux to receive this, and with it

to endeavor to quiet the creditors till your orders could be received. I

have this day written to Fiseaux, and to Willincks and Van Staphorsts to

this purpose, and avail myself of a vessel about to sail from Havre, to

communicate the whole transaction to you, and to express my wish that you

will be pleased to give an answer to Fiseaux. I enclose to you his letters

to me on the subject. From what I can learn, I suspect that if there were

a cordial understanding between the Willincks and Van Staphorsts, if the

former had been as well disposed as the latter, the matter would have

been settled with Fiseaux. I have the honor to be, with much respect,

Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

PARIS, December 31, 1787.

SIR,--Since the receipt of the letter of Monsieur de Calonnes, of October

the 22d, 1786, I have several times had the honor of mentioning to you,

that I was endeavoring to get the substance of that letter reduced into

an _Arret_, which, instead of being revocable by a single letter of a

Comptroller General, would require an _Arret_ to repeal or alter it, and

of course must be discussed in full Council, and so give time to prevent

it. This has been pressed as much as it could be with prudence. One cause

of delay has been the frequent changes of the Comptroller General; as we

had always our whole work to begin again with every new one. Monsieur

Lambert's continuance in office for some months, has enabled us, at

length, to get through the business; and I have just received from him

a letter, and the _Arret_ duly authenticated; of which I have the honor

to send you a number of printed copies. You will find that the several

alterations and additions are made, which, on my visit to the sea-ports,

I had found to be necessary, and which my letters of June the 21st and

August the 6th, particularly mentioned to you. Besides these, we have

obtained some new articles of value, for which openings arose in the

course of the negotiation. I say _we_ have done it, because the Marquis

de La Fayette has gone hand in hand with me through this business, and has

been a most invaluable aid. I take the liberty of making some observations

on the articles of the _Arret_, severally, for their explanation, as well

as for the information of Congress.

Article 1. In the course of our conferences with the Comptroller General,

we had prevailed on him to pass this article with a suppression of

all duty. When he reported the _Arret_, however, to the Council, this

suppression was objected to, and it was insisted to re-establish the

duties of seven livres and ten sous, and of ten sous the livre, reserved

in the letter of M. de Calonnes. The passage of the _Arret_ was stopped,

and the difficulty communicated to me. I urged everything I could, in

letters and in conferences, to convince them that whale oil was an article

which could bear no duty at all. That if the duty fell on the consumer,

he would choose to buy vegetable oils; if on the fisherman, he could no

longer live by his calling, remaining in his own country; and that if

he quitted his own country, the circumstances of vicinity, sameness of

language, laws, religion and manners, and perhaps the ties of kindred,

would draw him to Nova Scotia, in spite of every encouragement which

could be given at Dunkirk; and that thus those fishermen would be shifted

out of a scale friendly to France, into one always hostile. Nothing,

however, could prevail. It hung on this article alone, for two months,

during which we risked the total loss of the _Arret_, on the stability in

office of Monsieur Lambert; for if he had gone out, his successor might

be less favorable; and if Monsieur Neckar were the successor, we might

lose the whole, as he never set any store by us, or the connection with

us. About ten days ago, it became universally believed that Monsieur

Lambert was to go out immediately. I therefore declined further insisting

on the total suppression, and desired the _Arret_ might pass, leaving the

duties on whale oil as Monsieur de Calonnes had promised them; but with a

reservation, which may countenance our bringing on this matter again, at a

more favorable moment.

Article 2. The other fish oils are placed in a separate article; because

whatever encouragements we may hereafter obtain for whale oils, they will

not be extended to those which their own fisheries produce.

Article 3. A company had silently, and by unfair means, obtained a

monopoly for the making and selling spermaceti candles: as soon as we

discovered it, we solicited its suppression, which is effected by this

clause.

Article 4. The duty of an eighth per cent. is merely to oblige the masters

of vessels to enter their cargoes, for the information of government;

without inducing them to attempt to smuggle.

Article 6. Tar, pitch and turpentine of America, coming in competition

with the same articles produced in the south western parts of France,

we could obtain no greater reduction, than two and a-half per cent. The

duties before, were from four to six times that amount.

Article 10. The right of entrepôt given by this article, is almost the

same thing, as the making all their ports, free ports for us. The ships

are indeed subject to be visited, and the cargoes must be reported in

ports of entrepôt, which need not be done in the free ports. But the

communication between the entrepôt and the country, is not interrupted

by continual search of all persons passing into the country, which has

proved so troublesome to the inhabitants of our free ports, as that a

considerable proportion of them have wished to give back the privilege of

their freedom.

Article 13. This article gives us the privileges and advantages of

native subjects, in all their possessions in Asia, and in the _scales

leading thereto_. This expression means at present the isles of France

and Bourbon, and will include the Cape of Good Hope, should any future

event put it into the hands of France. It was with a view to this, that

I proposed the expression, because we were then in hourly expectation

of a war, and it was suspected that France would take possession of that

place. It will, in no case, be considered as including anything westward

of the Cape of Good Hope. I must observe further, on this article, that it

will only become valuable on the suppression of their East India Company;

because, as long as their monopoly continues, even native subjects cannot

enter their Asiatic ports for the purposes of commerce. It is considered,

however, as certain, that this Company will be immediately suppressed.

The article of tobacco could not be introduced into the _Arret_; because

it was necessary to consider the Farmers General as parties to that

arrangement. It rests, therefore, of necessity, on the basis of a letter

only. You will perceive that this is nothing more than a continuation

of the order of Berni, only leaving the prices unfixed; and like that,

it will require a constant and vexatious attention to have its execution

enforced.

The States who have much to carry, and few carriers, will observe,

perhaps, that the benefits of these regulations are somewhat narrowed by

confining them to articles brought hither in French or American bottoms.

But they will consider that nothing in these instruments moves from us.

The advantages they hold out are all given by this country to us, and

the givers will modify their gifts as they please. I suppose it to be a

determined principle of this court not to suffer our carrying business, so

far as their consumption of our commodities extends, to become a nursery

for British seamen. Nor would this, perhaps, be advantageous to us,

considering the dispositions of the two nations towards us. The preference

which our shipping will obtain on this account, may counterpoise the

discouragements it experiences from the aggravated dangers of the Barbary

States. Nor is the idea unpleasing which shows itself in various parts of

these papers, of naturalizing American bottoms, and American citizens in

France and in its foreign possessions. Once established here, and in their

eastern settlements, they may revolt less at the proposition to extend it

to those westward. They are not yet, however, at that point; we must be

contented to go towards it a step at a time, and trust to future events

for hastening our progress.

With respect to the alliance between this and the two imperial courts,

nothing certain transpires. We are enabled to conjecture its progress

only from facts which now and then show themselves. The following may be

considered as indications of it. 1. The Emperor has made an attempt to

surprise Belgrade. The attempt failed, but will serve to plunge him into

the war, and to show that he had assumed the character of mediator, only

to enable himself to gain some advantage by surprise. 2. The mediation of

France is probably at an end, and their abandonment of the Turks agreed

on; because they have secretly ordered their officers to quit the Turkish

service. This fact is known to but few, and not intended to be known; but

I think it certain. 3. To the offer of mediation lately made by England

and Prussia, the court of Petersburg answered, that having declined the

mediation of a friendly power, (France,) she could not accept that of

two courts, with whose dispositions she had reason to be dissatisfied.

4. The States General are said to have instructed their ambassador here,

lately, to ask of M. de Montmorin, whether the inquiry had been made,

which they had formerly desired; "By what authority the French engineers

had been placed in the service of Holland?" And that he answered that

the inquiry had not been made, nor should be made. Though I do not

consider the channel through which I get this fact, as absolutely sure,

yet it is so respectable that I give credit to it myself. 5. The King

of Prussia is withdrawing his troops from Holland. Should this alliance

show itself, it would seem that France thus strengthened might dictate

the re-establishment of the affairs of Holland in her own form. For it is

not conceivable that Prussia would dare to move, nor that England would

alone undertake such a war, and for such a purpose. She appears, indeed,

triumphant at present, but the question is who will triumph last?

I enclose you a letter from Mr. Dumas. I received one from him myself,

wherein he assures me that no difficulties shall be produced, by what he

had suggested relative to his mission to Brussels. The gazettes of France

and Leyden to this date accompany this letter, which, with the several

papers put under your cover, I shall send to M. Limozin, our agent at

Havre, to be forwarded by the Juno, Captain Jenkins, which sails from that

port for New York, on the 3d of January.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and

respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MONSIEUR LAMBERT.

PARIS, January 3, 1788.

SIR,--I am honored with your Excellency's letter of the 29th of December,

enclosing the _Arret_ on the commerce between France and the United

States. I availed myself of the occasion of a vessel sailing this day

from Havre for New York, to forward it to Congress. They will receive with

singular satisfaction this new testimony of his Majesty's friendship for

the United States, of his dispositions to promote their interest, and to

strengthen the bands which connect the two nations.

Permit me, Sir, to return you, personally, my sincere thanks for the

great attention you have paid to this subject, for the sacrifices you

have kindly made, of time so precious as yours, every moment of which

is demanded and is occupied by objects interesting to the happiness of

millions; and to proffer you the homage of those sincere sentiments

of attachment and respect with which I have the honour to be, your

Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO M. DE QUESNAY.

PARIS, January 6, 1788.

SIR,--I have never expressed an objection to the part of your plan

relative to the theatre. The utility of this in America is a great

question on which I may be allowed to have an opinion; but it is not for

me to decide on it, nor to object to the proposal of establishing one

at Richmond. The only objection to your plan which I have ever made, is

that contained in my letter to you. I feared it was too extensive for the

poverty of the country. You remove the objection by observing, it is to

extend to several States. Whether professors itinerant from one State to

another may succeed, I am unable to say, having never known an experiment

of it. The fear that these professors may be disappointed in their

expectations, has determined me not to meddle in the business at all.

