PARIS, July 2, 1787.

SIR,--Being just returned from a tour through the southern parts of

France and northern of Italy, I could not till this moment, acknowledge

the receipt of your obliging letter with the papers accompanying it.

It happened unluckily also that those addressed to the Marquis de La

Fayette, were under my cover. I put them into his hands the moment of my

return. From the opportunities you have had of coming at facts known as

yet to no other historian, from your dispositions to relate them fairly,

and from your known talents, I have sanguine expectations that your work

will be a valuable addition to historical science; and the more so, as

we have little yet on the subject of our war, which merits respect. I

fear, however, that this is not the field from which you are to expect

profit. The translation will sell here; but few read English. Be assured,

that nothing shall be wanting on my part to encourage a preference of

the original to a translation; but it will not be till the fall that

either will be called for, because, during summer, the readers are in the

country. I got from a bookseller here about forty guineas for a first copy

of Dr. Ramsay's work, which he had translated. If this would be an object

with you, I offer you my service. I have the honor to be, with sentiments

of great esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO T. B. HOLLIS, ESQ.

PARIS, July 2, 1787.

SIR,--On my return from a tour through the southern parts of France and

northern of Italy, I found here the present of books you had been so kind

as to send me. I should value them highly for their intrinsic merit, but

much more as coming from you. You will have seen that one of our republics

has experienced those commotions which the newspapers have been always

ascribing to all of them. I am not satisfied what has been the cause of

this, but the most probable account is, that these individuals were of

those who have so imprudently involved themselves in debt; and that a

vigorous exertion in their government to enforce the payment of private

debts, and raise money for the public ones, occasioned the insurrection.

One insurrection in thirteen States in the course of eleven years

that they have existed, amounts to one in any individual State in one

hundred and forty-three years, say a century and a half. This will not

weigh against the inconveniences of a government of force, such as are

monarchies and aristocracies. You see I am not discouraged by this little

difficulty; nor have I any doubt that the result of our experiment will

be, that men are capable of governing themselves without a master. I have

the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest esteem and respect, Sir,

your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. BONDFIELD.

PARIS, July 2, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--Revising the letters and notes in my possession on the subject

of our commerce, I observe you say in your letter of December 12, that

we pay alien duties in the ports of France, supposed the double of what

we ought to pay. If by this you mean that we are not on as favorable a

footing as Spain, it would be vain to remonstrate on that subject. The

family compact expressly excluded all other nations from the advantages

the two parties ceded to each other; but if there be any other nation

which enjoys any greater advantages in the ports of France than we do,

I should wish to know it, because, if it be not in consequence of a

particular compensation, I should hope to remove it. Will you be so good

as to explain the matter? and shall I ask the further favor of you to

forward the enclosed letter by the first vessel going from your port to

Virginia. I wish to hear from Mr. Barclay, who, I suppose, is still with

you, and whose service and comfort I have sincerely at heart. I am, with

much esteem and respect, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble

servant.

TO MR. JAMES MANNY.

PARIS, July 2, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--The reason why the receipt of your favor of May 21, has been

thus unacknowledged, was my absence on a tour round the sea-port towns,

from which I am just returned. In the meantime, the occasion of your

inquiry relative to Mr. Morris' bills has passed; nor could I now explain

the reason of their protest. I understand, however, that they are since

honored. The effect, therefore, will only be to show that there is a limit

even to his credit.

Recent appearances in Europe would seem to threaten war. On one side,

England sending a navy of observation to hover over Holland, and Prussia

an army; this country sending a navy and army to hover over the other side

of the same country; yet it is morally sure that all these powers desire

peace most ardently. It remains to see, then, whether they mean any more

than to arrange a kind of constitution which shall be merely neutral, and

to force it on the United Netherlands, as done in the case of Geneva. I

need not write you American news. You have it of later date than I have. I

shall, therefore, only add assurances of the esteem and respect with which

I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO M. L'ABBE MORELLET.

PARIS, July 2, 1787.

I am sorry, my dear Sir, that your interest should be affected by the

ill behavior of Barrois; but when you consider the facts, you will be

sensible that I could not have indulged his indolence further without

increasing the injury to a more punctual workman. Stockdale, of London,

had asked leave to print my Notes. I agreed to it, and promised he should

have the plate of the map as soon as it should be corrected, and the

copies struck off for you and myself. He thereupon printed his edition

completely in three weeks. The printer, who was to strike off two hundred

and fifty maps for me, kept the plate but five days. It was then delivered

to Barrois, with notice that it could not be left longer with him than

should suffice to strike off his number. Repeated applications for it

by Mr. Short and my servant were only answered by repeated promises and

times of delivery fixed, no one of which was performed. When I returned,

he had been possessed of the plate upwards of two months. I was astonished

and confounded to be told it had not been sent to Stockdale, and that his

edition had been lying dead on his hands three months. I sent to Barrois

the very day of my return, to let him know, that justice to Stockdale

did not permit me to defer sending him the plate any longer, yet I would

wait five days, at the end of which he must deliver me the plate, whether

his maps were done or not. I received no answer, but waited ten days. I

then sent for the plate. The answer was, he was not at home. I sent again

the next day. Answer, he was not at home. I sent the third day. Not at

home. I then ordered the messenger to go back, and wait till he should

come home. This produced an answer of two lines, _qu'il alloit soigner

son ouvrier_? I wrote him word in return to deliver the plate instantly.

This I think was on Saturday or Sunday. He told the messenger he would

let me have it the Thursday following. I took patience, and sent on the

Friday, but telling the messenger if he refused to deliver it, to inform

him I would be plagued no more with sending messages, but apply to the

police. He then delivered it, and I sent it off immediately to London.

He had kept it three months, of which three weeks were after my return.

I think, Sir, you will be satisfied that justice to Stockdale, justice to

myself who had passed my word for sending on the plate, and sensibility to

the shuffling conduct of Barrois, permitted me to act no otherwise. But

no matter. Let his ill behavior make no odds between you and me. It will

affect your interest, and that suffices to determine me to order back the

plate as soon as Stockdale has done with it. He will not require more days

than Barrois months, so that it will be here before you can want it. But

it must never go into Barrois' hands again, nor of any person depending

on him, or under his orders. The workman who struck off the two hundred

and fifty for me seems to have been diligent enough. Either he, or any

other workman you please of that description, shall have it to strike

what number you wish. I forgot to observe, in its proper place, that when

I was in the midst of my difficulties, I did myself the honor of calling

on you, as well to have that of asking after your health on my return as

of asking your assistance to obtain the plate. Unluckily you were gone

to Versailles, so I was obliged to proceed as well as I could. It is no

excuse for Barrois to say he could not get his Imprimeur to proceed. He

should have applied to another. But as to you, it shall be set to rights

in the manner I have before stated. Accept my regret that you were in

the hands of so undeserving a workman, and one who placed me under the

necessity of interrupting a work which interested you. Be assured, at

the same time, of the sincerity of those sentiments of esteem and respect

with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most

humble servant.

[_The following observations appear to have been addressed to the

Count de Montmorin, about the 6th of July, 1787._]

Observations on the letter of Monsieur de Calonnes to Monsieur Jefferson,

dated Fontainebleau, October 22, 1786.

A committee was appointed, in the course of the last year, to take a

view of the subjects of commerce which might be brought from the United

States of America, in exchange for those of France, and to consider what

advantages and facilities might be offered to encourage that commerce.

The letter of Monsieur de Calonnes was founded on their report. It was

conclusive as to the articles on which satisfactory information had been

then obtained, and reserved, for future consideration, certain others,

needing further inquiry. It is proposed now to review those unfinished

articles, that they may also be comprehended in the _Arret_, and the

regulations on this branch of commerce, be rendered complete.

1. The letter promised to diminish the "Droits du Roi et d'amirauté,"

payable by an American vessel entering into a port of France, and to

reduce what should remain into a single duty, which shall be regulated by

the draught of the vessel, or her number of masts. It is doubted whether

it will be expedient to regulate the duty in either of these ways. If by

the draught of water, it will fall unequally on us as a nation; because

we build our vessels sharp-bottomed, for swift sailing, so that they draw

more water than those of other nations, of the same burthen. If by the

number of masts, it will fall unequally on individuals; because we often

see ships of one hundred and eighty tons, and brigs of three hundred

and sixty. This, then, would produce an inequality among individuals, of

six to one. The present principle is the most just, to regulate by the

burthen. It is certainly desirable, that these duties should be reduced to

a single one. Their names and numbers perplex and harass the merchant more

than their amount; subject him to imposition, and to the suspicion of it

when there is none. An intention of general reformation in this article,

has been accordingly announced, with augmentation as to foreigners. We

are in hopes, that this augmentation is not to respect us; because it is

proposed as a measure of reciprocity, whereas, in some of our States, no

such duties exist, and in the others, they are extremely light; because

we have been made to hope a diminution, instead of augmentation; and

because this distinction cannot draw on France any just claims from other

nations; the _Jura gentis amicissimæ_, conferred by her late treaties,

having reference expressly to the nations of Europe only; and those

conferred by the more ancient ones, not being susceptible of any other

interpretation, nor admitting a pretension of reference to a nation which

did not then exist, and which has come into existence under circumstances,

distinguishing its commerce from that of all other nations. Merchandize

received from them, takes employment from the poor of France; ours gives

it; theirs is brought in the last stage of manufacture; ours in the first;

we bring our tobaccos to be manufactured into snuff, our flax and hemp

into linen and cordage, our furs into hats, skins into saddlery, shoes and

clothing; we take nothing till it has received the last hand.

2. Fish oils. The Hanseatic treaty was the basis on which the diminution

of duty on this article was asked and granted. It is expressly referred to

as such, in the letter of Monsieur de Calonnes. Instead, however, of the

expression, "huile et graisse de baleine et d'autres poissons," used in

that treaty, the letter uses the terms, "huiles de baleine, spermaceti,

et tout ce qui est compris sous ces denominations." And the Farmers have

availed themselves of this variation, to refuse the diminution of duty on

the oils of the _vache marine_, _chein de mer_, _esturgeon_, and other

fish. It is proposed, therefore, to re-establish in the _Arret_, the

expression of the Hanseatic treaty, and to add, from the same treaty, the

articles "baleine coupée et fanon de baleine."

The letter states these regulations as finally made by the King. The

merchants, on this supposition, entered into speculations. But they found

themselves called on for the old duties, not only on other fish oils, but

on the whale oil. Monsieur de Calonnes always promised that the _Arret_

should be retrospective to the date of the letter, so as to refund to

them the duties they had thus been obliged to pay. To this, attention

is prayed in forming the _Arret_. His majesty having been pleased, as an

encouragement to the importation of our fish oils, to abolish the _Droits

de fabrication_, it is presumed that the purpose announced, of continuing

those duties on foreign oils, will not be extended to us.

3. Rice. The duty on this is only seven and a half deniers the quintal,

or about one-quarter per cent. on its first cost. While this serves to

inform a government of the quantities imported, it cannot discourage that

importation. Nothing further, therefore, is necessary on this article.

4. Pot-asse. This article is of principal utility to France, in her

bleacheries of linen, glass works, and soap works; and the potash of

America, being made of green wood, is known to be the best in the world.

All duty on it was therefore abolished by the King. But the city of Rouen

levies on it a duty of twenty sols the quintal, which is very sensible

in its price, brings it dearer to the bleacheries near Paris, to those

of Beauvais, Laval, &c., and to the glass works, and encourages them

to give a preference to the potash or soude of other nations. This is a

counteraction of the views of the King, expressed in the letter, which it

is hoped will be prevented.

5. Turpentine, tar and pitch, were not decided on, on the former occasion.

Turpentine (_terebenthine_) pays ten sols the quintal, and ten sols the

livre, making fifteen sols the quintal; which is ten per cent. on its

prime cost. Tar (_goudron brai gras_) pays eight livres the _leth_ of

twelve barrels, and ten sols the livre, amounting to twenty sols the

barrel; which is twelve and a half per cent. on its prime cost. Pitch

(_brai sec_) pays ten sols the quintal, and ten sols the livre, making

fifteen sols the quintal; which is twenty per cent. on its prime cost.

Duties of from ten to twenty per cent. on articles of heavy carriage,

prevent their importation. They eat up all the profits of the merchant,

and often subject him to loss. This has been much the case with respect to

turpentine, tar and pitch, which are principal articles of remittance for

the State of North Carolina. It is hoped, that it will coincide with the

views of government, in making the present regulations, to suppress the

duties on these articles, which, of all others, can bear them best.

TO T. M. RANDOLPH, JUNIOR.

PARIS, July 6, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of April the 14th, came here during my absence on

a journey through the southern parts of France and northern of Italy,

from which I am but lately returned. This cause alone has prevented your

receiving a more early answer to it. I am glad to find, that among the

various branches of science presenting themselves to your mind, you have

fixed on that of politics as your principal pursuit. Your country will

derive from this a more immediate and sensible benefit. She has much

for you to do. For, though we may say with confidence, that the worst

of the American constitutions is better than the best which ever existed

before, in any other country, and that they are wonderfully perfect for

a first essay, yet every human essay must have defects. It will remain,

therefore, to those now coming on the stage of public affairs, to perfect

what has been so well begun by those going off it. Mathematics, Natural

Philosophy, Natural History, Anatomy, Chemistry, Botany, will become

amusements for your hours of relaxation, and auxiliaries to your principal

studies. Precious and delightful ones they will be. As soon as such a

foundation is laid in them, as you may build on as you please, hereafter,

I suppose you will proceed to your main objects, Politics, Law, Rhetoric,

and History. As to these, the place where you study them is absolutely

indifferent. I should except Rhetoric, a very essential member of them,

and which I suppose must be taught to advantage where you are. You would

do well, therefore, to attend the public exercises in this branch also,

and to do it with very particular diligence. This being done, the question

arises, where you shall fix yourself for studying Politics, Law, and

History? I should not hesitate to decide in favor of France, because

you will, at the same time, be learning to speak the language of that

country, become absolutely essential under our present circumstances. The

best method of doing this, would be to fix yourself in some family where

there are women and children, in Passey, Auteuil, or some other of the

little towns in reach of Paris. The principal hours of the day, you will

attend to your studies, and in those of relaxation, associate with the

family. You will learn to speak better from women and children in three

months, than from men in a year. Such a situation, too, will render more

easy a due attention to economy of time and money. Having pursued your

main studies here, about two years, and acquired a facility in speaking

French, take a tour of four or five months through this country and Italy,

return then to Virginia, and pass a year in Williamsburg, under the care

of Mr. Wythe; and you will be ready to enter on the public stage, with

superior advantages. I have proposed to you, to carry on the study of

the law with that of politics and history. Every political measure will,

forever, have an intimate connection with the laws of the land; and he,

who knows nothing of these, will always be perplexed, and often foiled

by adversaries having the advantage of that knowledge over him. Besides,

it is a source of infinite comfort to reflect, that under every chance

of fortune, we have a resource in ourselves from which we may be able to

derive an honorable subsistence. I would, therefore, propose not only the

study, but the practice of the law for some time, to possess yourself of

the habit of public speaking. With respect to modern languages, French,

as I have before observed, is indispensable. Next to this, the Spanish

is most important to an American. Our connection with Spain is already

important, and will become daily more so. Besides this, the ancient

part of American history is written chiefly in Spanish. To a person who

would make a point of reading and speaking French and Spanish, I should

doubt the utility of learning Italian. These three languages, being all

degeneracies from the Latin, resemble one another so much, that I doubt

the probability of keeping in the head a distinct knowledge of them

all. I suppose that he who learns them all, will speak a compound of the

three, and neither perfectly. The journey which I propose to you need not

be expensive, and would be very useful. With your talents and industry,

with science, and that steadfast honesty which eternally pursues right,

regardless of consequences, you may promise yourself everything--but

health, without which there is no happiness. An attention to health, then,

should take place of every other object. The time necessary to secure this

by active exercises, should be devoted to it, in preference to every other

pursuit. I know the difficulty with which a studious man tears himself

from his studies, at any given moment of the day. But his happiness, and

that of his family, depend on it. The most uninformed mind, with a healthy

body, is happier than the wisest valetudinarian. I need not tell you, that

if I can be useful to you in any part of this, or any other plan you shall

adopt, you will make me happy by commanding my services.

Will you be so good, Sir, as to return my most respectful thanks for

the diploma with which I am honored by the society instituted with you,

for the encouragement of the study of Natural History? I am afraid it

will never be in my power to contribute anything to the object of the

institution. Circumstances have thrown me into a very different line of

life, and not choice, as I am happy to find in your case. In the year

1781, while confined to my room by a fall from my horse, I wrote some

Notes, in answer to the inquiries of M. de Marbois, as to the natural and

political state of Virginia. They were hasty and undigested; yet as some

of these touch slightly on some objects of its natural history, I will

take the liberty of asking the society to accept a copy of them. For the

same reason, and because too, they touch on the political condition of our

country, I will beg leave to present you with a copy, and ask the favor

of you to find a conveyance for them from London to Edinburgh. They are

printed by Stockdale, bookseller, Piccadilly, and will be ready in three

or four weeks from this time. I will direct him to deliver two copies to

your order.

Repeating, constantly, the proffer of my services, I shall only add

assurances of the esteem and attachment with which I am, dear Sir, your

friend and servant.

TO E. RUTLEDGE, ESQ.

PARIS, July 14, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--I received your favor of the 14th of October in the moment

I was setting out on a tour of the sea-port towns of this country, from

which I have been not long returned. I received it, too, with that kind

of heartfelt pleasure which always attends the recollection of ancient

affections. I was glad to find that the adaptation of your rice to this

market was considered worth attention, as I had supposed it. I set out

from hence impressed with the idea the rice-dealers here had given me,

that the difference between your rice and that of Piedmont proceeded

from a difference in the machine for cleaning it. At Marseilles I hoped

to know what the Piedmont machine was; but I could find nobody who

knew anything of it. I determined, therefore, to sift the matter to the

bottom, by crossing the Alps into the rice country. I found their machine

exactly such a one as you had described to me in Congress in the year

1783. There was but one conclusion then to be drawn, to wit, that the

rice was of a different species, and I determined to take enough to put

you in seed; they informed me, however, that its exportation in the husk

was prohibited, so I could only bring off as much as my coat and surtout

pockets would hold. I took measures with a muleteer to run a couple of

sacks across the Apennines to Genoa, but have not great dependence on its

success. The little, therefore, which I brought myself, must be relied

on for fear we should get no more; and because, also, it is genuine from

Vercilli, where the best is made of all the Sardinian Lombardy, the whole

of which is considered as producing a better rice than the Milanese. This

is assigned as the reason for the strict prohibition. Piedmont rice sold

at Nice, (the port of its exportation,) when I was there, at seventeen

livres French, the French hundred weight. It varies from time to time as

the price of wheat does with us. The price of Carolina rice at Bordeaux,

Nantes, L'Orient and Havre, varies from sixteen florins to twenty-four

florins the French quintal, which is equal to one hundred and nine pounds

our weight. The best ports to send it to are Bordeaux and Havre, (or

Rouen, which is the same thing as Havre,) but it is essential that it

arrive here a month before the commencement of Lent, when the principal

demand is made for it. Carolina rice, after being sorted here into several

qualities, sells from six sols to ten sols the French pound, retail,

according to the quality. Unsorted and wholesale about thirty florins

the French quintal. Piedmont rice is of but one quality, which sells at

retail at ten sous the French pound, and wholesale is about three or four

livres dearer than yours. In order to induce your countrymen to ship their

rice here directly, I have proposed to some merchants here to receive

consignments, allowing the consigner to draw in the moment of shipping

for as much as he could sell on the spot, and the balance when it should

be sold. But they say this is impossible. They are to consider and inform

me what are the most favorable terms on which they can receive it. I am

told that freight, insurance, and commission are about four livres the

French quintal to a sea-port town. I have written so long a letter on the

subject of rice to Mr. Drayton for the Society of Agriculture, that I will

trouble you with no further particulars, but refer you to that. Indeed,

I am sensible I have written too much on the subject. Being absolutely

ignorant of it myself, it was impossible for me to know what particulars

merited communication. I thought it best, therefore, to communicate

everything. After writing that letter, I received one from Mr. Izard,

by which I found that he had examined the rice-process in Lombardy. He

was so much more capable than myself of giving the details, that I had

at one moment determined to suppress my letter. However, observing that

he considered the rice at Piedmont to be of the same species with yours,

and suspecting myself certainly that it is not, I determined to hazard my

letter and all those criticisms which fall justly on an ignorant person

writing on a subject to those much more learned in it than himself. A part

of my letter, too, related to the olive tree and caper, the first of which

would surely succeed in your country, and would be an infinite blessing

after some fifteen or twenty years. The caper would also probably succeed,

and would offer a very great and immediate profit. I thank you for your

obliging mention of my worthless notes on Virginia. Worthless and bad as

they are, they have been rendered more so, as I am told, by a translation

into French. That I may have neither merit or demerit not my own, I have

consented to their publication in England. I advised the bookseller to

send two hundred copies to Philadelphia, and two hundred to Richmond,

supposing that number might be sold in the United States; but I do not

know whether he will do it. If you will give me leave, I will send you a

copy of the original impression. I congratulate you, my dear friend, on

the law of your State, for suspending the importation of slaves, and for

the glory you have justly acquired by endeavoring to prevent it forever.

This abomination must have an end. And there is a superior bench reserved

in heaven for those who hasten it. The distractions of Holland thicken

apace. They begin to cut one another's throats heartily. I apprehend the

neighboring powers will interfere; but it is not yet clear whether in

concert or by taking opposite sides. It is a poor contest, whether they

shall have one, or many masters. Your nephew is arrived here in good

health. My first interview with him has impressed me much in his favor.

Present me very respectfully to Mrs. Rutledge, as well as to your brother

and his house. Accept yourself assurances of the sincere esteem and

respect with which I am, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble

servant.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY MR. ADAMS.

PARIS, July 17, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--I have been duly honored with yours of the 10th instant, and

am happy to hear of the success of your journey to Amsterdam. There can

be no doubt of its ratification by Congress. Would to heaven they would

authorize you to take measures for transferring the debt of this country

to Holland, before you leave Europe. Most especially is it necessary to

get rid of the debt to the officers. Their connections at Court are such

as to excite very unfavorable feelings there against us, and some very

hard things have been said (particularly in the Assemblée des Notables)

on the prospect relative to our debts. The payment of the interest to

the officers would have kept them quiet; but there are two years now

due to them. I dare not draw for it without instructions, because in

the instances in which I have hitherto ventured to act uninstructed,

I have never been able to know whether they have been approved in the

private sentiments of the members of Congress, much less by any vote.