Knowing how much people going to America overrate the resources of living

there, I have made a point never to encourage any person to go there, that

I may not partake of the censure which may follow their disappointment.

I beg you, therefore, not to alter your plan in any part of it on my

account, but permit me to pursue mine of being absolutely neutral.

Monsieur de La Luzerne and the Marquis de La Fayette, know too much of

the country themselves to need any information from me, or any reference

to my opinion; and the friendly dispositions which they have towards

you, will insure you their good offices. Convinced of the honesty of your

intentions and of your zeal, I wish you every possible success, and shall

be really happy to see your plan answer your expectations. You have more

courage than I have, to take upon yourself the risk of transplanting and

contenting so many persons. I beg you to be assured of the sincerity of

the esteem with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient, and

most humble servant.

TO MR. DRAYTON.

PARIS, January 13, 1788.

SIR,--By Captain Shewell, who is sailing about this time from Marseilles

to Charleston, I directed to be forwarded to you one of two couffes of

rough rice, which I had brought from Egypt. The other came on to me here,

and will be carried from Havre to New York, addressed to you, to the care

of the Delegates of South Carolina in Congress. I wish both may arrive

in time for the approaching seed time, and that the trials with this and

the Piedmont rice may furnish new advantages to your agriculture. I have

considerable hopes of receiving some dry rice from Cochin-China, the young

Prince of that country, lately gone from hence, having undertaken that

it shall come to me. But it will be some time first. These are all but

experiments; the precept, however, is wise which directs us to try all

things, and hold fast that which is good.

Your letter of May the 22d, 1787, informs me that mine of May the 6th,

1786, had never got to hand. I now have the honor to enclose you a copy

of it, of no other consequence than to show you that I was incapable of

so insensible an inattention as the miscarriage of that letter exposed me

to the charge of in your mind. I shall take opportunities of forwarding

to you more of the seed of the Spanish Saintfoine, some of which I have

received directly from Malta. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of

the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most

humble servant.

TO LE COMTE BERNSTORFF, MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, COPENHAGEN.

PARIS, January 21, 1788.

SIR,--I am instructed by the United States of America, in Congress

assembled, to bring again under the consideration of his Majesty, the King

of Denmark, and of his ministers, the case of the three prizes taken from

the English during the late war, by an American squadron under the command

of Commodore Paul Jones, put into Bergen in distress, there rescued from

our possession by orders from the court of Denmark, and delivered back to

the English. Dr. Franklin, then Minister Plenipotentiary from the United

States at the court of Versailles, had the honor of making applications

to the court of Denmark, for a just indemnification to the persons

interested, and particularly by a letter of the 22d of December, 1779,

a copy of which I have now the honor of enclosing to your Excellency.

In consequence of this, a sum of ten thousand pounds was proposed to

him, as an indemnification, through the Baron de Waltersdorff, then at

Paris. The departure of both those gentlemen from this place, soon after,

occasioned an intermission in the correspondence on this subject. But

the United States continue to be very sensibly affected by this delivery

of their prizes to Great Britain, and the more so, as no part of their

conduct had forfeited their claim to those rights of hospitality which

civilized nations extend to each other. Not only a sense of justice due

to the individuals interested in those prizes, but also an earnest desire

that no subject of discontent may check the cultivation and progress

of that friendship which they wish may subsist and increase between the

two countries, prompt them to remind his Majesty of the transaction in

question; and they flatter themselves that his Majesty will concur with

them in thinking, that as restitution of the prizes is not practicable, it

is reasonable and just that he should render, and that they should accept,

a compensation equivalent to the value of them. And the same principles

of justice towards the parties, and of amity to the United States,

which influenced the breast of his Majesty to make, through the Baron de

Waltersdorff, the proposition of a particular sum, will surely lead him

to restore their full value, if that were greater, as is believed, than

the sum proposed. In order to obtain, therefore, a final arrangement of

this demand, Congress have authorized me to depute a special agent to

Copenhagen, to attend the pleasure of his Majesty. No agent could be so

adequate to this business, as the Commodore Paul Jones, who commanded

the squadron which took the prizes. He will, therefore, have the honor

of delivering this letter to your Excellency, in person; of giving such

information as may be material, relative to the whole transaction; of

entering into conferences for its final adjustment, and, being himself

principally interested, not only in his own right, but as the natural

patron of those who fought under him, whatever shall be satisfactory to

him, will have a great right to that ultimate approbation, which Congress

have been pleased to confide to me.

I beg your Excellency to accept the homage of that respect which your

exalted station, talents, and merit impress, as well as those sentiments

of esteem and regard with which I have the honor to be, your Excellency's

most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO WILLIAM RUTLEDGE.

PARIS, Feb. 2. 1788.

DEAR SIR,--I should sooner have answered your favor of Jan. the 2d, but

that we have expected for some time to see you here. I beg you not to

think of the trifle I furnished you with, nor to propose to return it,

till you shall have that sum more than you know what to do with. And on

every other occasion of difficulty, I hope you will make use of me freely.

I presume you will now remain at London, to see the trial of Hastings.

Without suffering yourself to be imposed on by the pomp in which it will

be enveloped, I would recommend to you to consider and decide for yourself

these questions. If his offence is to be decided by the law of the land,

why is he not tried in that court in which his fellow-citizens are tried,

that is, the King's bench? If he is cited before another court, that he

may be judged, not according to the law of the land, but by the discretion

of his judges, is he not disfranchised of his most precious right, the

benefit of the laws of his country, in common with his fellow-citizens?

I think you will find, in investigating this subject, that every solid

argument is against the extraordinary court, and that every one in its

favor is specious only. It is a transfer from a judicature of learning

and integrity, to one, the greatness of which is both illiterate and

unprincipled. Yet such is the force of prejudice with some, and of the

want of reflection in others, that many of our constitutions have copied

this absurdity, without suspecting it to be one. I am glad to hear that

our new constitution is pretty sure of being accepted by States enough

to secure the good it contains, and to meet with such opposition in

some others, as to give us hopes it will be accommodated to them, by

the amendment of its most glaring faults, particularly the want of a

declaration of rights.

The long expected edict of the protestants, at length appears here.

Its analysis is this. It is an acknowledgment (hitherto withheld by the

laws) that protestants can beget children, and that they can die, and

be offensive unless buried. It does not give them permission to think,

to speak, or to worship. It enumerates the humiliations to which they

shall remain subject, and the burthens to which they shall continue to

be unjustly exposed. What are we to think of the condition of the human

mind in a country, where such a wretched thing as this has thrown the

State into convulsions, and how must we bless our own situation in a

country, the most illiterate peasant of which is a Solon, compared with

the authors of this law. There is modesty often, which does itself injury;

our countrymen possess this. They do not know their own superiority. You

see it; you are young, you have time and talents to correct them. Study

the subject while in Europe, in all the instances which will present

themselves to you, and profit your countrymen of them, by making them to

know and value themselves.

Adieu, my dear Sir, and be assured of the esteem with which I am your

friend and servant.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY MR. ADAMS.

PARIS, Feb. 6, 1788.

DEAR SIR,--The Commissioners of the Treasury have given notice to

Willincks and Van Staphorsts, that they shall not be able to remit them

one shilling till the New Government gets into action, and that therefore

the sole resource for the payment of the Dutch interest till that period

is in the progress of the last loan. Willinck and Van Staphorst reply that

there is not the least probability of raising as much on that loan as will

pay the next June interest, and that, if that payment fails one day, it

will do an injury to our credit, which a very long time will not wipe off.

A Mr. Stanetshi, one of our brokers, who holds $4,340,000 of our domestic

debt, offers, if we will pay him one year's interest of that debt, he

will have the whole of the loan immediately filled up, that is to say, he

will procure the sum of six hundred and twenty-two thousand eight hundred

and forty florins still unsubscribed. His year's interest (deducting

from it ten per cent. which he will allow for payment in Europe instead

of America) will require one hundred and eighty thousand florins of this

money. Messrs. Willinck and Van Staphorsts say that, by this means, they

can pay Fiseaux debt, and all the Dutch interest, and our current expenses

here, till June 1789, by which time the New Government may be in action.

They have proposed this to the Commissioners of the Treasury. But it

is possible that the delay of letters going and coming, with the time

necessary between the receiving their answer and procuring the money, may

force the decision of this proposition on me at the eleventh hour. I wish,

therefore, to avail myself of your counsel before your departure, on this

proposition. Your knowledge of the subject enables you to give the best

opinion, and your zeal for the public interest, and I trust your friendly

disposition towards me will prompt you to assist me with your advice on

this question, to wit, if the answer of the Commissioners does not come in

time, and there shall appear no other means of raising the June interest,

will it be worse to fail in that payment, or to accept of about seven

hundred thousand florins, on the condition of letting one hundred and

eighty thousand be applied to the payment of a year's interest of a part

of our domestic debt? Do me the friendship to give me an answer to this as

soon as possible, and be assured of the sentiments of esteem and respect

with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most

humble servant.

TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE TREASURY.

PARIS, Feb. 7, 1788.

GENTLEMEN,--Your favors of November the 10th and 13th, and December

the 5th, have been duly received. Commodore Jones left this place for

Copenhagen, the 5th instant, to carry into execution the resolution of

Congress of October the 25th. Whatever moneys that court shall be willing

to allow, shall be remitted to your bankers, either in Amsterdam or Paris,

as shall be found most beneficial, allowing previously to be withdrawn

Commodore Jones' proportion, which will be necessary for his subsistence.

I desired him to endeavor to prevail on the Danish minister to have the

money paid in Amsterdam or Paris, by their banker in either of those

cities, if they have one.