I have pressed on them the expediency of transferring the French debts

to Holland, in order to remove everything which may excite irritations

between us and this nation. I wish it may be done before this ministry may

receive ill impressions of us. They are at present very well disposed. I

send you by Mr. Appleton some pamphlets, and have the honor to be, with

sentiments of very cordial esteem, your affectionate and humble servant.

TO MR. JOSEPH FENWICK.

PARIS, July 21, 1787.

SIR,--I am this moment honored with your letter of the 16th, and wish

it was in my power to give you the information desired on the subject of

tobaccos. The complaint has been universal that the Farmers General have

not complied with the order of government. I have, therefore, desired

that they may be called on to report precisely what tobacco they have

purchased on the terms prescribed by the order, that if it shall appear

they have not bought the whole quantity, they may be compelled to do it

immediately. It is impossible to foresee whether any new regulations will

be made to take place on the expiration of the contract of Mr. Morris.

I shall certainly press for something to be done by way of antidote to

the monopoly under which this article is placed in France. The moment

anything is decided which may be interesting to our commerce, I shall take

great care to communicate it to them through Mr. Bondfield; though I do

not expect anything interesting to take place very soon. I am, with much

regard, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO STEPHEN CATHALAN, JUNIOR.

PARIS, July 21, 1787.

SIR,--I received your favor of May the 9th just as I was stepping into the

barge on my departure from Cette; which prevented my answering it from

that place. On my arrival here, I thought I would avail myself of the

opportunity of paying your balance, to make a little acquaintance with

Sir John Lambert. One or two unsuccessful attempts to find him at home,

with the intermediate procrastinations well known to men of business,

prevented my seeing him till yesterday, and have led me on to this moment,

through a perpetual remorse of conscience for not writing to you, and to

the constant belief that it would be to-morrow and to-morrow. At length, I

have seen him, paid him the eighty-five livres which you have been so kind

as to advance for me, and am actually at my writing-table, returning you

thanks for this kindness, and to yourself and the family for the thousand

others I received at their hands, at Marseilles. My journey, after leaving

you, wanted nothing but the company of Madame Cathalan and yourself, to

render it perfectly agreeable. I felt the want of it peculiarly on the

Canal de Languedoc, where, with society, the mode of travelling would have

been charming. I was much indebted to M. Minaudier for a good equipment

from Agde, and unceasing attentions to that place; for which I was

indebted to your recommendations as well as to his goodness.

I am honored with your father's letter of June the 30th; and, as he does

not read English, and I cannot write French, I must beg leave to answer

him through you. I thank him for his hints on the subject of tobacco. I

am now pressing for arrangements as to that article, to take place on the

expiration of Mr. Morris' contract, and the order of Bernis. What form

this business will take, or what will be the nature of the arrangements,

or whether there will be any, I am as yet unable to say. I will take care

to inform you the moment there is a decision.

The public business with which Mr. Barclay has been charged rendering

it necessary for him to repair to Congress, and the interest of his

creditors, his family and himself requiring his return to America, he

has departed for that country. I know nothing of Mr. Barclay's affairs in

this country. He has good possessions in America, which, he assured me,

were much more than sufficient to satisfy all the demands against him. He

went, determined to convert those immediately into money, and to collect

the debts due to him there, that he might be enabled to pay his debts. My

opinion of his integrity is such, as to leave no doubt in my mind, that he

will do everything in his power to render justice to his creditors, and I

know so well his attachment to M. Cathalan, as to be satisfied, that if

he makes any difference among his creditors, he will be among the most

favored. Mr. Barclay is an honest and honorable man, and is more goaded

towards the payment of his debts by his own feelings, than by all the

processes of law which could be set on foot against him.

No arrangements having ever been made as yet, for cases like that of

the carpenter of the American ship Sally, I am unable to answer on that

subject. I am in hopes, his money will last till he recovers his senses,

or till we can receive instructions what to do in that and similar cases.

Mr. Cathalan wishes a copy of my Notes on Virginia. If you will be so good

as to advise me by what channel they will go safely, I will do myself the

honor of sending a copy, either of the original or of the translation.

Present me affectionately to Mrs. Cathalan, the mother and daughter; tell

the latter I feed on the hopes of seeing her one day at Paris. My friendly

respects wait also on your father; and on yourself, assurances of the

esteem and consideration with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your

most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO THE DELEGATES OF RHODE ISLAND.

PARIS, July 22, 1787.

GENTLEMEN,--I was honored, in the month of January last, with a letter

from the honorable the Delegates of Rhode Island in Congress, enclosing a

letter from the corporation of Rhode Island College to his most Christian

Majesty, and some other papers. I was then in the hurry of preparation for

a journey into the South of France, and therefore unable, at that moment,

to make the inquiries which the object of the letter rendered necessary.

As soon as I returned, which was in the last month, I turned my attention

to that object, which was the establishment of a professorship of the

French language in the College, and the obtaining a collection of the

best French authors, with the aid of the King. That neither the College

nor myself might be compromitted uselessly, I thought it necessary to

sound, previously, those who were able to inform me what would be the

success of the application. I was assured, so as to leave no doubt, that

it would not be complied with; that there had never been an instance of

the King's granting such a demand in a foreign country, and that they

would be cautious of setting the precedent: that, in this moment, too,

they were embarrassed with the difficult operation of putting down all

establishments of their own, which could possibly be dispensed with, in

order to bring their expenditures down to the level of their receipts.

Upon such information I was satisfied, that it was most prudent not

to deliver the letter, and spare to both parties the disagreeableness

of giving and receiving a denial. The King did give to two colleges in

America copies of the works printing in the public press. But were this

to be obtained for the College of Rhode Island, it would extend only

to a volume or two of Buffon's works, still to be printed, Manilius'

Astronomicon, and one or two other works in the press, which are of no

consequence. I did not think this an object for the College, worth being

pressed. I beg the favor of you, gentlemen, to assure the corporation,

that no endeavors of mine should have been spared, could they have

effected their wish; and that they have been faithfully used in making the

preliminary enquiries which are necessary, and which ended in an assurance

that nothing could be done. These papers having been transmitted to me

through your delegation, will, I hope, be an apology for my availing

myself of the same channel, for communicating the result.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and

respect, Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN.

PARIS, July 23, 1787.

SIR,--I had the honor, a few days ago, of putting into the hands of your

Excellency, some observations on the other articles of American produce,

brought into the ports of this country. That of our tobaccos, from the

particular form of their administration here, and their importance to

the King's revenues, has been placed on a separate line, and considered

separately. I will now ask permission to bring that subject under your

consideration.

The mutual extension of their commerce was among the fairest advantages

to be derived to France and the United States, from the independence of

the latter. An exportation of eighty millions, chiefly in raw materials,

is supposed to constitute the present limits of the commerce of the United

States with the nations of Europe; limits, however, which extend as their

population increases. To draw the best proportion of this into the ports

of France, rather than of any other nation, is believed to be the wish

and interest of both. Of these eighty millions, thirty are constituted by

the single article of tobacco. Could the whole of this be brought into

the ports of France, to satisfy its own demands, and the residue to be

re-vended to other nations, it would be a powerful link of commercial

connection. But we are far from this. Even her own consumption, supposed

to be nine millions, under the administration of the monopoly to which it

is farmed, enters little, as an article of exchange, into the commerce of

the two nations. When this article was first put into Farm, perhaps it did

not injure the commercial interests of the kingdom; because nothing but

British manufactures were then allowed to be given in return for American

tobaccos. The laying the trade open, then, to all the subjects of France,

could not have relieved her from a payment in money. Circumstances are

changed; yet the old institution remains. The body to which this monopoly

was given, was not mercantile. Their object is to simplify as much as

possible, the administration of their affairs. They sell for cash; they

purchase, therefore, with cash. Their interest, their principles and

their practice, seem opposed to the general interest of the kingdom,

which would require, that this capital article should be laid open to a

free exchange for the productions of this country. So far does the spirit

of simplifying their operations govern this body, that relinquishing the

advantages to be derived from a competition of sellers, they contracted

some time ago with a single person (Mr. Morris), for three years' supplies

of American tobacco, to be paid for in cash. They obliged themselves too,

expressly, to employ no other person to purchase in America, during that

term. In consequence of this, the mercantile houses of France, concerned

in sending her productions to be exchanged for tobacco, cut off, for

three years, from the hope of selling these tobaccos in France, were of

necessity to abandon that commerce. In consequence of this, too, a single

individual, constituted sole purchaser of so great a proportion of the

tobaccos made, had the price in his own power. A great reduction in it

took place, and that, not only on the quantity he bought, but on the

whole quantity made. The loss to the States producing the article, did

not go to cheapen it for their friends here. Their price was fixed. What

was gained on their consumption, was to enrich the person purchasing it;

the rest, the monopolists and merchants of other countries. The effect

of this operation was vitally felt by every farmer in America, concerned

in the culture of this plant. At the end of the year, he found he had

lost a fourth or a third of his revenue; the State, the same proportion

of its subjects of exchange with other nations: the manufactures of

this country, too, were either not to go there at all, or go through the

channel of a new monopoly, which, freed from the control of competition

in prices and qualities, was not likely to extend their consumption. It

became necessary to relieve the two countries from the fatal effects of

this double monopoly. I had the honor of addressing a letter, on the 15th

day of August, 1785, to his late excellency, the Count de Vergennes, upon

this subject, a copy of which I do myself the honor herein to enclose.

The effectual mode of relief was to lay the commerce open. But the King's

interest was also to be guarded. A committee was appointed to take this

matter into consideration; and the result was, an order to the Farmers

General, that no such contract should be made again. And to furnish such

aliment as might keep that branch of commerce alive, till the expiration

of the present contract, they were required to put the merchants in

general, on a level with Mr. Morris, for the quantity of twelve or

fifteen thousand hogsheads a year. That this relief, too, might not be

intercepted from the merchants of the two suffering nations by those of a

neighboring one, and that the transportation of so bulky an article might

go to nourish their own shipping, no tobaccos were to be counted of this

purchase, but those brought in French or American vessels. Of this order,

made at Bernis, his Excellency, Count de Vergennes, was pleased to honor

me with a communication, by a letter of the 30th of May, 1786, desiring

that I would publish it as well in America, as to the American merchants

in France. I did so; communicating it to Congress at the same time. This

order, thus viewed with the transactions which produced it, will be seen

to have been necessary; and its punctual and candid execution has been

rendered still more so, by the speculations of the merchants, entered into

on the faith of it. Otherwise, it would become the instrument of their

ruin instead of their relief. A twelve month has elapsed some time since;

and it is questioned whether the Farmers General have purchased, within

that time, the quantity prescribed, and on the conditions prescribed.