M. Ast (secretary to the consulate) is at L'Orient. Whether he comes up

with the papers, or sends them, they shall be received, sealed up and

taken care of. I will only ask the favor of you, that I may never be

desired to break the seals, unless very important cause for it should

arise.

I have just received from Messrs. Willincks and Van Staphorsts, a letter

of January the 31st, in which are these words. "The official communication

we have of the actual situation and prospect of the finances of the United

States, would render such a partial payment as that to Fiseaux' house

of no avail towards the support of the public credit, unless effectual

measures shall be adopted, to provide funds for the two hundred and

seventy thousand florins, interest, that will be due the 1st of June

next; a single day's retard in which would ground a prejudice of long

duration." They informed me, at the same time, that they had made to you

the following communication; that Mr. Stanitski, our principal broker, and

holder of thirteen hundred and forty thousand dollars, of certificates

of our domestic debt, offers to have our loan of a million of guilders

(of which six hundred and twenty-two thousand eight hundred and forty

are still unfilled) immediately made up, on condition that he may retain

thereout, one hundred and eighty thousand guilders, being one year's

interest on his certificates, allowing a deduction of ten per cent. from

his said interest, as a compensation for his receiving it in Amsterdam

instead of America, and not pretending that this shall give him any title

to ask for any payment of future interest in Europe. They observe, that

this will enable them to face the demands of Dutch interest, till the

1st of June, 1789, pay the principal of Fiseaux' debt, and supply the

current expenses of your legation in Europe. On these points, it is for

you to decide. I will only take the liberty to observe, that if they shall

receive your acceptance of the proposition, some day's credit will still

be to be given for producing the cash, and that this must be produced

fifteen days before it is wanting, because that much previous notice is

always given to the creditors that their money is ready. It is, therefore,

but three months from this day, before your answer should be in Amsterdam.

It might answer a useful purpose also, could I receive a communication of

that answer, ten days earlier than they. The same stagnation attending

our passage from the old to the new form of government, which stops

the feeble channel of money hitherto flowing towards our treasury, has

suspended also what foreign credit we had. So that, at this moment, we may

consider the progress of our loan as stopped. Though much an enemy to the

system of borrowing, yet I feel strongly the necessity of preserving the

power to borrow. Without this, we might be overwhelmed by another nation,

merely by the force of its credit. However, you can best judge whether

the payment of a single year's interest on Stanitski's certificates, in

Europe, instead of America, may be more injurious to us than the shock

of our credit in Amsterdam, which may be produced by a failure to pay our

interest.

I have only to offer any services which I can render in this business,

either here or by going to Holland, at a moment's warning, if that should

be necessary.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and

respect, Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO DOCTOR PRICE.

PARIS, February 7, 1788.

DEAR SIR,--It is rendering mutual service to men of virtue and

understanding to make them acquainted with one another. I need no other

apology for presenting to your notice the bearer hereof, Mr. Barlow. I

know you were among the first who read the Visions of Columbus, while yet

in manuscript; and think the sentiments I heard you express of that poem

will induce you to be pleased with the acquaintance of their author. He

comes to pass a few days only at London, merely to know something of it.

As I have little acquaintance there, I cannot do better for him than to

ask you to be so good as to make him known to such persons, as his turn

and his time might render desirable to him.

I thank you for the volume you were so kind as to send me some time ago.

Everything you write is precious, and this volume is on the most precious

of all our concerns. We may well admit morality to be the child of the

understanding rather than of the senses, when we observe that it becomes

dearer to us as the latter weaken, and as the former grows stronger by

time and experience, till the hour arrives in which all other objects

lose all their value. That that hour may be distant with you, my friend,

and that the intermediate space may be filled with health and happiness,

is the sincere prayer of him who is, with sentiments of great respect and

friendship, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO A. DONALD.

PARIS, February 7, 1788.

DEAR SIR,--I received duly your friendly letter of November the 12th. By

this time, you will have seen published by Congress the new regulations

obtained from this court, in favor of our commerce. You will observe,

that the arrangement relative to tobacco is a continuation of the order

of Berni for five years, only leaving the price to be settled between the

buyer and seller. You will see, too, that all contracts for tobacco are

forbidden, till it arrives in France. Of course, your proposition for a

contract is precluded. I fear the prices here will be low, especially

if the market be crowded. You should be particularly attentive to the

article, which requires that the tobacco should come in French or American

bottoms, as this article will, in no instance, be departed from.

I wish with all my soul, that the nine first conventions may accept the

new constitution, because this will secure to us the good it contains,

which I think great and important. But I equally wish, that the four

latest conventions, whichever they be, may refuse to accede to it, till

a declaration of rights be annexed. This would probably command the offer

of such a declaration, and thus give to the whole fabric, perhaps, as much

perfection as any one of that kind ever had. By a declaration of rights, I

mean one which shall stipulate freedom of religion, freedom of the press,

freedom of commerce against monopolies, trial by juries in all cases, no

suspensions of the habeas corpus, no standing armies. These are fetters

against doing evil, which no honest government should decline. There

is another strong feature in the new constitution, which I as strongly

dislike. That is, the perpetual re-eligibility of the President. Of this

I expect no amendment at present, because I do not see that anybody has

objected to it on your side the water. But it will be productive of cruel

distress to our country, even in your day and mine. The importance to

France and England, to have our government in the hands of a friend or

a foe, will occasion their interference by money, and even by arms. Our

President will be of much more consequence to them than a King of Poland.

We must take care, however, that neither this, nor any other objection to

the new form, produces a schism in our Union. That would be an incurable

evil, because near friends falling out, never re-unite cordially; whereas,

all of us going together, we shall be sure to cure the evils of our new

Constitution, before they do great harm. The box of books I had taken

the liberty to address to you, is but just gone from Havre for New York.

I do not see, at present, any symptoms strongly indicating war. It is

true, that the distrust existing between the two courts of Versailles and

London, is so great, that they can scarcely do business together. However,

the difficulty and doubt of obtaining money make both afraid to enter

into war. The little preparations for war, which we see, are the effect

of distrust, rather than of a design to commence hostilities. And in such

a state of mind, you know, small things may produce a rupture; so that

though peace is rather probable, war is very possible.

Your letter has kindled all the fond recollections of ancient times;

recollections much dearer to me than anything I have known since. There

are minds which can be pleased by honors and preferments; but I see

nothing in them but envy and enmity. It is only necessary to possess them,

to know how little they contribute to happiness, or rather how hostile

they are to it. No attachments soothe the mind so much as those contracted

in early life; nor do I recollect any societies which have given me more

pleasure, than those of which you have partaken with me. I had rather

be shut up in a very modest cottage, with my books, my family and a few

old friends, dining on simple bacon, and letting the world roll on as it

liked, than to occupy the most splendid post, which any human power can

give. I shall be glad to hear from you often. Give me the small news as

well as the great. Tell Dr. Currie, that I believe I am indebted to him

a letter, but that like the mass of our countrymen, I am not, at this

moment, able to pay all my debts; the post being to depart in an hour, and

the last stroke of a pen I am able to send by it, being that which assures

you of the sentiments of esteem and attachment, with which I am, dear Sir,

your affectionate friend and servant.

TO M. WARVILLE.

PARIS, February 12, 1788.

SIR,--I am very sensible of the honor you propose to me, of becoming a

member of the society for the abolition of the slave trade. You know that

nobody wishes more ardently to see an abolition, not only of the trade,

but of the condition of slavery; and certainly, nobody will be more

willing to encounter every sacrifice for that object. But the influence

and information of the friends to this proposition in France will be far

above the need of my association. I am here as a public servant, and those

whom I serve, having never yet been able to give their voice against the

practice, it is decent for me to avoid too public a demonstration of my

wishes to see it abolished. Without serving the cause here, it might

render me less able to serve it beyond the water. I trust you will be

sensible of the prudence of those motives, therefore, which govern my

conduct on this occasion, and be assured of my wishes for the success of

your undertaking, and the sentiments of esteem and respect, with which I

have the honor to be. Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO MR. DUMAS.

PARIS, Feb. 12, 1788.

SIR,--I have duly received your favor of the 5th inst. enclosing that for

Mr. Jay. The packet was gone, as I presume, but I have another occasion

of forwarding it securely. Your attentions to the Leyden gazette are, in

my opinion, very useful. The paper is much read and respected. It is the

only one I know in Europe which merits respect. Your publications in it

will tend to re-establish that credit which the solidity of our affairs

deserve. With respect to the sale of lands, we know that two sales of

five millions and two millions of acres have been made. Another was begun

for four millions, which, in the course of the negotiation, may have been

reduced to three millions, as you mention. I have not heard that this

sale is absolutely concluded, but there is reason to presume it. Stating

these sales at two-thirds of a dollar the acre, and allowing for 3 or

400,000 acres sold at public sale, and a very high price, we may say they

have absorbed seven millions of dollars of the domestic federal debt. The

States, by taxation and otherwise, have absorbed eleven millions more: so

that debt stands now at about ten millions of dollars, and will probably

be all absorbed in the course of the next year. There will remain then

our foreign debt, between ten and twelve millions, including interest.

The sale of lands will then go on for the payment of this. But, as this

payment must be in cash, not in public effects, the lands must be sold

cheaper. The demand will probably be less brisk. So we may suppose this

will be longer paying off than the domestic debt. With respect to the new

Government, nine or ten States will probably have accepted by the end

of this month. The others may oppose it. Virginia, I think, will be of

this number. Besides other objections of less moment, she will insist on

annexing a bill of rights to the new Constitution, _i. e._ a bill wherein

the government shall declare that, 1. Religion shall be free; 2. Printing

presses free; 3. Trials by jury preserved in all cases; 4. No monopolies

in commerce; 5. No standing army. Upon receiving this bill of rights, she

will probably depart from her other objections; and this bill is so much

to the interest of all the States, that I presume they will offer it, and

thus our constitution be amended, and our Union closed by the end of the

present year. In this way, there will have been opposition enough to do

good, and not enough to do harm. I have such reliance on the good sense

of the body of the people, and the honesty of their leaders, that I am

not afraid of their letting things go wrong to any length in any cause.