It would be impossible for the merchants to prove the negative; it will

be easy for the Farmers General to show the affirmative, if it exists. I

hope that a branch of commerce of this extent will be thought interesting

enough to both nations, to render it the desire of your Excellency to

require, as I deem it my duty to ask, a report of the purchases they have

made, according to the conditions of the order of Bernis, specifying, in

that report, 1, the quantities purchased; 2, the prices paid; 3, the dates

of the purchase and payment; 4, the flag of the vessel in which imported;

5, her name; 6, her port of delivery; and 7, the name of the seller. The

four first articles make part of the conditions required by the order of

Bernis; the three last may be necessary for the correction of any errors

which should happen to arise in the report.

But the order of Bernis was never considered but as a temporary relief.

The radical evil will still remain. There will be but one purchaser in

the kingdom, and the hazard of his refusal will damp every mercantile

speculation. It is very much to be desired, that before the expiration

of this order, some measure may be devised, which may bring this great

article into free commerce between the two nations. Had this been

practicable at the time it was put into Farm, that mode of collecting

the revenue would probably never have been adopted; now that it has

become practicable, it seems reasonable to discontinue this mode, and to

substitute some of those practised on other imported articles, on which

a revenue is levied, without absolutely suppressing them in commerce.

If the revenue can be secured, the interests of a few individuals will

hardly be permitted to weigh against those of as many millions, equally

subjects of his Majesty, and against those, too, of a nation allied to him

by all the ties of treaty, of interest and of affection. The privileges

of the most favored nation, have been mutually exchanged by treaty. But

the productions of other nations, which do not rival those of France, are

suffered to be bought and sold freely within the kingdom. By prohibiting

all his Majesty's subjects from dealing in tobacco, except with a single

company, one third of the exports of the United States are rendered

uncommerciable here. This production is so peculiarly theirs, that its

shackles affect no other nation. A relief from these shackles, will form a

memorable epoch in the commerce of the two nations. It will establish at

once a great basis of exchange, serving like a point of union to draw to

it other members of our commerce. Nature too, has conveniently assorted

our wants and our superfluities, to each other. Each nation has exactly

to spare, the articles which the other wants. We have a surplus of rice,

tobacco, furs, peltry, potash, lamp oils, timber, which France wants; she

has a surplus of wines, brandies, esculent oils, fruits and manufactures

of all kinds, which we want. The governments have nothing to do, but _not

to hinder_ their merchants from making the exchange. The difference of

language, laws and customs, will be some obstacle for a time; but the

interest of the merchants will surmount them. A more serious obstacle is

our debt to Great Britain. Yet, since the treaty between this country

and that, I should not despair of seeing that debt paid, in part, with

the productions of France, if our produce can obtain here, a free course

of exchange for them. The distant prospect is still more promising. A

century's experience has shown, that we double our numbers every twenty

or twenty-five years. No circumstance can be foreseen, at this moment,

which will lessen our rate of multiplication for centuries to come. For

every article of the productions and manufactures of this country, then,

which can be introduced into the habit there, the demand will double every

twenty or twenty-five years. And to introduce the habit, we have only to

let the merchants alone. Whether we may descend, by a single step, from

the present state, to that of perfect freedom of commerce in this article,

whether any, and what, intermediate operation may be necessary to prepare

the way to this, what cautions must be observed for the security of his

Majesty's revenue, which we do not wish to impair, will rest with the

wisdom of his ministers, whose knowledge of the subject will enable them

to devise the best plans, and whose patriotism and justice will dispose

them to pursue them. To the friendly dispositions of your Excellency, of

which we have had such early and multiplied proofs, I take the liberty of

committing this subject, particularly trusting that some method may be

devised, of reconciling the collection of his Majesty's revenues, with

the interests of the two nations; and have the honor of assuring you,

of those sincere sentiments of esteem and respect, with which I am your

Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. SKIPWITH.

PARIS, July 28, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--A long journey has prevented me from writing to any of my

friends, for some time past. This was undertaken with a view to benefit a

dislocated and ill-set wrist, by the mineral waters of Aix, in Provence.

Finding this hope vain, I was led from other views to cross the Alps as

far as Turin, Milan, Genoa; to follow the Mediterranean as far as Cette,

the canal of Languedoc, the Garonne, &c., to Paris. A most pleasing

journey it proved; arts and agriculture offering something new at every

step, and often things worth our imitation. But the accounts from our

country give me to believe that we are not in a condition to hope for the

imitation of anything good. All my letters are filled with details of our

extravagance. From these accounts, I look back to the time of the war as a

time of happiness and enjoyment, when amidst the privation of many things

not essential to happiness, we could not run in debt, because nobody would

trust us; when we practised by necessity the maxim of buying nothing but

what we had money in our pockets to pay for; a maxim which, of all others,

lays the broadest foundation for happiness. I see no remedy to our evils,

but an open course of law. Harsh as it may seem, it would relieve the

very patients who dread it, by stopping the course of their extravagance,

before it renders their affairs entirely desperate. The eternal and bitter

strictures on our conduct which teem in every London paper, and are copied

from them into others, fill me with anxiety on this subject. The state

of things in Europe is rather threatening at this moment. The innovations

of the Emperor in his dominions have excited a spirit of resistance. His

subjects in Brabant and Flanders are arming, and he has put forty-five

thousand troops in motion towards that country. I believe they will come

to blows. The parties in Holland have already spilt too much blood to be

easily stopped. If left to themselves, I apprehend the Stadtholderians

will be too strong; and if foreign powers interfere, the weight is still

on their side. England and Prussia will be too much for France. As it is

certain that neither of these powers wish for war, and that England and

France are particularly averse to it, perhaps the matter may end in an

armed mediation. If the mediators should not agree, they will draw their

negotiations into length, and trust to the chapter of accidents for their

final solution. With respect to our country, it stands well with the

present ministry here. The non-payment of our debt is against us. We are

occupied in procuring favorable terms of reception for our produce.

* * * * *

Adieu, my dear Sir, and be assured of the sentiments of sincere esteem of

your affectionate friend and servant.

TO J. W. EPPES.

PARIS, July 28, 1787.

DEAR JACK,--The letter which you were so kind as to write to me the 22d of

May, 1786, was not delivered to me till the 3d of May, 1787, when it found

me in the neighborhood of Marseilles. Before that time, you must have

taken your degree, as mentioned in your letter. Those public testimonies

which are earned by merit, and not by solicitation, may always be accepted

without the imputation of vanity. Of this nature is the degree which your

masters proposed to confer on you. I congratulate you sincerely on it. It

will be a pleasing event to yourself; it will be the same to your parents

and friends, and to none more than myself. Go on deserving applause, and

you will be sure to meet with it; and the way to deserve it is, to be

good, and to be industrious. I am sure you will be good, and hope you

will be industrious. As to your future plan, I am too distant from you to

advise you on sure grounds. In general, I am of opinion, that till the age

of about sixteen, we are best employed on languages; Latin, Greek, French,

and Spanish, or such of them as we can. After this, I think the College of

William and Mary the best place to go through the courses of Mathematics,

Natural Philosophy in its different branches, and Law. Of the languages I

have mentioned, I think Greek the least useful. Write me word, from time

to time, how you go on. I shall always be glad to assist you with any

books you may have occasion for, and you may count with certainty on every

service I can ever render you, as well as on the sincere esteem of, dear

Jack, yours affectionately.

TO A. DONALD.

PARIS, July 28, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--I received with infinite satisfaction your letter of the 1st

of March; it was the first information I had of your being in America.

There is no person whom I shall see again with more cordial joy, whenever

it shall be my lot to return to my native country; nor any one whose

prosperity in the mean-time will be more interesting to me. I find, as

I grow older, that I set a higher value on the intimacies of my youth,

and am more afflicted by whatever loses one of them to me. Should it be

in my power to render any service in your shipment of tobacco to Havre

de Grace, I shall do it with great pleasure. The order of Bernis has,

I believe, been evaded by the Farmers General as much as possible. At

this moment, I receive information from most of the seaports, that they

refuse taking any tobacco, under the pretext that they have purchased

their whole quantity. From Havre I have heard nothing, and believe you

will stand a better chance there than anywhere else. Being one of the

ports of manufacture, too, it is entitled to a higher price. I have now

desired, that the Farmers may make a distinct return of their purchases,

which are conformable to the order of Bernis. If they have really bought

their quantity, _on those terms_, we must be satisfied; if they have not,

I shall propose their being obliged to make it up instantly. There is a

considerable accumulation of tobacco in the ports.

Among many good qualities which my countrymen possess, some of a different

character unhappily mix themselves. The most remarkable are, indolence,

extravagance, and infidelity to their engagements. Cure the two first, and

the last would disappear, because it is a consequence of them, and not

proceeding from a want of morals. I know of no remedy against indolence

and extravagance, but a free course of justice. Everything else is merely

palliative; but unhappily, the evil has gained too generally the mass

of the nation, to leave the course of justice unobstructed. The maxim

of buying nothing without the money in our pockets to pay for it, would

make of our country one of the happiest upon earth. Experience during

the war proved this; as I think every man will remember, that under all

the privations it obliged him to submit to, during that period, he slept

sounder, and awaked happier than he can do now. Desperate of finding

relief from a free course of justice, I look forward to the abolition

of all credit, as the only other remedy which can take place. I have

seen, therefore, with pleasure, the exaggerations of our want of faith,

with which the London papers teem. It is, indeed, a strong medicine for

sensible minds, but it is a medicine. It will prevent their crediting

us abroad, in which case we cannot be credited at home. I have been much

concerned at the losses produced by the fire of Richmond. I hope you have

escaped them. It will give me much pleasure to hear from you, as often as

you can spare a moment to write. Be assured that nobody entertains for you

sentiments of more perfect and sincere esteem than, dear Sir, your friend

and servant.

TO WILLIAM DRAYTON.

PARIS, July 30, 1787.

SIR,--Having observed that the consumption of rice in this country,

and particularly in this capital, was very great, I thought it my duty

to inform myself from what markets they draw their supplies, in what

proportion from ours, and whether it might not be practicable to increase

that proportion. This city being little concerned in foreign commerce,

it is difficult to obtain information on particular branches of it in

the detail. I addressed myself to the retailers of rice, and from them

received a mixture of truth and error, which I was unable to sift apart

in the first moment. Continuing, however, my inquiries, they produced at

length this result: that the dealers here were in the habit of selling

two qualities of rice, that of Carolina, with which they were supplied

chiefly from England, and that of Piedmont; that the Carolina rice was

long, slender, white and transparent, answers well when prepared with

milk, sugar, &c., but not so well when prepared _au gras_; that that of

Piedmont was shorter, thicker, and less white, but that it presented its

form better when dressed _au gras_, was better tasted, and therefore

preferred by good judges for those purposes; that the consumption of

rice, in this form, was much the most considerable, but that the superior

beauty of the Carolina rice, seducing the eye of those purchasers who

are attached to appearances, the demand for it was upon the whole as

great as for that of Piedmont. They supposed this difference of quality

to proceed from a difference of management; that the Carolina rice was

husked with an instrument that broke it more, and that less pains were

taken to separate the broken from the unbroken grains, imagining that

it was the broken grains which dissolved in oily preparations; that the

Carolina rice costs somewhat less than that of Piedmont; but that being

obliged to sort the whole grains from the broken, in order to satisfy

the taste of their customers, they ask and receive as much for the first

quality of Carolina, when sorted, as for the rice of Piedmont; but the

second and third qualities, obtained by sorting, are sold much cheaper.

The objection to the Carolina rice then, being, that it crumbles in

certain forms of preparation, and this supposed to be the effect of a

less perfect machine for husking, I flattered myself I should be able

to learn what might be the machine of Piedmont, when I should arrive at

Marseilles, to which place I was to go in the course of a tour through

the seaport towns of this country. At Marseilles, however, they differed

as much in account of the machines, as at Paris they had differed about

other circumstances. Some said it was husked between mill-stones, others

between rubbers of wood in the form of mill-stones, others of cork. They

concurred in one fact, however, that the machine might be seen by me,

immediately on crossing the Alps. This would be an affair of three weeks.

I crossed them and went through the rice country from Vercelli to Pavia,

about sixty miles. I found the machine to be absolutely the same with that

used in Carolina, as well as I could recollect a description which Mr. E.

Rutledge had given me of it. It is on the plan of a powder mill. In some

of them, indeed, they arm each pestle with an iron tooth, consisting of

nine spikes hooked together, which I do not remember in the description

of Mr. Rutledge. I therefore had a tooth made, which I have the honor

of forwarding you with this letter; observing, at the same time, that

as many of their machines are without teeth as with them, and of course,

that the advantage is not very palpable. It seems to follow, then, that

the rice of Lombardy (for though called Piedmont rice, it does not grow

in that county but in Lombardy) is of a different species from that of

Carolina; different in form, in color and in quality. We know that in

Asia they have several distinct species of this grain. Monsieur Poivre,

a former Governor of the Isle of France, in travelling through several

countries of Asia, observed with particular attention the objects of

their agriculture, and he tells us, that in Cochin-China they cultivate

six several kinds of rice, which he describes, three of them requiring

water, and three growing on highlands. The rice of Carolina is said to

have come from Madagascar, and De Poivre tells us, it is the white rice

which is cultivated there. This favors the probability of its being of a

different species originally, from that of Piedmont; and time, culture

and climate may have made it still more different. Under this idea, I

thought it would be well to furnish you with some of the Piedmont rice,

unhusked, but was told it was contrary to the laws to export it in that

form. I took such measures as I could, however, to have a quantity brought

out, and lest these should fail, I brought, myself, a few pounds. A part

of this I have addressed to you by the way of London; a part comes with

this letter; and I shall send another parcel by some other conveyance,

to prevent the danger of miscarriage. Any one of them arriving safe, may

serve to put in seed, should the society think it an object. This seed

too, coming from Vercelli, where the best rice is supposed to grow, is

more to be depended on than what may be sent me hereafter. There is a rice

from the Levant, which is considered as of a quality still different,

and some think it superior to that of Piedmont. The troubles which have

existed in that country for several years back, have intercepted it from

the European market, so that it is become almost unknown. I procured

a bag of it, however, at Marseilles, and another of the best rice of

Lombardy, which are on their way to this place, and when arrived, I will

forward you a quantity of each, sufficient to enable you to judge of their

qualities when prepared for the table. I have also taken measures to have

a quantity of it brought from the Levant, unhusked. If I succeed, it shall

be forwarded in like manner. I should think it certainly advantageous to

cultivate, in Carolina and Georgia, the two qualities demanded at market,

because the progress of culture, with us, may soon get beyond the demand

for the white rice; and because too, there is often a brisk demand for

the one quality, when the market is glutted with the other. I should

hope there would be no danger of losing the species of white rice, by a

confusion with the other. This would be a real misfortune, as I should not

hesitate to pronounce the white, upon the whole, the most precious of the

two, for us.

The dry rice of Cochin-China has the reputation of being the whitest to

the eye, best flavored to the taste, and most productive. It seems then

to unite the good qualities of both the others known to us. Could it

supplant them, it would be a great happiness, as it would enable us to get

rid of those ponds of stagnant water, so fatal to human health and life.

But such is the force of habit, and caprice of taste, that we could not

be sure beforehand it would produce this effect. The experiment, however,

is worth trying, should it only end in producing a third quality, and

increasing the demand. I will endeavor to procure some to be brought from

Cochin-China. The event, however, will be uncertain and distant.

I was induced, in the course of my journey through the south of France,

to pay very particular attention to the objects of their culture,

because the resemblance of their climate to that of the southern parts

of the United States, authorizes us to presume we may adopt any of their

articles of culture, which we would wish for. We should not wish for their

wines, though they are good and abundant. The culture of the vine is not

desirable in lands capable of producing anything else. It is a species

of gambling, and of desperate gambling too, wherein, whether you make

much or nothing, you are equally ruined. The middling crop alone is the

saving point, and that the seasons seldom hit. Accordingly, we see much

wretchedness among this class of cultivators. Wine, too, is so cheap in

these countries, that a laborer with us, employed in the culture of any

other article, may exchange it for wine, more and better than he could

raise himself. It is a resource for a country, the whole of whose good

soil is otherwise employed, and which still has some barren spots, and

surplus of population to employ on them. There the vine is good, because

it is something in the place of nothing. It may become a resource to us

at a still earlier period; when the increase of population shall increase

our productions beyond the demand for them, both at home and abroad.

Instead of going on to make an useless surplus of them, we may employ our

supernumerary hands on the vine. But that period is not yet arrived.

The almond tree is also so precarious, that none can depend for

subsistence on its produce, but persons of capital.

The caper, though a more tender plant, is more certain in its produce,

because a mound of earth of the size of a cucumber hill, thrown over the

plant in the fall, protects it effectually against the cold of winter.

When the danger of frost is over in the spring, they uncover it, and

begin its culture. There is a great deal of this in the neighborhood of

Toulon. The plants are set about eight feet apart, and yield, one year

with another, about two pounds of caper each, worth on the spot sixpence

sterling per pound. They require little culture, and this may be performed

either with the plough or hoe. The principal work is the gathering of the

fruit as it forms. Every plant must be picked every other day, from the

last of June till the middle of October. But this is the work of women

and children. This plant does well in any kind of soil which is dry, or

even in walls where there is no soil, and it lasts the life of a man.

Toulon would be the proper port to apply for them. I must observe, that

the preceding details cannot be relied on with the fullest certainty,

because, in the canton where this plant is cultivated, the inhabitants

speak no written language, but a medley, which I could understand but very

imperfectly.

The fig and mulberry are so well known in America, that nothing need be

said of them. Their culture, too, is by women and children, and therefore

earnestly to be desired in countries where there are slaves. In these, the

women and children are often employed in labors disproportioned to their

sex and age. By presenting to the master objects of culture, easier and

equally beneficial, all temptation to misemploy them would be removed,

and the lot of this tender part of our species be much softened. By

varying, too, the articles of culture, we multiply the chances for making

something, and disarm the seasons in a proportionable degree, of their

calamitous effects.

The olive is a tree the least known in America, and yet the most worthy

of being known. Of all the gifts of heaven to man, it is next to the

most precious, if it be not the most precious. Perhaps it may claim

a preference even to bread, because there is such an infinitude of

vegetables, which it renders a proper and comfortable nourishment. In

passing the Alps at the Col de Tende, where they are mere masses of rock,

wherever there happens to be a little soil, there are a number of olive

trees, and a village supported by them. Take away these trees, and the

same ground in corn would not support a single family. A pound of oil,

which can be bought for three or four pence sterling, is equivalent to

many pounds of flesh, by the quantity of vegetables it will prepare,

and render fit and comfortable food. Without this tree, the country

of Provence and territory of Genoa would not support one-half, perhaps

not one-third, their present inhabitants. The nature of the soil is of

little consequence if it be dry. The trees are planted from fifteen to

twenty feet apart, and when tolerably good, will yield fifteen or twenty

pounds of oil yearly, one with another. There are trees which yield much

more. They begin to render good crops at twenty years old, and last till

killed by cold, which happens at some time or other, even in their best

positions in France. But they put out again from their roots. In Italy,

I am told, they have trees two hundred years old. They afford an easy but

constant employment through the year, and require so little nourishment,

that if the soil be fit for any other production, it may be cultivated

among the olive trees without injuring them. The northern limits of

this tree are the mountains of the Cevennes, from about the meridian of

Carcassonne to the Rhone, and from thence, the Alps and Apennines as far

as Genoa, I know, and how much farther I am not informed. The shelter of

these mountains may be considered as equivalent to a degree and a-half of

latitude, at least, because westward of the commencement of the Cevennes,

there are no olive trees in 43½˚ or even 43˚ of latitude, whereas, we

find them _now_ on the Rhone at Pierrelatte, in 44½˚, and _formerly_

they were at Tains, above the mouth of the Isere, in 45˚, sheltered by

the near approach of the Cevennes and Alps, which only leave there a

passage for the Rhone. Whether such a shelter exists or not in the States

of South Carolina and Georgia, I know not. But this we may say, either

that it exists or that it is not necessary there, because we know that

they produce the orange in open air; and wherever the orange will stand

at all, experience shows that the olive will stand well, being a hardier

tree. Notwithstanding the great quantities of oil made in France, they

have not enough for their own consumption, and therefore import from

other countries. This is an article, the consumption of which will always

keep pace with its production. Raise it, and it begets it own demand.

Little is carried to America, because Europe has it not to spare. We,

therefore, have not learned the use of it. But cover the southern States

with it, and every man will become a consumer of oil, within whose reach

it can be brought in point of price. If the memory of those persons is

held in great respect in South Carolina who introduced there the culture

of rice, a plant which sows life and death with almost equal hand, what

obligations would be due to him who should introduce the olive tree, and

set the example of its culture! Were the owner of slaves to view it only

as the means of bettering their condition, how much would he better that

by planting one of those trees for every slave he possessed! Having been

myself an eye witness to the blessings which this tree sheds on the poor,

I never had my wishes so kindled for the introduction of any article

of new culture into our own country. South Carolina and Georgia appear

to me to be the States, wherein its success, in favorable positions at

least, could not be doubted, and I flattered myself it would come within

the views of the society for agriculture to begin the experiments which

are to prove its practicability. Carcassonne is the place from which the

plants may be most certainly and cheaply obtained. They can be sent from

thence by water to Bordeaux, where they may be embarked on vessels bound

for Charleston. There is too little intercourse between Charleston and

Marseilles to propose this as the port of exportation. I offer my services

to the society for the obtaining and forwarding any number of plants which

may be desired.

Before I quit the subject of climates, and the plants adapted to them,

I will add, as a matter of curiosity, and of some utility too, that my

journey through the southern parts of France, and the territory of Genoa,

but still more the crossing of the Alps, enabled me to form a scale of

the tenderer plants, and to arrange them according to their different

powers of resisting cold. In passing the Alps at the Col de Tende, we

cross three very high mountains successively. In ascending, we lose these

plants, one after another, as we rise, and find them again in the contrary

order as we descend on the other side; and this is repeated three times.

Their order, proceeding from the tenderest to the hardiest, is as follows:

caper, orange, palm, aloe, olive, pomegranate, walnut, fig, almond. But

this must be understood of the plant only; for as to the fruit, the order

is somewhat different. The caper, for example, is the tenderest plant,

yet, being so easily protected, it is among the most certain in its fruit.

The almond, the hardiest, loses its fruit the oftenest, on account of its

forwardness. The palm, hardier than the caper and orange, never produces

perfect fruit here.