Wishing your better health, and much happiness, I have the honor to be,

with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most

obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MONSIEUR DE BERTROUS.

PARIS, Feb. 21, 1788.

SIR,--I am now to acknowledge the receipt of the letter you did me the

honor to write me on the 21st of January, together with the book on the

culture of the olive tree. This is a precious present to me, and I pray

you to accept my thanks for it. I am just gratified by letters from

S. Carolina, which inform me that in consequence of the information I

had given them on the subject of the olive tree, and the probability

of its succeeding with them, several rich individuals propose to begin

its culture there. This will not interfere with the commerce of France,

because she imports much more oil than she exports, and because the

consumption of oil in the United States at present, is so inconsiderable,

that should their demand be totally withdrawn at the European market, and

supplied at home, it will produce no sensible effect in Europe. We can

never produce that article in very great quantity, because it happens that

in our two southernmost States, where only the climate is adapted to the

olive, the soil is so generally rich as to be unfit for that tree, and

proper for other productions of more immediate profit. I am to thank you,

also, for the raisins of Smyrna, without seed, which I received from you

through Mr. Grand. * * * * *

TO MONSIEUR TRONCHIN.

PARIS, February 26, 1788.

SIR,--I should with great cheerfulness have done anything I could for the

manufacturers of Bourges, had anything been in my power. To this I should

have been induced by justice to them, and a desire to serve whomsoever

you befriend. This company is part of a great mass of creditors to whom

the United States contracted debts during the late war. Those States,

like others, are not able to pay immediately all the debts which the

war brought on them; but they are proceeding rapidly in that payment,

and will, perhaps, get through it more speedily than any nation ever did

before.

You will have seen in the public papers the progress they are making in

this matter. They proceed in this by fixed rules, from which it is their

principle never to depart in any instance, nor to do on any account for

any one person what they will not be able to do for all others claiming

on the same grounds. This company should engage the French Consul,

or some other person on the spot, to be always ready to present their

claim whenever anything can be received on it, according to the order of

payment established by Congress. I suppose that the interest might have

been annually received. With respect to what they call the reduction

of the debt from its nominal sum, it is not a reduction of it, but an

appreciation at its true value. The public effects of the United States,

such as their paper bills of credit, loan office bills, &c., were a

commodity which varied its value from time to time. A scale of their

value for every month has been settled according to what they sold for at

market, in silver or gold. This value in gold or silver, with an interest

of six per cent. annually till payment, is what the United States pay.

This they are able to pay; but were they to propose to pay off all their

paper, not according to what it cost the holder, in gold or silver, but

according to the sum named in it, their whole country, if sold, and all

their persons into the bargain, might not suffice. They would, in this

case, make a bankruptcy where none exists, as an individual would, who

being very able to pay the real debts he has contracted, would undertake

to give to every man fifty times as much as he had received from him. The

company will receive the market value of the public effects they have on

their hands, and six per cent. per annum on that; and I can only repeat

my advice to them, to appoint some friend on the spot to act for them

whenever anything can be received. I have the honor to be, with sentiments

of the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most

humble servant.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

PARIS, March 2, 1788.--Sunday.

DEAR SIR,--I received this day, a letter from Mrs. Adams, of the 26th

ultimo, informing me you would set out on the 29th, for the Hague.

Our affairs at Amsterdam press on my mind like a mountain. I have no

information to go on, but that of Willincks and Van Staphorsts, and

according to that, something seems necessary to be done. I am so anxious

to confer with you on this subject, and to see you and them together,

and get some effectual arrangement made in time, that I determine to meet

you at the Hague. I will set out the moment some repairs are made to my

carriage; it is promised me at three o'clock to-morrow; but probably they

will make it night, and that I may not set out till Tuesday morning. In

that case, I shall be at the Hague on Friday night; in the meantime, you

will perhaps have made all your bows there. I am sensible how irksome

this must be to you, in the moment of your departure. But it is a great

interest of the United States which is at stake, and I am sure you will

sacrifice to that, your feelings and your interest. I hope to shake you

by the hand, within twenty-four hours after you receive this; and in the

meantime, I am, with much esteem and respect, dear Sir, your affectionate

friend and humble servant.

TO THE HON. JOHN JAY.

AMSTERDAM, March 13, 1788.

SIR,--Mr. Adams having announced to our bankers here his approaching

departure from Europe, and referred them to me for counsel on our affairs

in their hands, they sent me a state of them, and of the difficulties

which were pressing at the moment, and impending more seriously for the

month of June. They were urging me by almost every post on this subject.

In this situation, information of Mr. Adams' journey of leave to the Hague

reached me on the day of his arrival there. I was sensible how important

it was to have the benefit of his interference in a department which had

been his peculiarly from the beginning, and with all the details of which

he was as intimately acquainted as I was little so. I set out therefore

in the instant, joined him at the Hague, and he readily concurred with

me in the necessity of our coming here to confer with our bankers on the

measures which might be proper and practicable. We are now engaged on

this subject, and the result, together with a full explanation of the

difficulties which commanded our attention, shall be the subject of a

letter which I shall do myself the honor of writing you by Mr. Adams,

to be forwarded by Colonel Smith, who will go in the English packet. I

avoid further particulars in the present letter, because it is to pass

through the different post-offices to Paris. It will be forwarded thence

by Mr. Short, whom I have desired to do himself the honor of writing

to you any occurrences since my departure, which may be worthy of being

communicated, by the French packet of this month. I have the honor to be,

with sentiments of the most perfect respect and esteem, Sir, your most

obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

AMSTERDAM, March 16, 1788.

SIR,--In a letter of the 13th instant, which I had the honor of addressing

you from this place, I mentioned in general terms, the object of my

journey hither, and that I should enter into more particular details,

by the confidential conveyance which would occur through Mr. Adams and

Colonel Smith.

The board of treasury had, in the month of December, informed me and our

bankers here, that it would be impossible for them to make any remittances

to Europe for the then ensuing year, and that they must, therefore, rely

altogether on the progress of the late loan. But this, in the meantime,

after being about one-third filled, had ceased to get forward. The

bankers who had been referred to me for advice by Mr. Adams, stated those

circumstances, and pressed their apprehension for the ensuing month of

June, when two hundred and seventy thousand florins would be wanting

for interest. In fine, they urged an offer of the holders of the former

bonds to take all those remaining on hand, provided they might receive

out of them the interest on a part of our domestic debt, of which they

had also become the holders. This would have been one hundred and eighty

thousand florins. To this proposition I could not presume any authority to

listen. Thus pressed between the danger of failure on one hand, and this

proposition on the other, I heard of Mr. Adams being gone to the Hague, to

take leave. His knowledge of the subject was too valuable to be neglected

under the present difficulty, and it was the last moment in which we could

be availed of it. I set out immediately, therefore, for the Hague, and

we came on to this place together, in order to see what could be done.

It was easier to discover, than to remove, the causes which obstructed

the progress of the loan. Our affairs here, like those of other nations,

are in the hands of particular bankers. These employ particular, and they

have their particular circle of money lenders. These money lenders, as I

have before mentioned, while placing a part of their money in our foreign

loans, had at the same time employed another part in a joint speculation,

to the amount of eight hundred and forty thousand dollars, in our domestic

debt. A year's interest was becoming due on this, and they wished to

avail themselves of our want of money for the foreign interest, to obtain

payment of the domestic. Our first object was to convince our bankers,

that there was no power on this side the Atlantic which could accede to

this proposition, or give it any countenance. They at length, therefore,

but with difficulty, receded from this ground, and agreed to enter into

conferences with the brokers and lenders, and to use every exertion to

clear the loan from the embarrassment in which this speculation had

engaged it. What will be the result of these conferences, is not yet

known. We have hopes, however, that it is not desperate, because the

bankers consented yesterday to pay off the capital of fifty-one thousand

florins, which had become due on the first day of January, and which had

not yet been paid. We have gone still further. The treasury-board gives

no hope of remittances, till the new government can procure them. For

that government to be adopted, its legislature assembled, its system of

taxation and collection arranged, the money gathered from the people into

the treasury, and then remitted to Europe, must extend considerably into

the year 1790. To secure our credit then, for the present year only, is

but to put off the evil day to the next. What remains of the last loan,

when it shall be filled up, will little more than clear us of present

demands, as may be seen by the estimate enclosed. We thought it better,

therefore, to provide at once for the years 1789 and 1790, also; and

thus to place the government at its ease, and her credit in security,

during that trying interval. The same estimate will show, that another

million of florins will be necessary to effect this. We stated this to

our bankers, who concurred in our views, and that to ask the whole sum at

once, would be better than to make demands from time to time so small,

as that they betray to the money holders the extreme feebleness of our

resources. Mr. Adams, therefore, has executed bonds for another million of

florins; which, however, are to remain unissued till Congress shall have

ratified the measure; so that this transaction is something or nothing,

at their pleasure. We suppose its expediency so apparent, as to leave

little doubt of its ratification. In this case, much time will have been

saved by the execution of the bonds at this moment, and the proposition

will be presented under a more favorable appearance, according to the

opinion of the bankers. Mr. Adams is under a necessity of setting out

to-morrow morning, but I shall stay two or three days longer, to attend

to and encourage the efforts of the bankers; though it is yet doubtful

whether they will ensure us a safe passage over the month of June. Not

having my letters here to turn to, I am unable to say whether the last I

wrote mentioned the declaration of the Emperor that he should take part

in the war against the Turks. This declaration appeared a little before,

or a little after that letter, I do not recollect which. Some little

hostilities have taken place between them. The court of Versailles seems

to pursue immovably its pacific system, and from every appearance in the

country from which I write, we must conclude that its tragedy is wound up.