I had the honor of sending you, the last year, some seeds of the sulla of

Malta, or Spanish St. Foin. Lest they should have miscarried, I now pack

with the rice a cannister of the same kind of seed, raised by myself. By

Colonel Franks, in the month of February last, I sent a parcel of acorns

of the cork oak, which I desired him to ask the favor of the Delegates of

South Carolina in Congress to forward to you.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and

respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO F. HOPKINSON, ESQ.

PARIS, August 1, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--A journey into the southern parts of France and northern of

Italy must apologize to you for the length of time elapsed since my last,

and for the delay of acknowledging the receipt of your favors of November

8 and December 9, 1786, and April 14, 1787. Your two phials of essence

de l'Orient arrived during that interval, and got separated from the

letters which accompanied them, so that I could not be sure which was your

first preparation, and which was your second. But I suppose, from some

circumstances, that the small phial was the first, and the larger one the

second. This was entirely spoiled, so that nothing was distinguishable

from it. The matter in the small phial was also too much spoiled for

use; but the pearl merchant, from whom I got my details, said he could

judge, from what remained, that it had been very good; that you had a

very considerable knowledge in the manner of preparing, but that there

was still one thing wanting which made the secret of the art; that this is

not only a secret of the art, but of every individual workman who will not

communicate to his fellows, believing his own method the best; that of ten

different workmen, all will practice different operations, and only one

of the ten be the right one; that the secret consists only in preparing

the fish, all the other parts of the process in the pearl manufactory

being known. That experience has proved it to be absolutely impossible

for the matter to cross the sea without being spoiled; but that if you

will send some in the best state you can, he will make pearls of it, and

send to you that you may judge of them yourself. He says the only possible

method of making anything of it would be for a workman to go over. He

would not engage in this, nor would he buy, because he says it is their

custom to have contracts for nine years' supply from the fishermen, and

that his contract furnishes him with as much as he can sell in the present

declining state of the pearl trade; that they have been long getting out

of fashion, polite people not wearing them at all, and the poor not able

to give a price; that their calling is, in fact, annihilating; that when

he renews his contract he shall be obliged to reduce the price he pays

twenty-five per cent.; that the matter sells from five to eight livres the

French pound, but most generally at six livres. He showed me a necklace

of twelve strands, which used to sell at ten livres, and now sells for

two and a half. He observed that the length of time the matter will keep

depends on the strength of the spirit of wine. The result is, then, that

you must send me a sample of your very best, and write what you would

propose after weighing these circumstances. The leg and feathers of the

bird are also arrived; but the comb, which you mention as annexed to the

foot, has totally disappeared. I suppose this is the effect of its drying.

I have not yet had an opportunity of giving it to Monsieur de Buffon,

but expect to do it soon. I thank you for the trouble you have taken with

Madame Champne's letters, and must give you another, that of enquiring for

James Lillie, belonging to the privateer General Mercer, of Philadelphia,

the property of Iroon, Carsons and Semple. Richard Graham & Co., merchants

of Philadelphia, seem to have been also interested; and Isaac Robinson,

Graham's son-in-law, to have commanded her. For the details I refer you

to the enclosed paper I received from a Madame Ferrier, sister to James

Lillie, from which you will perceive he has not been heard of since

1779. I receive many of these applications which humanity cannot refuse,

and I have no means of complying with them but by troubling gentlemen

on the spot. This, I hope, will be my apology. I am obliged to you for

subscribing to the Columbian Magazine for me. I find it a good thing, and

am sure it will be better from the time you have undertaken it. I wish

you had commenced before the month of December, for then the abominable

forgery inserted in my name in the last page, would never have appeared.

This, I suppose, the compilers took from English papers, those infamous

fountains of falsehood. Is it not surprising that our newswriters continue

to copy from those papers, though every one who knows anything of them,

knows they are written by persons who never go out of their garret nor

read a paper? The real letter alluded to was never meant to have been

public, and therefore was hastily and carelessly dictated while I was

obliged to use the pen of another. It became public, however. I send you a

genuine copy to justify myself in your eyes against the absurd thing they

have fathered upon me in the Magazine. Mr. Payne is here with his bridge,

which is well thought of. The Academy, to whom it is submitted, have not

yet made their report. I have shipped on board the Mary, Captain Howland,

bound from Havre to New York, a box containing the subsequent livraisons

of the Encyclopedie for yourself and Doctor Franklin from those formerly

sent you to the twenty-two inclusive. I think there are also in it some

new volumes of the Bibliotheque physico-economique for you. I had received

duplicates of some books (in sheets) for the colleges of Philadelphia and

Williamsburg. Whether I packed one copy in your box, and one in Madison's,

or both in his, I do not remember. You will see and be so good as to

deliver the one to the College of Philadelphia, if in your box. The box

is directed to Doctor Franklin, and will be delivered to Mr. Madison at

New York. I will send you either by this occasion or the next, the cost,

expenses, &c., &c. Present me in the most respectful and friendly terms

to Dr. Franklin and his grandson, to Mr. Rittenhouse and family, Mrs.

Hopkinson the elder and younger. My daughter (my elder one I mean, for

both are here now) presents her respects also to your mother. I am, with

sentiments of sincere affection, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO R. IZARD, ESQ.

PARIS, August 1, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--I am to thank you for the laws and newspapers sent me by the

M. de Chateaufort. Your favor of April 4th, has also been duly received.

I am happy to find that the idea of diverting the rice trade from England

to France is thought to be impracticable. A journey which I made from

Marseilles lately, in Lombardy, in order to acquire information relative

to their rice, has corrected the misinformation which the retailers

of rice in this capital had given me. I am satisfied that the rice of

Lombardy is of a different species from yours. The exportation of it in

the husk being prohibited, I could not bring with me but as much as my

pockets would hold, which I have sent to your society of agriculture. It

may serve to raise seed from. I have taken measures for a couple of sacks,

but I do not make sure of them, nor rely so much on their quality as on

the parcel I brought myself. I have written so fully on this subject to

Mr. Drayton, that, without repeating it here, I will take the liberty

of referring you to that letter. I have endeavored to prevail upon the

merchants in this country to engage in the rice trade. I enclose you

the proposals of Messrs. Berard & Co., for that effect. They are a very

solid house. One of them resides here. Their principal establishment is

at L'Orient, where they would prefer receiving consignments of rice; but

they will receive them anywhere else, and should suppose Honfleur the best

port, and next to that Bordeaux. You observe they will answer bills to the

amount of twelve or fifteen livres the French quintal, if accompanying

the bill of lading, and will pay the surplus of the proceeds as soon as

received. If they sell at Havre or Rouen, they may receive ready money,

and of course pay the balance soon; if they sell at Paris, it must be

on a year's credit (because this will be to the retailers). The money,

therefore, will be received later, but it will be at least six livres the

quintal more; a difference well worth waiting for. I know of no mercantile

house in France of surer bottom.

Affairs in Europe seem to threaten war. Yet I think all may be settled

without it. The Emperor disapproves of the concessions made to the

Netherlands by their governors, but called for deputies to consult on

the matter. They have sent deputies without power to yield a jot, and go

on arming. From the character of their Sovereign, it is probable he will

avail himself of this deputation to concede their demands. The affairs of

Holland are so thoroughly embroiled, that they would certainly produce a

war if France and England were in a condition for it. But they are not,

and they will therefore find out some arrangement either perpetual or

temporary to stop the progress of the civil war begun in that country.

A spirit of distrust in the government here, and confidence in their own

force and rights, is pervading all ranks. It will be well if it awaits the

good which will be worked by the provincial assemblies, and will content

itself with that. The parliament demand an assembly of the States; they

are supported by the ministers of the nation, and the object of asking

that assembly is to fix a constitution, and to limit expenses. They refuse

to register any edict for a new tax. This has so far lessened the credit

of government, that the purse of the money lender is shut. They speak

here as freely as Junius wrote. Yet it is possible that in the event

of war, the spirit of the nation would rise to support a cause which is

approved--I mean that of Holland.

I have had the Messrs. Le Coulteux sounded on the subject of lending

money. I had before tried the same thing with others. But nothing is to be

obtained for persons on our side the water. They have no confidence in our

laws. Besides, all the money men are playing deeply in the stocks of the

country. The spirit of "_agiotage_" (as they call it) was never so high

in any country before. It will probably produce as total deprivation of

morals as the system of law did. All the money of France is now employed

in this, none being free even for the purposes of commerce, which suffers

immensely from this cause.

Before I conclude, I must add, on the subject of rice, that, what cannot

arrive here a month before the careme, would miss its sale, and must

therefore go to another market. The merchant, however, to whom it is

consigned, will be competent to this measure whenever he finds it a

necessary one. I beg leave to be presented very respectfully to Mrs. Izard

and your family, and to assure you of the sincere sentiments of esteem and

attachment with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO JAMES MADISON.

PARIS, August 2, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--My last was of June the 20th. Yours, received since that date,

are of May the 15th, and June the 6th. In mine I acknowledged the receipt

of the paccan nuts which came sealed up. I have reason to believe those

in the box have arrived at L'Orient. By the Mary, Captain Howland, lately

sailed from Havre to New York, I shipped three boxes of books, one marked

J. M. for yourself, one marked B. F. for Dr. Franklin, and one marked W.

H. for William Hay in Richmond. I have taken the liberty of addressing

them all to you, as you will see by the enclosed bill of lading, in

hopes you would be so good as to forward the other two. You will have

opportunities of calling on the gentlemen for the freight, &c. In yours

you will find the books noted in the account, inclosed herewith. You have

now Mabby's works complete, except that on Poland, which I have never

been able to get, but shall not cease to search for. Some other volumes

are wanting too, to complete your collection of Chronologies. The fourth

volume of D'Albon was lost by the bookbinder, and I have not yet been

able to get one to replace it. I shall continue to try. The Memoires sur

les droits et impositions en Europe, (cited by Smith,) was a scarce and

excessively dear book. They are now reprinting it. I think it will be in

three or four quartos, of from nine to twelve livres a volume. When it is

finished, I shall take a copy for you. Amelot's travels into China, I can

learn nothing of. I put among the books sent you two somewhat voluminous,

and the object of which will need explanation; these are the Tableau

de Paris and L'espion Anglois. The former is truly a picture of private

manners in Paris, but presented on the dark side, and a little darkened

moreover. But there is so much truth in its ground-work, that it will

be well worth your reading. You will then know Paris (and probably the

other large cities of Europe) as well as if you had been there for years.

L'espion Anglois is no caricature. It will give you a just idea of the

wheels by which the machine of government is worked here. There are in

it also many interesting details of the last war, which, in general, may

be relied on. It may be considered as the small history of great events.

I am in hopes, when you shall have read them, you will not think I have

misspent your money for them. My method for making out this assortment

was, to revise the list of my own purchases since the invoice of 1785,

and to select such as I had found worth your having. Besides this, I have

casually met with and purchased some few curious and cheap things.

I must trouble you on behalf of a Mr. Thomas Burke, at Loughburke, near

Loughrea, in Ireland, whose brother, James Burke, is supposed to have

died in 1785, on his passage from Jamaica, or St. Eustatius to New York.

His property on board the vessel is understood to have come to the hands

of alderman Groom at New York. The enclosed copy of a letter to him, will

more fully explain it. A particular friend of mine here applies to me for

information, which I must ask the favor of you to procure, and forward to

me.