The triumph appears complete, and tranquillity perfectly established. The

numbers who have emigrated are differently estimated, from twenty to forty

thousand.

A little before I left Paris, I received a piece of intelligence, which

should be communicated, leaving you to lay what stress on it, it may

seem to deserve. Its authenticity may be surely relied on. At the time of

the late pacification, Spain had about fifteen ships of the line nearly

ready for sea. The convention for disarming did not extend to her, nor

did she disarm. This gave inquietude to the court of London, and they

demanded an explanation. One was given, they say, which is perfectly

satisfactory. The Russian minister at Versailles, getting knowledge of

this, became suspicious on his part. He recollected that Spain, during

the late war, had been opposed to the entrance of a Russian fleet into

the Mediterranean, and concluded if England was not the object of this

armament, Russia might be. It is known that that power means to send

a fleet of about twenty-four ships into the Mediterranean this summer.

He sent to the Count de Montmorin, and expressed his apprehensions. The

Count de Montmorin declared that the object of Spain in that armament, was

totally different; that he was not sure she would succeed; but that France

and Spain were to be considered as one, and that the former would become

guarantee for the latter; that she would make no opposition to the Russian

fleet. If neither England nor Russia be the object, the question recurs,

who is it for? You know best if our affairs with Spain are in a situation

to give jealousy to either of us. I think it very possible that the

satisfaction of the court of London may have been pretended, or premature.

It is possible, also, that the affairs of Spain in South America, may

require them to assume a threatening appearance. I give you the facts,

however, and you will judge whether they are objects of attention or of

mere curiosity.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of sincere esteem and respect,

Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

P. S. I enclose herewith an extract of a letter from the Count de

Vergennes to the French ambassador at the Hague, which will make a

remarkable chapter in the history of the late revolution here. It is not

public, nor should be made so by us. Probably those who have been the

victims of it, will some day publish it.

TO MR. DUMAS.

AMSTERDAM, March 29, 1788.

SIR,--I have now to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of the 14th,

18th and 23d instant. I would have preferred doing it in person, but the

season, and the desire of seeing what I have not yet seen, invite me to

take the route of the Rhine. I shall leave this place to-morrow morning,

and probably not reach Paris till the latter end of April. In the moment

we were to have conferred on the subject of paying the arrears due to

you, a letter of the 20th of February from the Board of Treasury was

received, forbidding the application of money to any purpose, (except our

current claims,) till the June interest should be actually in hand. Being

by the letter tied up from giving an order in your favor, I return you

the letter you had written to Mr. Jay, on the supposition that the order

for your arrears was given. It has been suggested, however, that if you

could receive bonds of the loan, you could make them answer your purpose,

and the commissioners say this would in nowise interfere with the views

of the treasury board, nor the provision for the June interest. I have,

therefore, recommended to them in writing, to give you bonds to the amount

of your balance, if you choose to take them, rather than to wait. I wish

this may answer your purpose. I remember that in the conversation which I

had the honor of having with you, on the evening I was at the Hague, you

said that your enemies had endeavored to have it believed that Congress

would abandon you, and withdraw your appointments. An enemy generally

says and believes what he wishes, and your enemies particularly, are not

those who are most in the councils of Congress, nor the best qualified

to tell what Congress will do. From the evidences you have received of

their approbation, and from their well-known steadiness and justice, you

must be assured of a continuance of their favor, were they to continue

under the present form. Nor do I see anything in the new government which

threatens us with less firmness. The Senate, who will make and remove

their foreign officers, must, from its constitution, be a wise and steady

body. Nor would a new government begin its administration by discarding

old servants; servants who have put all to the risk, and when the risk

was great, to obtain that freedom and security under which themselves will

be what they shall be. Upon the whole, my dear Sir, tranquillize yourself

and your family upon this subject. All the evidence which exists as yet,

authorizes you to do this, nor can I foresee any cause of disquiet in

future. That none may arise, that yourself and family may enjoy health,

happiness, and the continued approbation of those by whom you wish most

to be approved, is the sincere wish of him, who has the honor to be, with

sentiments of sincere esteem and attachment, your most obedient, and most

humble servant.

TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE TREASURY.

AMSTERDAM, March 29, 1788.

GENTLEMEN, * * * * * * * * I cannot close my letter without some

observations on the transfer of our domestic debt to foreigners. This

circumstance and the failure to pay off Fiseaux' loan, were the sole

causes of the stagnation of our late loan. For otherwise, our credit

would have stood on more hopeful grounds than heretofore. There was a

condition in the last loan, that the lenders furnished one-third of the

money, the remaining two-thirds of the bonds should remain eighteen months

unsold, and at their option to take or not, and that in the meantime

the same bankers should open no other loan for us. These same lenders

became purchasers of our domestic debt, and they were disposed to avail

themselves of the power they had thus acquired over us as to our foreign

demands, to make us pay the domestic one. Should the present necessities

have obliged you to comply with their proposition for the present year, I

should be of opinion it ought to be the last instance. If the transfer of

these debts to Europe, meet with any encouragement from us, we can no more

borrow money here, let our necessities be what they will. For who will

give ninety-six per cent. for the foreign obligations of the same nation,

whose domestic ones can be bought at the same market for fifty-five per

cent.; the former, too, bearing an interest of only five per cent., while

the latter yields six. If any discouragements can be honestly thrown on

this transfer, it would seem advisable, in order to keep the domestic

debt at home. It would be a very effectual one, if, instead of the title

existing in our treasury books alone, it was made to exist in loose

papers, as our loan office debts do. The European holder would then be

obliged to risk the title paper of his capital, as well as his interest,

in the hands of his agents in America, whenever the interest was to be

demanded; whereas, at present, he trusts him with the interest only. This

single circumstance would put a total stop to all future sales of domestic

debt at this market. Whether this, or any other obstruction, can or should

be thrown in the way of these operations, is not for me to decide; but I

have thought the subject worthy your consideration.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and

respect, Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. SHORT.

AMSTERDAM, March 29, 1788.

DEAR SIR,--I have received from you three letters of March the 9th,

14th, and 17th, and written you two of the 10th and 13th. In the last, I

mentioned to you that I should leave this place the 13th, but I have been

drawn on from day to day by the hope of seeing the business on which I

came settled, on the basis of positive engagement, and the great object

of the month of June appeared so sure, that we were about proceeding to

immediate payment of Mr. Grand, the State of Virginia, and all smaller

claims, when a letter of the 20th February, from the Commissioners of

the Treasury, arrived, forbidding the application of money to any object

except the diplomatic expenses, till the cash for the June interest was

actually in hand. No room was left for the bankers to execute their

discretion. The consequence is a delay of all other objects for some

weeks, which probably might have been effected instantly, without danger

to the great one. Indeed, I had obtained a positive engagement on that

ground. Be so good as to communicate this much to Mr. Grand.

A letter from Mr. Van Berkel, at New York, confirms the arrival of the

Count de Moustier there on the 18th of January, and removes all suspense

and anxiety on that subject. You know we received a similar account the

day before I left Paris, which I communicated to M. de Montmorin. It is

with infinite affliction that I recollect, in the hurry of my departure,

to have omitted to have notified the same to M. Dupont, who had a son

embarked in the same bottom. I am haunted with this recollection, and

would beg either yourself or Mr. Grand, whichever sees M. Dupont first,

to let him know that it was neither want of attention nor attachment to

him which occasioned it to escape me, but the confusion which attended the

setting out on such a journey on so short notice.

I set out to-morrow for Utrecht, Nimeguen, &c., and shall pursue the

course of the Rhine as far as the roads will permit me, not exceeding

Strasburg. Whenever they become impassable, or too difficult, if they do

become so, I shall turn off to Paris. So also if anything of importance

should call for me at Paris sooner, you will be so good as to address to

me at Frankfort and Strasburg. I will call at the post office there, and

be happy to find news from you relative to yourself, my daughters, and

America. I shall be at Frankfort about the 8th of April, and at Strasburg

about the 15th. You shall hear from me on the road. * * * * * * *

TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.

PARIS, May 2, 1788.

DEAR SIR,--I am honored with your Excellency's letter by the last packet,

and thank you for the information it contains on the communication between

the Cayahoga and Big Beaver. I have ever considered the opening a canal

between those two water courses as the most important work in that line

which the State of Virginia could undertake. It will infallibly turn

through the Potomac all the commerce of Lake Erie, and the country west

of that, except what may pass down the Mississippi; and it is important

that it be soon done, lest that commerce should, in the meantime, get

established in another channel. Having, in the spring of the last year,

taken a journey through the southern parts of France, and particularly

examined the canal of Languedoc, through its whole course, I take the

liberty of sending you the notes I made on the spot, as you may find in

them something, perhaps, which may be turned to account, some time or

other, in the prosecution of the Potomac canal. Being merely a copy from

my travelling notes, they are undigested and imperfect, but may still

perhaps give hints capable of improvement in your mind.

The affairs of Europe are in such a state still, that it is impossible

to say what form they will take ultimately. France and Prussia, viewing

the Emperor as their most dangerous and common enemy, had heretofore

seen their common safety as depending on a strict connection with one

another. This had naturally inclined the Emperor to the scale of England,

and the Empress also, as having views in common with the Emperor, against

the Turks. But these two powers would, at any time, have gladly quitted

England, to coalesce with France, as being the power which they met

everywhere, opposed as a barrier to all their schemes of aggrandisement.

When, therefore, the present King of Prussia took the eccentric measure

of bidding defiance to France, by placing his brother in law on the throne

of Holland, the two empires immediately seized the occasion of soliciting

an alliance with France. The motives for this appeared so plausible, that

it was believed the latter would have entered into this alliance, and

that thus, the whole political system of Europe would have taken a new

form. What has prevented this court from coming into it, we know not.

The unmeasurable ambition of the Emperor, and his total want of moral

principle and honor, are suspected. A great share of Turkey, the recovery

of Silesia, the consolidation of his dominions by the Bavarian exchange,

the liberties of the Germanic body, all occupy his mind together, and his

head is not well enough organized, to pursue so much only of all this

as is practicable. Still, it was thought that France might safely have

coalesced with these powers, because Russia and herself holding close

together, as their interests would naturally dictate, the Emperor could

never stir but with their permission. France seems, however, to have taken

the worst of all parties, that is, none at all. She folds her arms, lets

the two empires go to work to cut up Turkey as they can, and holds Prussia

aloof, neither as a friend nor foe. This is withdrawing her opposition

from the two empires, without the benefit of any condition whatever. In

the meantime, England has clearly overreached herself. She excited the

war between the Russians and Turks, in hopes that France, still supporting

the Turks, would be embarrassed with the two empires. She did not foresee

the event which has taken place, of France abandoning the Turks, and

that which may take place, of her union with the two empires. She allied

herself with Holland, but cannot obtain the alliance of Prussia. This

latter power would be very glad to close again the breach with France,

and, therefore, while there remains an opening for this, holds off from

England, whose fleets could not enter into Silesia, to protect that

from the Emperor. Thus, you see, that the old system is unhinged, and

no new one hung in its place. Probabilities are rather in favor of a

connection between the two empires, France and Spain. Several symptoms

show themselves, of friendly dispositions between Russia and France,

unfriendly ones between Russia and England, and such as are barely short

of hostility between England and France. But into real hostilities, this

country would with difficulty be drawn. Her finances are too deranged, her

internal union too much dissolved, to hazard a war. The nation is pressing

on fast to a fixed constitution. Such a revolution in the public opinion

has taken place, that the crown already feels its powers bounded, and is

obliged, by its measures, to acknowledge limits. A States General will

be called at some epoch not distant; they will probably establish a civil

list, and leave the government to temporary provisions of money, so as to

render frequent assemblies of the national representative necessary. How

that representative will be organized is yet uncertain. Among a thousand

projects, the best seems to me, that of dividing them into two Houses, of

Commons and Nobles; the Commons to be chosen by the Provincial Assemblies,

who are chosen themselves by the people, and the Nobles by the body of

Noblesse, as in Scotland. But there is no reason to conjecture that this

is the particular scheme which will be preferred.

The war between the Russians and Turks, has made an opening for our

Commodore Paul Jones. The Empress has invited him into her service.

She insures to him the rank of rear admiral; will give him a separate

command, and, it is understood, that he is never to be commanded. I think

she means to oppose him to the Captain Pacha, on the Black Sea. He is by

this time, probably, at St. Petersburg. The circumstances did not permit

his awaiting the permission of Congress, because the season was close at

hand for opening the campaign. But he has made it a condition, that he

shall be free at all times to return to the orders of Congress, whenever

they shall please to call for him; and also, that he shall not in any

case be expected to bear arms against France. I believe Congress had it

in contemplation, to give him the grade of admiral, from the date of his

taking the Serapis. Such a measure now would greatly gratify him, second

the efforts of fortune in his favor, and better the opportunities of

improving him for our service, whenever the moment shall come in which we

may want him.

The danger of our incurring something like a bankruptcy in Holland, which

might have been long, and even fatally felt in a moment of crisis, induced

me to take advantage of Mr. Adams' journey to take leave at the Hague

to meet him there, get him to go on to Amsterdam, and try to avert the

impending danger. The moment of paying a great sum of annual interest

was approaching. There was no money on hand; the board of treasury had

notified that they could not remit any; and the progress of the loan which

had been opened there, had absolutely stopped. Our bankers there gave

me notice of all this; and that a single day's failure in the payment

of interest would have the most fatal effect on our credit. I am happy

to inform you we were able to set the loan a going again, and that the

evil is at least postponed. Indeed, I am tolerably satisfied, that if

the measures we proposed are ratified by Congress, all European calls for

money (except the French debt) are secure enough, till the end of the year

1790; by which time, we calculated that the new government might be able

to get money into their treasury. Much conversation with the bankers,

brokers and money holders, gave me insight into the state of national

credit there, which I had never before been able satisfactorily to get.

The English credit is the first, because they never open a loan, without

laying and appropriating taxes for the payment of the interest, and there

has never been an instance of their failing one day, in that payment. The

Emperor and Empress have good credit, because they use it little, and have

hitherto been very punctual. This country is among the lowest, in point of

credit. Ours stands in hope only. They consider us as the surest nation

on earth for the repayment of the capital; but as the punctual payment

of interest is of absolute necessity in their arrangements, we cannot

borrow but with difficulty and disadvantage. The monied men, however,

look towards our new government with a great degree of partiality, and

even anxiety. If they see that set out on the English plan, the first

degree of credit will be transferred to us. A favorable occasion will

arise to our new government of asserting this ground to themselves.

The transfer of the French debt, public and private, to Amsterdam, is

certainly desirable. An act of the new government, therefore, for opening

a loan in Holland for the purpose, laying taxes at the same time, for

paying annually the interest and a part of the principal, will answer the

two valuable purposes, of ascertaining the degree of our credit, and of

removing those causes of bickering and irritation, which should never be

permitted to subsist with a nation, with which it is so much our interest

to be on cordial terms as with France. A very small portion of this debt,

I mean that part due to the French officers, has done us an injury, of

which, those in office in America, cannot have an idea. The interest is

unpaid for the last three years; and these creditors, highly connected,

and at the same time needy, have felt and communicated hard thoughts of

us. Borrowing, as we have done, three hundred thousand florins a year,

to pay our interest in Holland, it would have been worth while to have

added twenty thousand more to suppress those clamors. I am anxious about

everything which may affect our credit. My wish would be, to possess it in

the highest degree, but to use it little. Were we without credit, we might

be crushed by a nation of much inferior resources, but possessing higher

credit. The present system of war renders it necessary to make exertions

far beyond the annual resources of the State, and to consume in one year

the efforts of many. And this system we cannot change. It remains then,

that we cultivate our credit with the utmost attention.

I had intended to have written a word to your Excellency on the subject

of the new constitution, but I have already spun out my letter to an

immoderate length. I will just observe, therefore, that according to my

ideas, there is a great deal of good in it. There are two things, however,

which I dislike strongly. 1. The want of a declaration of rights. I am

in hopes the opposition of Virginia will remedy this, and produce such

a declaration. 2. The perpetual re-eligibility of the President. This, I

fear, will make that an office for life, first, and then hereditary. I was

much an enemy to monarchies before I came to Europe. I am ten thousand

times more so, since I have seen what they are. There is scarcely an

evil known in these countries, which may not be traced to their king,

as its source, nor a good, which is not derived from the small fibres of

republicanism existing among them. I can further say, with safety, there

is not a crowned head in Europe, whose talents or merits would entitle

him to be elected a vestryman, by the people of any parish in America.

However, I shall hope, that before there is danger of this change taking

place in the office of President, the good sense and free spirit of our

countrymen, will make the changes necessary to prevent it. Under this

hope, I look forward to the general adoption of the new constitution with

anxiety, as necessary for us under our present circumstances. I have so

much trespassed on your patience already, by the length of this letter,

that I will add nothing further, than those assurances of sincere esteem

and attachment with which I have the honor to be, your Excellency's most

obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JAMES MADISON.

PARIS, May 3, 1788.

DEAR SIR,--Mine of February the 6th, acknowledged the receipt of yours of

December the 9th and 20th; since that, those of February the 19th and 20th

have come to hand. The present will be delivered to you by Mr. Warville,

whom you will find truly estimable, and a great enthusiast for liberty.

His writings will have shown you this.

For public news, I must refer you to my letters to Mr. Jay. Those I

wrote to him from Amsterdam will have informed you of my journey thither.

While there, I endeavored to get, as well as I could, into the state of

national credit there; for though I am an enemy to the using our credit

but under absolute necessity, yet the possessing a good credit I consider

as indispensable, in the present system of carrying on war. The existence

of a nation having no credit is always precarious. The credit of England

is the best. Their paper sells at par on the exchange of Amsterdam the

moment any of it is offered, and they can command there any sum they

please. The reason is, that they never borrow, without establishing taxes

for the payment of the interest, and they never yet failed one day in

that payment. The Emperor and Empress have good credit enough. They use

it little and have been ever punctual. This country cannot borrow at all

there; for though they always pay their interest within the year, yet it

is often some months behind. It is difficult to assign to our credit its

exact station in this scale. They consider us as the most certain nation

on earth for the principal; but they see that we borrow of themselves

to pay the interest, so that this is only a conversion of their interest

into principal. Our paper, for this reason, sells for from four to eight

per cent. below par, on the exchange, and our loans are negotiated with

the Patriots only. But the whole body of money dealers, Patriot and

Stadtholderian, look forward to our new government with a great degree

of partiality and interest. They are disposed to have much confidence in

it, and it was the prospect of its establishment, which enabled us to set

the loan of last year into motion again. They will attend steadfastly to

its first money operations. If these are injudiciously begun, correction,

whenever they shall be corrected, will come too late. Our borrowings

will always be difficult and disadvantageous. If they begin well, our

credit will immediately take the first station. Equal provision for the

interest, adding to it a certain prospect for the principal, will give us

a preference to all nations, the English not excepted. The first act of

the new government should be some operation, whereby they may assume to

themselves this station. Their European debts form a proper subject for

this. Digest the whole, public and private, Dutch, French and Spanish,

into a table, showing the sum of interest due every year, and the portions

of principal payable the same year. Take the most certain branch of

revenue, and one which shall suffice to pay the interest, and leave such

a surplus as may accomplish all the payments of the capital, at terms

somewhat short of those at which they will become due. Let the surplusses

of those years in which no reimbursement of principal falls, be applied

to buy up our paper on the exchange of Amsterdam, and thus anticipate

the demands of principal. In this way, our paper will be kept up at par;

and this alone will enable us to command in four and twenty hours, at any

time, on the exchange of Amsterdam, as many millions as that capital can

produce. The same act which makes this provision for the existing debts,

should go on to open a loan to their whole amount; the produce of that

loan to be applied, as fast as received, to the payment of such parts of

the existing debts as admit of payment. The rate of interest to be as the

government should privately instruct their agent, because it must depend

on the effect these measures would have on the exchange. Probably it

could be lowered from time to time. Honest and annual publications of the

payments made will inspire confidence, while silence would conceal nothing

from those interested to know.