Writing news to others, much pressed in time, and making this letter

one of private business, I did not intend to have said anything to you

on political subjects. But I must press one subject. Mr. Adams informs

me he has borrowed money in Holland, which, if confirmed by Congress,

will enable them to pay, not only the interest due here to the foreign

officers, but the principal. Let me beseech you to reflect on the

expediency of transferring this debt to Holland. All our other debts in

Europe do not injure our reputation so much as this. These gentlemen have

connections both in and out of office, and these again their connections,

so that our default on this article is further known, more blamed, and

excites worst dispositions against us, than you can conceive. If you

think as I do, pray try to procure an order for paying off their capital.

Mr. Adams adds, that if any certain tax is provided for the payment of

interest, Congress may borrow enough in Holland to pay off their whole

debts in France, both public and private, to the crown, to the Farmers,

and to Beaumarchais. Surely it will be better to transfer these debts

to Holland. So critical is the state of that country, that I imagine the

moneyed men of it would be glad to place their money in foreign countries,

and that Mr. Adams could borrow there for us, without a certain tax for

the interest, and saving our faith too, by previous explanations on that

subject. This country is really supposed on the eve of a * * * * Such

a spirit has risen within a few weeks, as could not have been believed.

They see the great deficit in their revenues, and the hopes of economy

lessen daily. The parliament refuse to register any act for a new tax,

and require an Assembly of the States. The object of this Assembly

is evidently to give law to the King, to fix a constitution, to limit

expenses. These views are said to gain upon the nation.[E]

* * * * *

A final decision of some sort should be made on Beaumarchais' affairs.

I am, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem, dear Sir, your friend

and servant.

[E] [The parts of this letter marked by asterisks, are in cypher,

and unintelligible.]

TO THOMAS BARCLAY.

PARIS, August 3, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--I am now to acknowledge the receipt of your several favors of

June the 29th, and July the 6th and 8th.

I am of opinion that the affair of Geraud and Roland in Holland had

better be committed to Mr. Dumas in Holland, as lawsuits must be always

attended to by some person on the spot. For the same reason, I think that

of La Vayse and Puchilberg should be managed by the agent at L'Orient,

and Gruel's by the agent at Nantes. I shall always be ready to assist

the agents of L'Orient and Nantes in any way in my power; but were the

details to be left to me, they would languish necessarily, on account of

my distance from the place, and perhaps suffer too, for want of verbal

consultations with the lawyers entrusted with them. You are now with

Congress, and can take their orders on the subject. I shall, therefore,

do nothing in these matters, in reliance that you will put them into

such channel as they direct, furnishing the necessary documents and

explanations.

* * * * *

With respect to the French affair, being perfectly satisfied myself, I

have not ceased, nor shall I cease, endeavoring to satisfy others, that

your conduct has been that of an honest and honorable debtor, and theirs

the counterpart of Shylock in the play. I enclose you a letter containing

my testimony on your general conduct, which I have written to relieve a

debt of justice pressing on my mind, well knowing, at the same time, you

will not stand in need of it in America. Your conduct is too well known to

Congress, your character to all the world, to need any testimonials.

The moment I close my despatches for the packet, which will be the

9th instant, I shall, with great pleasure, go to pay my respects to

Mrs. Barclay at St. Germains, to satisfy her on the subject of your

transactions, and to assure her that my resources shall be hers, as long

as I have any. A multitude of letters to write, prevents my entering into

the field of public news, further than to observe, that it is extremely

doubtful whether the affairs of Holland will, or will not produce a war

between France, on one side, and England and Prussia, on the other.

I beg you to accept assurances of the sincere esteem and respect with

which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO MR. BARCLAY.

PARIS, August 3, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--As you have acted since my arrival in France, in the characters

of Consul-General for that country, and Minister to the Court of Morocco,

and also as agent in some particular transactions for the State of

Virginia, I think it is a duty to yourself, to truth, and to justice,

on your departure for America, to declare that, in all these characters,

as far as has come within my notice, you have acted with judgment, with

attention, with integrity and honor. I beg you to accept this feeble

tribute to truth, and assurances of sincere attachment and friendship

from, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY EDWARD RANDOLPH.

PARIS, August 3, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--A journey into the southern parts of France, and northern of

Italy, has prevented my sooner acknowledging the receipt of your private

favors of July 12th, 1786, and January 28 and May 3, 1787. I am anxious

to hear what you have done in your federal convention. I am in hopes at

least you will persuade the States to commit their commercial arrangements

to Congress, and to enable them to pay their debts, interest and capital.

The coercive powers supposed to be wanting in the federal head, I am of

opinion they possess by the law of nature, which authorizes one party to

an agreement to compel the other to performance. A delinquent State makes

itself a party against the rest of the confederacy.

We have at present two fires kindled in Europe; 1, in Brabant. The

Emperor, the moment of his return to Vienna, disavowed the concessions

which had been made by his governors to quiet the Brabantines. They

prepared, therefore, for regular resistance. But as the emperor had,

at the same time, called for deputies to be sent to Vienna to consult

on their affairs, they have sent them, but without power to conclude

anything, and in the meantime they go on arming. The enterprising,

unpersevering, capricious, Thrasonic character of their Sovereign renders

it probable he will avail himself of this little condescendence in the

Brabantines to recede from all his innovations. 2. The Dutch are every now

and then cutting one another's throats. The party of the Stadtholder is

strongest within the confederacy, and is gaining ground. He has a majority

in the States General, and a strong party in the States of Holland. His

want of money is supplied by his cousin George. England and Prussia abet

his usurpations, and France the patriotic party. Were England and France

in a condition to go to war, there is no question but they would have been

at it before now. But their insuperable poverty renders it probable they

will compel a suspension of hostilities, and either arrange and force a

settlement on the Dutch, or if they cannot agree themselves on this, they

will try to protract things by negotiation. Can I be useful to you here in

anything in the purchase of books, of wines, of fruits, of modes for Mrs.

Randolph, or anything else? As to books, they are cheaper here than in

England, excepting those in Latin, Greek, or English. As to wines, I have

the best Vignerons of Bordeaux, Burgundy and Frontignan. Genuine wines can

never be had but of the Vigneron. The best of Bordeaux cost three livres

the bottle, but good may be bought for two. Command me freely, assured

that I shall serve you cheerfully, and that I am with respects to Mrs.

Randolph and attachment to yourself, dear Sir, your most obedient, and

most humble servant.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.

PARIS, August 3, 1787.

SIR,--I am to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency's letters of

January 28th, and May 4th, which have come to hand since the date of mine

of February 7th. Immediately on the receipt of the former I caused enquiry

to be made relative to the bayonets, and found that they had certainly

been packed with the muskets. Your Excellency's favor of May 4th renders

unnecessary the sending the proofs. There have been shipped in the whole

from Bordeaux 3,400 stand of arms, and from Havre 3,406 cartouch boxes,

which I hope have come safely to hand. Besides these there has been a

shipment from Bordeaux of powder, &c., made by Mr. Barclay. This was but

the half of what was intended, and of what Mr. Barclay had contracted

for. But his bill on Mr. Grand was protested on a misconception of Mr.

Grand's, who, by a mixture of your account with that of the United States,

had supposed he had but about 12,000 livres of your money in his hands. I

was absent on a journey, and happened in the course of that to meet with

Mr. Barclay at Bordeaux, and we concluded to send you half the quantity.

Since my return, I have not been able to have your account exactly settled

so as to render it now; but am able to say in general and with certainty,

that everything sent you has been paid, and that after paying Houdon 3,000

livres for the second bust of the Marquis de La Fayette now nearly ready

to be sent off for you, and 10,000 livres the second payment due towards

General Washington's statue, there will remain enough in Mr. Grand's

hands to pay for a quantity of powder, &c., equal to that sent you by Mr.

Barclay from Bordeaux, which shall accordingly be done. This balance on

hand includes 5,300 livres paid by Mr. Littlepage, which, though he has

sent us a bill for, six or eight months ago, we had refused to receive

till the arrival of your Excellency's letter informing me it had not been

paid in America; it was therefore applied for and received by Mr. Grand

a few days ago. Mr. Barclay drew on me for the balance of his account

with the State of Virginia, 2,370 livres, which I paid; besides these

he afterwards discovered an omission of 108l. 8s. in his account, which

I pay also, so as to leave your account with him balanced. There is,

however, the articles of expenses for young Mercier, which he has neither

entered in your account, nor charged to me in my private account. It yet

remains due to him, therefore, and I shall pay it to him if he applies

to me. I should have called for it, but that he was gone to America

before I discovered the omission. Should the State have further occasion

for arms, your Excellency will be able to judge, combining quality and

price, whether those of Liege or of France are to be preferred. I shall

with cheerfulness obey your future orders on this or any other account,

and have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and

respect, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.

P. S. The original of the report on the inauguration of the bust of the

Marquis de La Fayette accompanies this.

TO WILLIAM HAY.

PARIS, August 4, 1787.

SIR,--I am now to acknowledge the receipt of your two favors of April 26,

and May 3. I have forwarded, by a vessel lately sailed from Havre to New

York, a box marked W. H., containing the livraisons of the Encyclopedie

subsequent to those Dr. Currie has delivered you, to the 22d inclusive.

They are sent to the care of Mr. Madison at Congress, who will forward the

box to you. There is in it, also, the same livraisons to Colonel Monroe.

I will continue to forward them once or twice a year, as they come out. I

have stated in a letter to Dr. Currie the cost and expenses of the first

twenty-two livraisons, to enable yourself and himself to settle. The

future shall be charged to you or him, as your agreement shall be. It is

really a most valuable work, and almost supplies the place of a library.

I receive from too many quarters the account of the distresses of my

countrymen to doubt their truth--distresses brought on themselves by

a feebleness of mind which calculates very illy its own happiness. It

is a miserable arithmetic which makes any single privation whatever so

painful as a total privation of everything which must necessarily follow

the living so far beyond our income. What is to extricate us I know

not, whether law, or loss of credit. If the sources of the former are

corrupted, so as to prevent justice, the latter must supply its place,

leave us possessed of our infamous gains, but prevent all future ones of

the same character.

Europe is in a moment of crisis. The innovations by their sovereign in

the Austrian Netherlands have produced in the people a determination to

resist. The Emperor, by disavowing the concessions made by his governors

to quiet the people, seemed to take up the gauntlet which they had thrown.

Yet it is rather probable he will recede, and all be hushed up there. The

Dutch parties are in a course of hostilities which it will be difficult to

suspend. A war would have been begun before this, between this country on

one side, and England and Prussia on the other, had the parties been in

a condition for war. Perhaps England might have raised supplies, but it

would be on a certainty of being crushed under them. This country would

find greater difficulty. There is, however, a difference in her favor

which might reduce her on a level with England: that is, that it would be

a popular war here, and an unpopular one in England. Probably the weakness

of the two countries will induce them to join in compelling a suspension

of hostilities, and to make an arrangement for them, or if they cannot

agree in that, they will spin the matter into length by negotiation.

In fact, though both parties are arming, I do not expect any speedy

commencement of hostilities. I am, with very great respect and esteem,

Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO DR. RAMSAY.

PARIS, August 4, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of November

8 and April 7, and the pleasure to inform you that the translation of

your book sells well, and is universally approved. Froulle will send

you some copies of it, by the first opportunity. I am happy to hear you

are occupied on the general history. It is a subject worthy your pen.