You will perceive by the _compte rendu_ which I send you, that this

country now calls seriously for its interest at least. The non-payment of

this, hitherto, has done our credit little injury, because the government

here, saying nothing about it, the public have supposed they wished to

leave us at our ease as to the payment. It is now seen that they call for

it, and they will publish annually the effect of that call. A failure

here, therefore, will have the same effect on our credit hereafter, as

a failure at Amsterdam. I consider it then, as of a necessity not to be

dispensed with, that these calls be effectually provided for. If it shall

be seen that the general provision, before hinted at, cannot be in time,

then it is the present government which should take on itself to borrow in

Amsterdam, what may be necessary. The new government should by no means be

left by the old, to the necessity of borrowing a stiver, before it can tax

for its interest. This will be to destroy the credit of the new government

in its birth. And I am of opinion, that if the present Congress will add

to the loan of a million (which Mr. Adams and myself have proposed this

year) what may be necessary for the French calls to the year 1790, the

money can be obtained at the usual disadvantage. Though I have not, at

this moment, received such authentic information from our bankers as I

may communicate to Congress, yet I know privately from one of them, (Mr.

Jacob Van Staphorst, who is here,) that they had on hand a fortnight ago,

four hundred thousand florins, and the sale going on well. So that the

June interest, which had been in so critical a predicament, was already

secured. If the loan of a million on Mr. Adams' bonds of this year, be

ratified by Congress, the applications of the money on hand may go on

immediately, according to the statement I sent to Mr. Jay. One article in

this, I must beg you to press on the treasury board; that is, an immediate

order for the payment of the three years' arrearages to the French

officers. They were about holding a meeting to take desperate measures

on this subject, when I was called to Holland. I desired them to be quiet

till my return, and since my return, I have pressed a further tranquillity

till July, by which time, I have given them reason to hope I may have an

answer from the treasury board, to my letters of March. Their ill humor

can be contained no longer, and as I know no reason why they may not be

paid at that time, I shall have nothing to urge in our defence after that.

* * * * *

You remember the report, drawn by Governor Randolph, on the navigation

of the Mississippi. When I came to Europe, Mr. Thompson was so kind as to

have me a copy of it made out. I lent it to Dr. Franklin, and he mislaid

it, so that it could never be found. Could you make interest with him to

have me another copy made, and send it to me? By Mr. Warville I send your

pedometer. To the loop at the bottom of it, you must sew a tape, and at

the other end of the tape, a small hook, (such as we use under the name of

hooks and eyes) cut a little hole in the bottom of your left watch pocket,

pass the hook and tape through it, and down between the breeches and

drawers, and fix the hook on the edge of your knee band, an inch from the

knee buckle; then hook the instrument itself by its swivel hook, on the

upper edge of the watch pocket. Your tape being well adjusted in length,

your double steps will be exactly counted by the instrument, the shortest

hand pointing out the thousands, the flat hand the hundreds, and the long

hand the tens and units. Never turn the hands backward; indeed, it is best

not to set them to any given place, but to note the number they stand at

when you begin to walk. The adjusting the tape to its exact length is a

critical business, and will cost you many trials. But once done, it is

done for ever. The best way is, to have a small buckle fixed on the middle

of the tape, by which you can take it up, and let it out at pleasure. When

you choose it should cease to count, unhook it from the top of the watch

pocket, and let it fall down to the bottom of the pocket.

* * * * *

I am, with sentiments of the most sincere esteem and attachment, dear Sir,

your affectionate friend and servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

PARIS, May 4, 1788.

SIR,--I had the honor of addressing you in two letters of the 13th and

16th of March, from Amsterdam, and have since received Mr. Ramson's of

February the 20th. I staid at Amsterdam about ten or twelve days after

the departure of Mr. Adams, in hopes of seeing the million of the last

year filled up. This, however, could not be accomplished on the spot. But

the prospect was so good as to have dissipated all fears; and since my

return here, I learn (not officially from our bankers but) through a good

channel, that they have received near four hundred thousand florins, since

the date of the statement I sent you, in my letter of March the 16th; and

I presume we need not fear the completion of that loan, which will provide

for all our purposes of the year 1788, as stated in that paper. I hope,

therefore, to receive from the treasury orders in conformity thereto, that

I may be able to proceed to the redemption of our captives. A provision

for the purposes of the years, 1789 and 1790, as stated in the same paper,

will depend on the ratification by Congress of Mr. Adams' bonds of this

year, for another million of florins. But there arises a new call from

this government, for its interest at least. Their silence, hitherto, has

made it be believed in general, that they consented to the non-payment of

our interest to them, in order to accommodate us. You will perceive in the

seventy-fifth and seventy-sixth pages of the _compte rendu_, which I have

the honor to send you, that they call for this interest, and will publish

whether it be paid or not; and by No. 25, page eighty-one, that they count

on its regular receipt, for the purposes of the year. These calls, for the

first days of January, 1789 and 1790, will amount to about a million and

a half of florins more; and if to be raised by loan, it must be for two

millions, as well to cover the expenses of the loan, as that loans are

not opened for fractions of millions. This publication seems to render a

provision for this interest as necessary, as for that of Amsterdam.

I had taken measures to have it believed at Algiers, that our government

withdrew its attention from our captives there. This was to prepare their

captors for the ransoming them at a reasonable price. I find, however,

that Captain O'Bryan is apprized that I have received some authority on

this subject. He writes me a cruel letter, supposing me the obstacle to

their redemption. Their own interest requires that I should leave them

to think thus hardly of me. Were the views of government communicated

to them, they could not keep their own secret, and such a price would

be demanded for them, as Congress, probably, would think ought not to

be given, lest it should be the cause of involving thousands of others

of their citizens in the same condition. The moment I have money, the

business shall be set in motion.

By a letter from Joseph Chiappe, our agent at Mogadore, I am notified

of a declaration of the Emperor of Morocco, that if the States General

of the United Netherlands do not, before the month of May, send him an

ambassador, to let him know whether it is war or peace between them, he

will send one to them with five frigates; and that if their dispositions

be unfavorable, their frigates shall proceed to America to make prizes

on the Dutch, and to sell them there. It seems to depend on the Dutch,

therefore, whether the Barbary powers shall learn the way to our coasts,

and whether we shall have to decide the question of the legality of

selling in our ports, vessels taken from them. I informed you in a former

letter, of the declaration made by the court of Spain to that of London,

relative to its naval armament, and also of the declaration of the Count

de Montmorin to the Russian minister here, on the same subject. I have

good information, that the court of Spain has itself made a similar and

formal declaration to the minister of Russia, at Madrid. So that Russia

is satisfied she is not the object. I doubt whether the English are

equally satisfied as to themselves. The season has hitherto prevented

any remarkable operation between the Turks and the two empires. The war,

however, will probably go on, and the season now admits of more important

events. The Empress has engaged Commodore Paul Jones in her service. He

is to have the rank of rear admiral, with a separate command, and it is

understood that he is in no case to be commanded. He will probably be

opposed to the Captain Pacha on the Black Sea. He received this invitation

at Copenhagen, and as the season for commencing the campaign was too

near to admit time for him to ask and await the permission of Congress,

he accepted the offer, only stipulating, that he should be always free

to return to the orders of Congress whenever called for, and that he

should not be expected to bear arms against France. He conceived that

the experience he should gain, would enable him to be more useful to

the United States, should they ever have occasion for him. It has been

understood, that Congress had had it in contemplation to give him the

grade of rear admiral, from the date of the action of the Serapis, and it

is supposed, that such a mark of their approbation, would have a favorable

influence on his fortune in the north. Copies of the letters which passed

between him and the Danish minister are herewith transmitted. I shall

immediately represent to Count Bernstorff, that the demand for our prizes

can have no connection with a treaty of commerce; that there is no reason

why the claims of our seamen should await so distant and uncertain an

event; and press the settlement of this claim.

This country still pursues its line of peace. The ministry seem now all

united in it; some from a belief of their inability to carry on a war;

others from a desire to arrange their internal affairs, and improve

their constitution. The differences between the King and parliaments,

threaten a serious issue. Many symptoms indicate that the government has

in contemplation some act of high-handed authority. An extra number of

printers have, for several days, been employed, the apartment wherein they

are at work being surrounded by a body of guards, who permit nobody either

to come out or go in. The commanders of the provinces, civil and military,

have been ordered to be at their stations on a certain day of the ensuing

week. They are accordingly gone; so that the will of the King is probably

to be announced through the whole kingdom, on the same day. The parliament

of Paris, apprehending that some innovation is to be attempted, which may

take from them the opportunity of deciding on it after it shall be made

known, came last night to the resolution, of which I have the honor to

enclose you a manuscript copy. This you will perceive to be, in effect,

a declaration of rights. I am obliged to close here the present letter,

lest I should miss the opportunity of conveying it by a passenger who is

to call for it. Should the delay of the packet admit any continuation

of these details, they shall be the subject of another letter, to be

forwarded by post. The gazettes of Leyden and France accompany this.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and

respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO M. TERRASSON.

PARIS, May 7, 1788.

SIR,--I have read with attention the papers on the subject of the canal

of the Santee and Cooper rivers, and shall be glad to do anything I can

to promote it. But I confess I have small expectations for the following

reason: General Washington sent me a copy of the Virginia act for opening

the Potomac. As that canal was to unite the commerce of the whole western

country almost, with the eastern, it presented a great view. The General

detailed the advantages of it, and it had the weight of his name, and

was known to be under his immediate direction. It was pushed here among

the monied men to obtain subscriptions, but not a single one could be

obtained. The stockjobbing in this city offered greater advantages than

to buy shares in the canal. I tried whether they would lend money on

the security of the canal, but they answered they could get as good an

interest by lending to their own government, with a douceur in the outset,

and would have their money under their own eye, more at their command, and

more sure as to the payment of interest. However, if you find any opening,

and can point out to me how I may be useful in promoting it, I shall do

it with infinite pleasure. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the

most perfect esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO M. DUMAS.

PARIS, May 15, 1788.

SIR,--My first moments after my return having been necessarily occupied

by letters which had come during my absence, and which required immediate

answers, I have not till now been able to resume my correspondence with

you, and to inform you of my safe arrival here after a very agreeable tour

through Germany. Our news from America comes down to the 14th of March. At

that time the state of the new constitution was thus: It had been accepted

in Massachusetts by

187 ayes, against 168 noes.

Connecticut 148 " " 40 "

Pennsylvania 46 " " 23 "

Delaware 22 " " 00 "

New Jersey 39 " " 00 "

Georgia 33 " " 00 "

--- ---

475 231

The Conventions of the other States were to meet as follows:

Maryland April 21.

South Carolina May 12.

Virginia May 26.

New York June 17.

North Carolina July --

New Hampshire June --

Rhode Island had not called a Convention.

I have received a letter from General Washington, wherein he gives it as

his opinion, that Virginia will accede to it. Mr. Madison inclines to the

same opinion. In fact, if Maryland and South Carolina should have adopted

it, as there is great reason to believe, the motives will become very

cogent on Virginia for accepting also. She will see that eight States have

already concurred, that New Hampshire and North Carolina will probably

concur, that the opposition to be made by Virginia and New York would have

little effect, and joined with Rhode Island would even be opprobrious.

So that probably she will follow the example set by Massachusetts of

accepting the constitution unconditionally, and instructing her delegates

to join with those of Massachusetts in urging future amendment. In this

case the matter will be fixed by nine States at the close of this month,

or beginning of the next, and we may have the news by the last of June.

It is very possible that the President and new Congress may be setting

at New York in the month of September. I have no other material news from

America. Here all seems peace without and war within. A great deal of good

is offered to the nation, but some think there is more evil in the form

of the offer. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect

esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO THE HONORABLE THE BOARD OF TREASURY.

PARIS, May 16, 1788.

GENTLEMEN,--In a letter of March 29th, which I had the honor of addressing

you from Amsterdam, I stated to you what had passed till that date

relative to our money affairs in England, and I enclosed you an estimate

of these, which looks forward to the end of the year 1790. I mentioned to

you also, that the prospect of filling up the loan of the last million

was at that moment good, so that I thought you might be at ease as to

the payment of the June interest. I have now the pleasure to enclose

you a letter from our bankers of the 8th instant, wherein they inform me

they have sold bonds enough to pay the June interest and have a surplus

sufficient to replace the moneys lent from the Virginia fund, and by Mr.

Grand. These advances were but momentary accommodations, made under the

mistaken idea that the money was in Amsterdam ready to replace them,

and it was not in idea to inscribe them on the roll of the debts of

the United States, to take their turn of payment. You will therefore, I

hope, think me justifiable in having them replaced immediately, as there

is money enough now for that purpose, over and above the June interest.

The balance due to Gateau is for one of the medals I had your orders to

have made, and has been due upwards of a twelvemonth. Mr. Short's salary

I suppose included under your general order that the diplomatic calls

shall be regularly paid by our bankers. So far then, I shall venture to

draw immediately, perhaps also for the little balance due to Ast, whose

distresses call loudly for assistance. He has been obliged to carry his

clothes to the pawnbrokers' to raise money for his subsistence. All the

other articles of the estimate will await your orders, which you will

therefore be pleased to give as you think proper. The foreign officers

had proposed a meeting, the object of which was, as I heard, to address

Congress in terms which would have been very disagreeable, and at the same

time to present a petition to the King, claiming his interposition. This

would have made a great deal of noise, and produced very disagreeable

effects. This was a few days before I went to Amsterdam. I saw Colonel

Gouvion the day before I set out, and desired him to quiet them till my

return, explaining to him that one of the objects of my journey would

be to enable you to pay them. I have since my return, informed them of

the prospect of payment, and that your orders for that purpose may be

hoped by the month of June. A letter from O'Brian, at Algiers, shows me

that he has had an intimation of my being authorized to redeem them, and

imputes the delay to me. I have endeavored, on the contrary, to have it

believed at Algiers, that the public will not interest itself in their

redemption, having been assured by the General of the religious order who

is to act for us, that if the Dey has the least expectations that the

public will interfere, he will hold them at such prices as this order

has never given, and cannot consent to give, because of the precedent,

and that in this case we shall lose the benefit of their agency. Under

these circumstances it would be cruelty to the captives to let them know

we are proceeding to their redemption. They could not keep their own

secret, and the indiscretion of any one of them might forever blast the

prospect of their redemption. For I suppose it to be uncontrovertible that

a regard to the safety and liberty of our seamen and citizens in general

forbids us to give such prices for those in captivity as will draw on our

vessels peculiarly the pursuit of those sea-dogs. It is for the good of

the captives themselves, therefore, that we submit to be thought hardly

of by them; but no time should be lost unnecessarily in proceeding to

their redemption; nor shall a moment be lost after I shall be authorized

by your order to receive the money. You perceive that by the extract from

the letter of the bankers which I have the honor to enclose you, they

expect to place speedily the rest of the bonds. I think I may venture to

assure you they can do it at any moment if they are pushed. You know the

misunderstandings which exist between these two houses. These are the

cause of their not always saying as much as they might venture to say

with truth. There is an error in the estimate I sent you, which must be

explained. I omitted, when I set out from Paris, to ask Mr. Short for a

state of the balance due him, and had always been ignorant of it, as the

account remained between him and Mr. Grand. When making the estimate at

Amsterdam, therefore, I was obliged to conjecture what that balance was,

which I did from a very slight and mistaken circumstance as I now find.

The balance due him, instead of being about 5000_l._, as I had guessed, is

13,146_l._ 6, as you will see by his account now enclosed.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and

respect, Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO THE COUNT DE MOUSTIER.

PARIS, May 17, 1788.

DEAR SIR,--I have at length an opportunity of acknowledging the receipt

of your favors of February, and March the 14th, and congratulating you

on your resurrection from the dead, among whom you had been confidently

entombed by the newsdealers of Paris. I am sorry that your first

impressions have been disturbed by matters of etiquette, where surely

they should least have been expected to occur. These disputes are the most

insusceptible of determination, because they have no foundation in reason.

Arbitrary and senseless in their nature, they are arbitrarily decided by

every nation for itself. These decisions are meant to prevent disputes,

but they produce ten where they prevent one. It would have been better,

therefore, in a new country, to have excluded etiquette altogether; or if

it must be admitted in some form or other, to have made it depend on some

circumstance founded in nature, such as the age or station of the parties.

However, you have got over all this, and, I am in hopes, have been able

to make up a society suited to your own dispositions. Your situation will

doubtless be improved by the adoption of the new constitution, which

I hope will have taken place before you receive this. I see in this

instrument, a great deal of good. The consolidation of our government,

a just representation, an administration of some permanence, and other

features of great value, will be gained by it. There are, indeed, some

faults, which revolted me a good deal in the first moment; but we must

be contented to travel on towards perfection, step by step. We must

be contented with the ground which this constitution will gain for us,

and hope that a favorable moment will come for correcting what is amiss

in it. I view in the same light, the innovations making here. The new

organization of the judiciary department is undoubtedly for the better.

The reformation of the criminal code, is an immense step taken towards

good. The composition of the Plenary court is, indeed, vicious in the

extreme; but the basis of that court may be retained, and its composition

changed. Make of it a representative of the people, by composing it of

members sent from the Provincial Assemblies, and it becomes a valuable

member of the constitution. But it is said, the court will not consent to

do this; the court, however, has consented to call the States General, who

will consider the Plenary court but as a canvas for them to work on. The

public mind is manifestly advancing on the abusive prerogatives of their

governors, and bearing them down. No force in the government can withstand

this, in the long run. Courtiers had rather give up power than pleasures;

they will barter, therefore, the usurped prerogatives of the King, for

the money of the people. This is the agent by which modern nations will

recover their rights. I sincerely wish that in this country, they may

be contented with a peaceable and passive opposition. At this moment,

we are not sure of this, though as yet it is difficult to say what form

the opposition will take. It is a comfortable circumstance, that their

neighboring enemy is under the administration of a minister disposed to

keep the peace. Engage in war who will, may my country long continue your

peaceful residence, and merit your good offices with that nation, whose

affections it is their duty and interest to cultivate. Accept these and

all other the good wishes of him, who has the honor to be, with sincere

esteem and respect, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

PARIS, May 23, 1788.