I observe Stockdale in London has printed your work and advertised it

for sale. Since I wrote to you on the subject of rice, I have had an

opportunity of examining the rice-fields of Lombardy, and having committed

my observations to writing, in a letter to Mr. Drayton, as President of

the Agricultural Society, I will take the liberty of referring you to that

letter, in which probably there is little new to your countrymen, though

all was new to me. However, if there be a little new and useful, it will

be my reward. I have been pressing on the merchants here the expediency

of enticing the rice-trade to Bordeaux and Honfleur. At length, I have

received the enclosed propositions. They are a firm and very solid house.

I wish they may produce the effect desired. I have enclosed a copy to

Mr. Izard, but forgot to mention to him, on the subject of white plains

and hoes (particularly named in his letter to me), that this house will

begin by furnishing them from England, which they think they can do as

cheap as you can receive them directly from England. The allowance made

to wholesale purchasers will countervail the double voyage. They hope

that after a while they can have them imitated here. Will you be so good

as to mention this to Mr. Izard? I fear that my zeal will make me expose

myself to ridicule in this business, for I am no merchant, and still less

knowing in the culture of rice. But this risk becomes a duty by the bare

possibility of doing good. You mention in your letter, your instalment

law as needing apology. I have never heard the payment by instalment

complained of in Europe. On the contrary, in the conferences Mr. Adams

and myself had with merchants in London, they admitted the necessity of

them. It is only necessary that the terms be faithfully observed, and the

payments be in real money. I am sensible that there are defects in our

federal government, yet they are so much lighter than those of monarchies,

that I view them with much indulgence. I rely, too, on the good sense of

the people for remedy, whereas the evils of monarchical government are

beyond remedy. If any of our countrymen wish for a King, give them Æsop's

fable of the frogs who asked a King; if this does not cure them, send them

to Europe. They will go back good republicans. Whether we shall have war

or not, is still doubtful. I conclude we shall not, from the inability

of both France and England to undertake a war. But our friend George

is rather remarkable for doing exactly what he ought not to do. He may,

therefore, force on a war in favor of his cousin of Holland. I am, with

very great esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO E. CARRINGTON.

PARIS, August 4, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--Since mine of the 16th of January, I have been honored by your

favors of April the 24th and June the 9th. I am happy to find that the

States have come so generally into the schemes of the federal convention,

from which, I am sure, we shall see wise propositions. I confess, I do not

go as far in the reforms thought necessary, as some of my correspondents

in America; but if the convention should adopt such propositions, I shall

suppose them necessary. My general plan would be, to make the States

one as to everything connected with foreign nations, and several as to

everything purely domestic. But with all the imperfections of our present

government, it is without comparison the best existing, or that ever

did exist. Its greatest defect is the imperfect manner in which matters

of commerce have been provided for. It has been so often said, as to be

generally believed, that Congress have no power by the Confederation

to enforce anything; for example, contributions of money. It was not

necessary to give them that power expressly; they have it by the law of

nature. When two parties make a compact, there results to each a power of

compelling the other to execute it. Compulsion was never so easy as in our

case, where a single frigate would soon levy on the commerce of any State

the deficiency of its contributions; nor more safe than in the hands of

Congress, which has always shown that it would wait, as it ought to do,

to the last extremities, before it would execute any of its powers which

are disagreeable. I think it very material, to separate, in the hands of

Congress, the executive and legislative powers, as the judiciary already

are, in some degree. This, I hope, will be done. The want of it has been

the source of more evil than we have experienced from any other cause.

Nothing is so embarrassing nor so mischievous, in a great assembly, as the

details of execution. The smallest trifle of that kind occupies as long

as the most important act of legislation, and takes place of everything

else. Let any man recollect, or look over, the files of Congress; he will

observe the most important propositions hanging over, from week to week,

and month to month, till the occasions have passed them, and the things

never done. I have ever viewed the executive details as the greatest cause

of evil to us, because they in fact place us as if we had no federal head,

by diverting the attention of that head from great to small objects; and

should this division of power not be recommended by the convention, it is

my opinion Congress should make it itself, by establishing an executive

committee.

* * * * *

I have the honor to be, with sincere esteem and respect, dear Sir, your

most obedient, most humble servant.

TO DR. CURRIE.

PARIS, August 4, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--I am favored with your letter of May the 2d, and most cordially

sympathise in your late immediate losses. It is a situation in which a

man needs the aid of all his wisdom and philosophy. But as it is better

to turn from the contemplation of our misfortunes to the resources we

possess of extricating ourselves, you will, of course, have found solace

in your vigor of mind, health of body, talents, habits of business, in

the consideration that you have time yet to retrieve everything, and a

knowledge that the very activity necessary for this, is a state of greater

happiness than the unoccupied one, to which you had a thought of retiring.

I wish the bulk of my extravagant countrymen had as good prospects and

resources as you. But with many of them, a feebleness of mind makes them

afraid to probe the true state of their affairs, and procrastinate the

reformation which alone can save something, to those who may yet be saved.

How happy a people were we during the war, from the single circumstance

that we could not run in debt! This counteracted all the inconveniences

we felt, as the present facility of ruining ourselves overweighs all the

blessings of peace. I know no condition happier than that of a Virginia

farmer might be, conducting himself as he did during the war. His estate

supplies a good table, clothes himself and his family with their ordinary

apparel, furnishes a small surplus to buy salt, sugar, coffee, and a

little finery for his wife and daughters, enables him to receive and to

visit his friends, and furnishes him pleasing and healthy occupation. To

secure all this, he needs but one act of self-denial, to put off buying

anything till he has the money to pay for it. Mr. Ammonett did not come.

He wrote to me, however, and I am making inquiry for the town and family

he indicated. As yet, neither can be heard of, and were they to be found,

the length of time would probably bar all claims against them. I have seen

no object present so many desperate faces. However, if inquiry can lighten

our way, that shall not be wanting, and I will write to him as soon as

we discover anything, or despair of discovering. Littlepage has succeeded

well in Poland. He has some office, it is said, worth five hundred guineas

a year. The box of seeds you were so kind as to forward me came safe to

hand. The arrival of my daughter, in good health, has been a source of

immense comfort to me. The injury of which you had heard, was a dislocated

wrist, and though it happened eleven months ago, was a simple dislocation,

and immediately aided by the best surgeon in Paris, it is neither well,

nor ever will be, so as to render me much service. The fingers remain

swelled and crooked, the hand withered, and the joint having a very

confined motion. You ask me when I shall return? My commission expires

next spring, and if not renewed, I shall return then. If renewed, I shall

stay somewhat longer; how much, will not depend on me altogether. So far

as it does, I cannot fix the epoch of my return, though I always flatter

myself it is not very distant. My habits are formed to those of my own

country. I am past the time of changing them, and am, therefore, less

happy anywhere else than there.

I shall always be happy to hear from you, being with very sincere esteem,

dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO MR. HAWKINS.

PARIS, August 4, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of March the

8th and June the 9th, and to give you many thanks for the trouble you have

taken with the dionæa muscipula. I have not yet heard anything of them,

which makes me fear they have perished by the way. I believe the most

effectual means of conveying them hither, will be by the seed. I must add

my thanks, too, for the vocabularies. This is an object I mean to pursue,

as I am persuaded that the only method of investigating the filiation of

the Indian nations is by that of their languages.

I look up with you to the federal convention for an amendment of our

federal affairs. Yet I do not view them in so disadvantageous a light

at present, as some do. And above all things, I am astonished at some

people's considering a kingly government as a refuge. Advise such to read

the fable of the frogs who solicited Jupiter for a king. If that does not

put them to rights, send them to Europe, to see something of the trappings

of monarchy, and I will undertake that every man shall go back thoroughly

cured. If all the evils which can arise among us, from the republican form

of government, from this day to the day of judgment, could be put into

a scale against what this country suffers from its monarchical form in a

week, or England in a month, the latter would preponderate. Consider the

contents of the Red book in England, or the Almanac royale of France, and

say what a people gain by monarchy. No race of kings has ever presented

above one man of common sense in twenty generations. The best they can

do is, to leave things to their ministers; and what are their ministers,

but a committee, badly chosen? If the king ever meddles, it is to do

harm. Adieu, my dear Sir, and be assured of the esteem of your friend and

servant.

TO COLONEL MONROE.

PARIS, August 5, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--A journey of between three and four months, into the southern

parts of France and northern of Italy, has prevented my writing to you.

In the meantime, you have changed your ground, and engaged in different

occupations, so that I know not whether the news of this side the water

will even amuse you. However, it is all I have for you. The storm which

seemed to be raised suddenly in Brabant, will probably blow over. The

Emperor, on his return to Vienna, pretended to revoke all the concessions

which had been made by his Governors General, to his Brabantine subjects;

but he, at the same time, called for deputies from among them to consult

with. He will use their agency to draw himself out of the scrape, and

all there, I think, will be quieted. Hostilities go on occasionally in

Holland. France espouses the cause of the Patriots, as you know, and

England and Prussia that of the Stadtholder. France and England are both

unwilling to bring on a war, but a hasty move of the King of Prussia will

perplex them. He has thought the stopping his sister sufficient cause

for sacrificing a hundred or two thousand of his subjects, and as many

Hollanders and French. He has therefore ordered twenty thousand men to

march, without consulting England, or even his own ministers. He may thus

drag England into a war, and of course this country, against their will.

But it is certain they will do everything they can to prevent it; and that

in this at least they agree. Though such a war might be gainful to us,

yet it is much to be deprecated by us at this time. In all probability,

France would be unequal to such a war by sea and by land, and it is

not our interest, or even safe for us, that she should be weakened. The

great improvements in their constitution, effected by the Assemblée des

Notables, you are apprized of. That of partitioning the country into a

number of subordinate governments, under the administration of Provincial

Assemblies, chosen by the people, is a capital one. But to the delirium of

joy which these improvements gave the nation, a strange reverse of temper

has suddenly succeeded. The deficiencies of their revenue were exposed,

and they were frightful. Yet there was an appearance of intention to

economise, and reduce the expenses of government. But expenses are still

very inconsiderately incurred, and all reformation in that point despaired

of. The public credit is affected; and such a spirit of discontent has

arisen, as has never been seen. The parliament refused to register the

edict for a stamp tax, or any other tax, and call for the States General,

who alone, they say, can impose a new tax. They speak with a boldness

unexampled. The King has called them to Versailles to-morrow, where

he will hold a _lit de justice_, and compel them to register the tax.

How the chapter will finish, we must wait to see. By a vessel lately

sailed from Havre to New York, I have sent you some more livraisons of

the Encyclopedie, down to the 22d inclusive. They were in a box with

Dr. Currie's, and addressed to Mr. Madison, who will forward them to

Richmond. I have heard you are in the Assembly. I will beg the favor of

you, therefore, to give me, at the close of the session, a history of the

most remarkable acts passed, the parties and views of the House, &c. This,

with the small news of my country, crops and prices, will furnish you

abundant matter to treat me, while I have nothing to give you in return,

but the history of the follies of nations in their dotage. Present me

in respectful and friendly terms to Mrs. Monroe, and be assured of the

sincere sentiments of esteem and attachment with which I am, dear Sir,

your friend and servant.

TO THE HONORABLE COMMISSIONERS OF THE TREASURY.

PARIS, August 5, 1787.